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《太平两同书》

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Taixuan 太玄部 1 volumes 10,067 characters

About this page. The original text of 《太平两同书》 (Taixuan 太玄部, 1 volume) is shown in Classical Chinese as transmitted in the Godners/DaoZang edition. An English interpretation of the 12 passages on this page accompanies it: select a passage or press “Interpretation” to show it. All texts in English

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Vol. 1

太平两同书 > 经名:太平两同书,收录于《中华道藏》诸子文集。 目录 卷上 贵贱第一强弱第二 损益第三敬慢第四 厚薄第五 卷下 理乱第六得失第七 真伪第八同异第九 爱憎第十 太平两同书卷上 贵贱第一
Interpretation

The upper volume of the Taiping Liangtong Shu (Book of Great Peace on the Sameness of Opposites) is divided into five essays: the first discusses nobility and baseness, the second strength and weakness, the third decrease and increase, the fourth respect and contempt, and the fifth generosity and meanness. The lower volume is divided into five essays: the sixth discusses order and disorder, the seventh gain and loss, the eighth the genuine and the false, the ninth sameness and difference, and the tenth love and hatred.

Upper volume, first essay: Nobility and Baseness.

夫一气所化,阳尊而阴卑。三才肇分,天高而地下。龟龙为鳞介之长,麟凤处羽毛之宗,金玉乃土石之标,芝松则卉木之秀。此乃贵贱之理,着之於自然也。龟龙有神灵之别,麟凤有仁爱之异,金玉有鉴润之奇,芝松有贞秀之姿,是皆性禀殊致,为众物之所重也。然则万物之中,唯人为贵。人不自理,必有所尊,亦以明圣之才而居亿兆之上也。金玉有鉴润之奇,芝松有贞秀之姿,是皆性禀殊致,为众物之所重也。然则万物之中,唯人为贵。人不自理,必有所尊,亦以明圣之才而居亿兆之上也。是故时之所贤者则贵之,以为君长;才不应代者则贱之,以为黎庶。然处君长之位非不贵矣,虽莅力有余而无德可称,则其贵不足贵也;居黎庶之内非不‘贱矣,虽贫弱不足而有道可采,则其贱未为贱也。何以言之?昔者殷纣居九五之位,孔丘则鲁国之逐臣也;齐景有千驷之饶,伯夷则首阳之饿士也。此非不尊卑道阻,飞伏理殊,然而,孔丘则鲁国之逐臣也;齐景有千驷之饶,伯夷则首阳之饿士也。此非不尊卑道阻,飞伏理殊,然而百代人君竞慕丘夷之义,三尺童子羞闻纣景之名。是以贵贱之途未可以穷达论也。故夫人主所以称尊者,以其有德也。苟无其德,则何以异於万物乎。是故明君者纳陛斡虑,吁食兴怀,劳十起而无疲,听八音而受谏,盖有由矣。且崆峒高卧,黄轩致顺风之请;颖水幽居,帝尧发时雨之让。夫以鳏夫独善之操,犹降万乘之尊,况天子厚载之恩而为百姓所薄者哉。盖不患无位而患德之不修也,不忧其贱而忧道之不笃也。《易》曰:圣人之大宝曰位。何以守位。曰仁。苟无其仁,亦何能守位乎。是以古之人君乾乾而夕惕,岂徒为名而已哉。实恐坠圣人之大宝,辱先王之余庆也。故贵者荣也,非有道而不能居;贱者辱也,虽有力而.不能避也。苟以修德不求其之大宝,辱先王之余庆也。故贵者荣也,非有道而不能居;贱者辱也,虽有力而.不能避也。苟以修德不求其贵而贵自求之,苟以不仁欲离其贱而贱不离之。故昔虞舜处於侧陋非不微矣,而鼎祚肇建,终有揖让之美;夏桀亲御神器非不盛矣,而万姓莫辅,竟罹放逐之辱;古公避贱而迁居,岂求其贵也,行未报策,邑成岐下;胡亥笑尧禹之陋,岂乐其贱也,死不旋踵,地分灞上。夫以虞舜之微,非有谷帛之利以悦於众也;夏桀之盛,非无戈戟之防以御於敌也;古公之兴,非以一人之力自强於家国也;胡亥之灭夫以虞舜之微,非有谷帛之利以悦於众也;夏桀之盛,非无戈戟之防以御於敌也;古公之兴,非以一人之力自强於家国也;胡亥之灭,非以万乘之尊愿同於黔首也。贵者愈贱,贱者愈贵,求之者不得,得之者不求。岂皇天之有私,惟德佑之而已矣。故老氏曰:道尊德贵。其是之谓乎。
Interpretation

All things are generated and transformed from a single Qi (vital energy), and so Yang is regarded as noble while Yin is regarded as lowly. After the Three Powers—Heaven, Earth, and humanity—were set apart, Heaven stood above and Earth below. The tortoise and the dragon are the foremost among creatures of scale and shell; the qilin and the phoenix are the outstanding among birds and beasts. Gold and jade are the treasures among earth and stone; the lingzhi and the pine are the exceptional among grasses and trees. These distinctions of nobility and lowliness are already manifest in nature itself. Tortoises and dragons possess numinous qualities; the qilin and the phoenix have a benevolent character; gold and jade are clear, luminous, and richly lustrous; the lingzhi and the pine are steadfast and gracefully fine. Their inborn natures differ, and for this reason they are prized by the myriad things.

Yet among the myriad things, the human being is the most noble. If people cannot govern themselves, they must have someone to honor. They honor those of clear insight and sagely De (Virtue/Power) because such persons have ability and can stand above the countless multitude. Thus, whomever the world regards as worthy and capable, it honors as ruler; those whose talents do not suit the times remain among the common people. But one who occupies the ruler’s place, though the station is exalted and the power great, cannot be counted truly noble if there is no De worthy of praise. One who stands among the common people, though poor and weak, cannot on that account be counted base if there is a commendable adherence to the Dao (the Way) and to righteousness.

Why is this so? In former times King Zhou of Yin occupied the sovereign throne, while Kong Qiu (Confucius) was a minister rejected in the state of Lu. Duke Jing of Qi possessed the wealth of a thousand chariots, while Boyi lived in seclusion on Mount Shouyang, enduring hunger in order to keep his integrity. The height or lowness of their stations, and whether their circumstances were eminent or frustrated, of course differed greatly. Yet rulers of later ages all admired the conduct of Kong Qiu and Boyi, and even a child three feet tall was ashamed to hear the names of King Zhou and Duke Jing of Qi. Nobility and baseness, therefore, cannot be judged solely by a person’s success or disappointment.

A ruler is respected because of De. Without De, how does a ruler differ from the rest of the myriad things? A worthy and enlightened ruler is therefore diligent in planning the affairs of government, cares whether the people have food and clothing, toils again and again without growing slack, and is glad to hear remonstrance. These practices have their reasons. In ancient times the Yellow Emperor, Xuanyuan, went to Mount Kongtong to seek instruction from Guangchengzi. Emperor Yao likewise went to the banks of the Ying River to visit the recluse Xu You and, because Xu You was unwilling to accept the imperial throne, yielded it. If even a hermit can move the Son of Heaven to set aside an exalted station, invite him with courtesy, and yield in humility, then the Son of Heaven, who bears a profound responsibility, ought all the more not to be lightly regarded by the people. What one should fear is not the lack of station, but the failure to cultivate De. One need not worry over a lowly status; one should worry that one’s hold on the Dao and on righteousness is not firm enough. The Yijing (Classic of Changes) says: “What the sage holds most precious is position.” How is position maintained? By benevolent De. Without benevolent De, how can it be maintained?

The rulers of antiquity were therefore diligent day and night and vigilant at every moment, not merely to win a reputation, but because they feared losing the position prized by the sage and bringing disgrace upon the blessings left by the former kings. Nobility is a glory; one without Dao and De cannot possess it for long. Baseness is a humiliation; even with strength, one may not be able to escape it. If one attends only to cultivating De and does not deliberately pursue nobility, nobility may instead arrive of itself. If one lacks benevolent De and wishes to cast off lowliness, lowliness may not depart.

In former times Shun lived in poverty and obscurity, yet he founded an imperial inheritance and in the end left a fair name by yielding the throne. Jie of Xia held royal power in his own hands, and his might and prestige were resplendent, yet he did not win the support of the people and in the end was driven into exile. Gugong Danfu moved his residence to avoid the incursions of the Rong and the Di; he did not do so in order to seek nobility, yet later the settlement of Zhou arose in the region of Mount Qi. Huhai, the Second Emperor of Qin, mocked Yao and Yu for the simplicity of their lives; he was not willing to accept a base lot, yet he soon met ruin, and the lands of Qin were partitioned.

Shun’s station was lowly, yet he did not buy people’s hearts with wealth. Jie of Xia, though powerful, was not without arms for defense. Gugong Danfu accomplished his work not by forcibly dominating the state through his own strength alone. Huhai’s downfall did not come because he willingly placed himself on equal footing with the common people. The noble may grow ever more lowly, and the lowly may grow ever more noble. Those who deliberately pursue nobility do not necessarily obtain it, while those who obtain nobility have often not deliberately pursued it. Is Heaven partial to anyone? It is only that Heaven protects those who possess De. Laozi said, “The Dao is revered and De is prized.” What he spoke of is precisely this principle.

强弱第二 夫强不自强,因弱以奉强;弱不自弱,因强以御弱。故弱为强者所伏,强为弱者所宗,上下相制,自然之理也。然则所谓强者岂壮勇之谓邪,所谓弱者岂怯懦之谓邪。盖在乎有德,不在乎多力也。何以言之。夫金者,天下之至刚也;水者,天下之至柔也。金虽刚矣,折之而不可以续;水虽柔矣,斩之而不可以断;则水柔能成其刚,金刚不辍其弱也。故晏婴之侏儒耳齐国之宰臣,甘罗之童子耳秦国之良相。侨如,大人也,鲁人桩其喉矣;长万,壮士也',宋华酝其肉矣。晏婴身短不过人金刚不辍其弱也。故晏婴之侏儒耳齐国之宰臣,甘罗之童子耳秦国之良相。侨如,大人也,鲁人桩其喉矣;长万,壮士也',宋华酝其肉矣。晏婴身短不过人,此非不懦矣;甘罗年未弱冠,此非不幼矣;侨如大可专车,此非不壮矣;长万力能抉革,此非不勇矣。然则侨如、长万智不足以全身,晏婴、甘罗谋可以制一国,岂非德力有异,强弱不同者欤。由是乾以健刚,终有亢极之悔;谦以卑下,能成光大之尊,则其致也。然夫所谓德者何唯慈唯仁矣,所谓力者何且暴且武耳。苟以仁慈,则天地所不违,鬼神将来舍,而况於迩乎。苟以暴武,则九族所离心,六亲所侧目,而尸於远乎。是故德者,兆庶之所赖也;力者,一夫之所来舍,而况於迩乎。苟以暴武,则九族所离心,六亲所侧目,而尸於远乎。是故德者,兆庶之所赖也;力者,一夫之所恃也。矜一夫之用,故不可得其强;乘兆庶之恩,故不可得其弱。是以纣能索铁,天下惧之如虎狼;尧不胜衣,天下亲之如父母。然虎狼虽使人惧之,岂言虎狼强於人耶。父母能令子亲之,岂可言父母弱於子耶。则强弱之理,固亦明矣。是以古之明君道济天下,知众心不可以力制,大名不可以暴成,故盛德以自修,柔仁以御下,用能不言而信洽,垂拱以化行,将乃八极归诚,四方重译,岂徒一邦从服,百姓与能而已哉。嗟乎。古之暴君骄酷天下,舍德而任力,忘己而责人信洽,垂拱以化行,将乃八极归诚,四方重译,岂徒一邦从服,百姓与能而已哉。嗟乎。古之暴君骄酷天下,舍德而任力,忘己而责人,壮可行舟不能自制其嗜欲,材堪举鼎不足自全其性灵,至令社稷为墟,宗庙无主,永为后代所笑,岂独当时之弱乎。悲夫。老氏曰:胜人者有力,自胜者强。其是之谓乎。
Interpretation

What is called strength is not merely being strong in oneself; one must also rely on the weak to bring that strength to completion. What is called weakness is not a matter of simply displaying weakness, but of drawing on the strong in order to hold the weak in check. Thus the weak are constrained by the strong, and the strong are in turn honored by the weak. High and low hold one another in check. This is the natural order of things.

But is the “strength” spoken of here a matter of a massive frame and fierce physical power? Is what is called “weakness” mere timidity and cowardice? The decisive point lies in whether one possesses De (Virtue/Power), not in the greatness or smallness of one’s strength. Metal is the hardest thing under Heaven, yet it cannot bear being broken; once broken, it cannot be joined again. Water is the softest thing under Heaven, yet it cannot be cut apart by a blade. Thus the pliancy of water can instead display firmness, while metal, though hard, is still not without its points of fragility.

Yan Ying was short of stature, yet he became prime minister of Qi. Gan Luo was still young, yet he became an able minister of Qin. Qiaoru was tall and large, yet a man of Lu pierced his throat. Changwan was a mighty warrior, yet he was killed by Hua Yuan of Song. Yan Ying did not reach the height of an ordinary person, and Gan Luo had not yet come of age, whereas Qiaoru was tall enough to drive a chariot and Changwan was strong enough to tear leather. Yet Qiaoru and Changwan lacked sufficient wisdom and could not preserve themselves, while Yan Ying and Gan Luo possessed strategic insight and were able to influence an entire state. Does this not show that De and physical force are different things, and that true strength and weakness therefore differ as well?

The Classic of Changes (Yijing) says that the Qian hexagram is firm and vigorous without cease; if it is carried to the extreme, there will in the end be the regret of arrogant excess. The Modesty hexagram stays below and keeps to a low place, yet it can accomplish a bright and honored undertaking. The difference lies precisely here. The De spoken of here is benevolence; what is called force is violence and armed might. If one treats others with benevolence, even Heaven and Earth will not oppose one, and ghosts and spirits will come to offer protection—how much more so the people close at hand? If one acts by violence, one’s kindred will grow disaffected, one’s own family will come to loathe one, and those from afar will be still less willing to give their allegiance.

Therefore De is what the people rely upon, while armed force is something that only a single person can depend on. Relying only on one’s own strength makes it difficult to become truly powerful; only by winning the support of the broad multitude of the people does one avoid falling into weakness. Thus King Zhou of Shang could draw an iron bow, yet all under Heaven feared him as they fear tigers and wolves. Emperor Yao was so frail that he seemed scarcely able to bear his own clothes, yet all under Heaven drew near to him as children draw near to their parents. If people fear tigers and wolves, can one therefore say that tigers and wolves are stronger than human beings? If children draw near to their parents, can one say that parents are weaker than their children? From this, the principle of strength and weakness becomes very clear.

The worthy and enlightened rulers of antiquity governed all under Heaven by Dao (the Way) and De. They understood that the hearts of the many cannot be controlled by armed force, and that lofty renown cannot be established by violence. They therefore cultivated De and governed their subjects with gentleness and benevolence. Thus, without many words, trust and harmony could be widely established; even as they sat calmly at ease, moral teaching could be carried into practice. In the end, distant regions gave their sincere allegiance, and people of foreign lands came, by stages and by roundabout ways, to present themselves at court. What was achieved was surely more than the submission of a single state and the devoted support of its people.

Alas, the tyrants of antiquity were arrogant and cruel. In governing all under Heaven they cast De aside and relied on armed force, making demands only of others while placing no restraint upon themselves. Their bodies were strong and robust, and they could even lift great objects, yet they could not control their own desires. Their abilities were outstanding, yet they could not preserve their own mind and nature. In the end they brought their states to ruin, left their ancestral temples without a master of the sacrifices, and were mocked by later ages forever. Was this merely that they happened, at the time, to occupy a position of weakness? It is truly lamentable.

Laozi said, “To surpass others is called having force; to be able to overcome oneself is called being strong.” What he spoke of is precisely this principle.

损益第三 夫万姓所赖在乎一人,一人所安资乎万姓,则万姓为天下之足,一人为天下之首也。然则万姓众矣,不能免涂炭之祸;一人尊矣,不能逃放戮之辱。岂失之於足,,一人为天下之首也。然则万姓众矣,不能免涂炭之祸;一人尊矣,不能逃放戮之辱。岂失之於足,实在於元首也。夫以水动萍移,风行草偃。处唐虞之代则比屋可封,居桀纣之朝则比屋可戮。夫天下者岂贤於彼而愚於此,易於上而难於下哉。盖人君有所损益也。然则益莫大於主俭,损莫大於君奢。奢俭之问,乃损益之本也。且夫曰月者,天下之至明也。然犹有不及之处尔。其俭主之理则天下无为,天下无为则万姓受其赐,其於日月亦已大矣。豺狼者,天下之至害也。然犹有不伤之所尔。其奢君之理则天下多事,天下多事则万姓受其毒,其於豺狼亦已甚矣。是故古先圣君务修俭德,土谐茅宇,梯衣康裘,舍难得之货,舍无用之器,薄赋敛,省播役,损一人之爱好,益万人之性命。故得天下欢娱,各悦其生矣。古先暴主志在奢淫,瑶台象林,锦衣玉食,购难得之货,断无用省播役,损一人之爱好,益万人之性命。故得天下欢娱,各悦其生矣。古先暴主志在奢淫,瑶台象林,锦衣玉食,购难得之货,断无用之器,厚赋敛,烦杨役,益一人之爱好,损万人之性命。故使天下困穷,不畏其死矣。夫死且不畏,岂可畏其乱乎。生且是悦,岂不悦其安乎。故人安者,天子所以得其安也;人乱者,天子所以罹其乱也。人主欲其己安而不念其人安,恐其人乱而不思其己乱,此不可谓其智也。且夫剖腹啖口不足谓其美也,温踵动心不足谓其劳也。夫心口所以存者,为其踵腹也。腹之且剖,岂异口之剖耶。踵之且温,岂异心之温也。故人主所以称至尊不足谓其劳也。夫心口所以存者,为其踵腹也。腹之且剖,岂异口之剖耶。踵之且温,岂异心之温也。故人主所以称至尊者,徒以有其人也。人且共益,则君孰与其损哉。人且共损,则君孰与其益哉。是故损己以益物者,物既益矣,而物亦益之。尧舜所以成其上圣,克保耆颐之寿也。益己以损物者,物既损矣,而物亦损之。癸辛所以陷其下愚,自取诛逐之败也。是则彼之自损者,岂非自益之道欤。此之自益者,岂非自损之道欤。损益之途,固亦明矣。嗟夫。性命者,至重之理也;爱好者,不急之事也。今我舍一身之不急,济万姓之至重,不言所利,广遂生成,永居南岳之安,常有北辰之政,则普天率土孰为我损乎。夫以嗜欲无厌,贪求莫止,士饥糟模,犬马余其粟肉,人衣皮毛,土木荣其锦讨,忠不虚丧实,舍利取危,根之政,则普天率土孰为我损乎。夫以嗜欲无厌,贪求莫止,士饥糟模,犬马余其粟肉,人衣皮毛,土木荣其锦讨,忠不虚丧实,舍利取危,根棘生於梗途,鲸说游於沸海,则九州四域孰为益乎。故老氏曰:天之道,损有余补不足。其是之谓欤。
Interpretation

The people of the realm depend on a single person to govern them, and that one person in turn depends on the people living in peace and security. The people are thus like the feet of the realm, and the ruler like its head. Though the people are numerous, they may still suffer the havoc of war and hardship; though the ruler’s station is lofty, he may still be banished or put to death. This is not because the people have gone wrong. The root of the trouble lies with the ruler.

When water flows, duckweed drifts along with it; when the wind passes, the grass bends and falls. In the age of Tang Yao and Yu Shun, every household among the people might receive commendation; under the reigns of Jie of Xia and Zhou of Shang, every household might meet with slaughter. Were the people wiser in the former age and more foolish in the latter? Or was high antiquity easy to govern and later times hard to govern? The crux is whether the ruler’s government gains or loses. Nothing benefits the realm more than a ruler’s thrift, and nothing harms it more than a ruler’s extravagance. Thrift and extravagance are precisely the root of success and failure in governing.

The sun and moon are the brightest things under heaven, yet there are still places their light does not reach. If the ruler is thrifty, the business of government can be simple and little burdensome, and the people benefit as a result; such benefit even surpasses the brightness of sun and moon. Wolves and jackals are the most harmful creatures under heaven, yet there are times when they do not injure anyone. If the ruler is extravagant, affairs throughout the realm grow tangled and the people suffer constant disturbance; such harm runs even deeper than that of wolves and jackals.

The sage rulers of antiquity therefore devoted themselves to cultivating a thrifty De (Virtue). They lived in plain dwellings, wore coarse cloth and ordinary furs, set aside rare treasures and useless objects, lightened taxes, and reduced corvée. They diminished their own pleasures and increased the people’s livelihood and their very lives, so that all under heaven rejoiced and each rested content in his way of living. The tyrants of antiquity, by contrast, gave themselves wholly to extravagance and license. They built splendid terraces, pavilions, and gardens, wore brocade and ate fine food, sought out rare treasures, and fashioned useless objects, while they made taxes heavier and levies of labor more frequent. They gratified their private tastes yet injured the lives of the myriad people, plunging the realm into hardship until the people no longer feared death. Once they do not fear death, how should they fear rising in disorder? The people wish to live and pass their days in peace; how could they fail to love stability?

Only when the people are secure can the ruler be secure; when the people fall into disorder, the ruler too suffers disorder. If a ruler wants only his own safety and pays no heed to whether the people are at ease, and fears only that the people will rebel without considering that he himself will meet disaster because of it, this cannot be called wisdom.

If one cuts open a person’s belly in order to satisfy hunger, one cannot call this a pleasure of the mouth and tongue. If one lets the heels freeze and the heart within start with fear, one cannot call this comfort for the heart. The heart and the mouth can be preserved only because the feet and the belly can rest secure. Once the belly is being cut open, how is injury to the mouth any different? Once the heels are freezing, how is cold in the heart any different? The ruler is honored as supreme only because the people of the realm uphold him together. If all the people benefit, with whom can the ruler share in loss? If all the people suffer loss, with whom can the ruler share in gain?

When the ruler sacrifices his own advantage in order to benefit the people, the people, once they have benefited, in turn come to the ruler’s aid. Yao and Shun thereby became the most sagely of rulers and were able to enjoy long life in peace. When the ruler thinks only of increasing his own gain and harms the people, the people, once they have been harmed, in turn bring harm upon the ruler. Jie of Xia and Zhou of Shang thereby fell into folly and tyranny and in the end were slain or driven into exile. Seen in this light, is willingly accepting loss to oneself not the way to preserve oneself? Is seeking only one’s own advantage not the way to bring harm upon oneself? The principle of gain and loss is clear from the outset.

Alas, the lives of the people are what matter most; a ruler’s private tastes and pleasures are no urgent concern. If the ruler sets aside enjoyments he does not need in order to preserve the people’s all-important lives, spreads grace widely, and lets the myriad things and the people grow and flourish, then even while he occupies a station as secure as the Southern Marchmount, he can, like the Northern Asterism, hold the center and keep the host of stars each in its place. Under all of heaven, who would come to harm such a ruler?

If the ruler’s appetites are never satisfied and his greed knows no end; if he lets men of learning go hungry while feeding leftover grain and meat to dogs and horses; if the people’s clothes do not cover their bodies while brocade and embroidery adorn palaces, chambers, and towers; and if he lets loyal and upright men die in vain, abandoning what benefits the realm and choosing the path that invites disaster—then who, in any quarter of the realm, will come to his aid? Thorns will overgrow the roads, and great whales will swim in boiling seas. Such is the realm when tyranny plunges it into peril and disorder.

Thus the Laozi says, “The Dao (the Way) of Heaven is to diminish what has a surplus and to supplement what is insufficient.” This is precisely the principle at issue.

敬慢第四 远古之代,人心混沌,不殊於草木,取类於羽毛。后代圣人乃导之以礼乐,教之以仁义。然后君臣贵贱之制,坦然有章矣。然则礼之所先莫大乎敬,礼之所弊莫甚於慢。故以敬事天则神降,以敬理国则人和;以慢事天则神欺,以慢理国则人殆。下之不敬则不足以奉君,上之不敬则不足以御臣。是以地中有山,大易发谦尊之旨;海下於水,老氏着谷王之喻。相鼠有体,风诗刺其失仪;飞乌能言,古人记其无礼,则敬慢之问,美恶殊致。是故明主之於天下,大易发谦尊之旨;海下於水,老氏着谷王之喻。相鼠有体,风诗刺其失仪;飞乌能言,古人记其无礼,则敬慢之问,美恶殊致。是故明主之於天下也,设坛授将,侧席求贤,贲束帛於丘园,降安车於途巷,故得真龙就位,振鹭来庭,天下荣之,愿从其化也。昧主之於天下也,披裳接士,露发朝人,视贤良若草芥,比黎庶为豕畜,是以白驹投谷,飞鸿逝云,天下恶之,愿逃其耻也。然夫敬人者不必自贱,盖欲用其人也;慢人者不必增贵,适足怨其人也。何以言之。昔文侯轼干木之闻,昭王筑郭院之馆,故得群才必至,骏足攸归,何则,以敬之所致也。齐桓有葵丘之骄,汉祖轻过赵之骂,故有诸侯不附,大臣构述,何则,以慢之所致也。然夫向之所敬者,岂才必至,骏足攸归,何则,以敬之所致也。齐桓有葵丘之骄,汉祖轻过赵之骂,故有诸侯不附,大臣构述,何则,以慢之所致也。然夫向之所敬者,岂徒敬人而已哉。盖以自敬也。向之所慢者,岂徒慢人而已哉。盖以自慢也。故敬一人则千万人悦,慢一人则千万人怨;皆欲知好人之敬而不知行其所以敬,皆欲知恶人之慢而不知去其所以慢。此犹南望以求燕,北行以适越,诚有不可得也。且夫人主者,天下之表也,行书国策,言记史官。有一善,若庆云之浮辉,天下之所欣贺;有一恶,若朝曰之带蚀,天下之所伤嗟。不可类於匹夫,不慎其敬慢也。故人问田子方曰:富贵者骄人,贫贱者骄人乎。子方曰:诸下之所伤嗟。不可类於匹夫,不慎其敬慢也。故人问田子方曰:富贵者骄人,贫贱者骄人乎。子方曰:诸侯而骄人则失其国,大夫而骄人则失其家。贫贱者行不合道,言不合同,则去之。楚越若脱弊屐,奈何同之。是以虎豹坠谷顿为窜粉,蝼蚁随风无伤丝发,轻重之理不同年而语也。故周公,文王之子,握吐为劳;驭者,晏婴之仆,骄矜自若。岂非君子小人之道敬慢殊途者乎。夫尺蟆求伸亦因其屈,鸶乌将击必先以卑,以贵下贱大得人也。故老氏曰:后其身而身先。其是之谓欤。
Interpretation

In remote antiquity, the human heart still lay in an unopened state of primordial chaos, scarcely different from grass and trees, and what people did was much like the behavior of birds and beasts. Later, the sages guided people with rites and music and instructed them through humaneness and righteousness, and only then did the institutions distinguishing ruler from minister, and the noble from the humble, gradually become clear and distinct.

What matters most in ritual propriety is respect, while the fault most readily produced is arrogance. Thus, if one serves Heaven with reverence, the spirits will descend; if one governs the state in a spirit of respect, the people will live in harmony. If one slights Heaven, the spirits will no longer grant their protection; if one governs the state with contempt, the people will fall into peril. If those of lower station do not respect those above them, they cannot serve their ruler with wholehearted devotion; if those of higher station do not respect those below them, they likewise cannot properly lead their ministers and subordinates.

The Zhouyi (Book of Changes) uses the image of “a mountain within the earth” to clarify the principle of humility and respect for others. Laozi likens the rivers and seas, which lie below all other waters, to the “king of the valleys,” who dwells in a low place and receives every stream. The poem “Xiangshu” in the Shijing (Classic of Poetry) satirizes those who do not observe the rites, and the ancients also recorded the tale of a bird that could speak yet did not understand ritual propriety. All these examples show that the consequences of respect and of contempt—one good, one evil—are utterly different.

Therefore, when an enlightened ruler governs the world, he erects an altar to confer military command upon his generals, sets out an empty mat to invite worthy scholars, prepares gifts before recluses of the mountains and forests, and sends comfortable carriages into the lanes and alleys to welcome them. Thereupon, men of true ability are willing to take their places, worthy scholars come one after another to pay court, and the people of the world praise the ruler and willingly accept his moral instruction. A benighted ruler, by contrast, receives scholars in disheveled cap and robe and holds court with his hair unbound; he regards worthy and good men as no better than grass and trees, and treats the common people as pigs and dogs. Thereupon, worthy scholars hide away in the valleys like white horses and soar far off like wild geese; the people of the world detest him and would rather flee than endure his humiliation.

To respect others does not mean to belittle oneself; it is done in order to employ them. To treat others with contempt does not make oneself more exalted; it only invites their resentment. When Marquis Wen of Wei heard that Duan Ganmu (a worthy of the state of Wei) excelled in virtue and ability, he would lean upon the crossbar at the front of his carriage in salute whenever he passed Duan’s residence. King Zhao of Yan built guest lodges in order to attract men of worth. Talent thereupon gathered, and fine horses too found a place of belonging—such was the result of respecting the worthy. When Duke Huan of Qi grew proud and self-satisfied at the covenant assembly of Kuiqiu, and when Emperor Gaozu of Han slighted the local scholars as he passed through the region of Zhao, the feudal lords were unwilling to attach themselves in allegiance, and ministers attacked and denounced one another—such was the result of contempt.

To honor others is, on the surface, to honor someone else, yet in fact it is also to respect oneself. To slight others is, on the surface, to look down on someone else, yet in fact it is also to cheapen oneself. Respect a single person, and many hearts will be gladly won over; slight a single person, and many hearts will grow resentful. Everyone wishes to obtain the benefits of respecting the worthy, yet is unwilling to practice the conduct of respecting the worthy; everyone knows that contempt for others invites resentment, yet is unwilling to abandon contemptuous behavior. This is like traveling south while hoping to reach the state of Yan, or traveling north while hoping to reach the state of Yue: one can never arrive.

The ruler is the model for all the people of the world. His actions are written into the policies of the state, and his words are recorded by the court historians. When he performs a single good deed, it is like colored clouds casting forth their radiance, and all under Heaven rejoice and celebrate; when he commits a single evil deed, it is like the morning sun suffering an eclipse, and all under Heaven sigh with regret. Therefore a ruler cannot conduct himself as an ordinary commoner might, heedless of respect and contempt; he must treat these matters with care.

Someone asked Tian Zifang, “The rich and noble may be arrogant—may the poor and humble be arrogant as well?” Tian Zifang replied, “If a feudal lord treats others with arrogance, he will lose his state; if a grand officer treats others with arrogance, he will lose his family. As for the poor and humble, if their conduct does not accord with what is right and their words do not accord with what is proper, people simply leave them. To such persons, even the lands of Chu and Yue are no more than a worn-out shoe to be cast aside; they may depart at any moment. The gravity of the two cases is not the same, and they cannot be placed on a par.” When tigers and leopards fall into a ravine, they are smashed to pieces; when ants are carried off by the wind, they suffer not the slightest harm. This shows precisely that people of different station and circumstance do not bear the same consequences.

The Duke of Zhou was the son of King Wen, yet he was diligent in receiving worthy scholars—so busy that, in the course of a single meal, he several times spat out the food in his mouth, and, while washing his hair, several times clutched his wet locks in order to go and greet a guest. Yan Ying’s charioteer, though only a servant, was self-satisfied and full of pride. Does this not show that the gentleman and the petty person differ in the way they treat others, and that respect and contempt each follow a path of their own?

The inchworm, if it wishes to extend its body, must first bend; the bird of prey, when it prepares to strike, must first lower itself. Only when those of high station treat those of lower station with humility can they win people’s hearts on a broad scale. Thus Laozi said, “Place yourself behind, and you will instead come to stand in front.” This is precisely the principle he meant.

厚薄第五 夫大德曰生,至贵唯命。故两臂重於四海,万物少於一身。虽禀精神於天地,托质气於父母,然亦因於所养以遂其天理也。且夫五 夫大德曰生,至贵唯命。故两臂重於四海,万物少於一身。虽禀精神於天地,托质气於父母,然亦因於所养以遂其天理也。且夫松桥者有凌云之操也,若壅之以粪壤,沃之以咸流,则不及崇朝已见其憔悴矣。冰雪者无逾时之坚也,若藏之於阴井,庇之於幽峰,则苟涉盛夏未闻其消解也。夫松相之性非不贞矣,终以速朽;冰雪之性非不液矣,竟以遐延。此二者岂天使之然哉。果以养之所致也。况夫人者异乎松相之永矣,养之失其所,则安可以不朽乎。岂徒冰雪之倏忽也,养之得其道,则安可以不延乎。故寿之有长短,由养之有厚薄也。悲夫。饮食男女者,人之大欲存焉。人皆莫不欲其自厚而不知其厚乎。岂徒冰雪之倏忽也,养之得其道,则安可以不延乎。故寿之有长短,由养之有厚薄也。悲夫。饮食男女者,人之大欲存焉。人皆莫不欲其自厚而不知其厚所以薄也,人皆莫不恶其为薄而不知薄之所以厚也。何以言之。昔信陵孝惠为纵长夜之娱,淫酒色之乐,极情肆志,此不自厚也。然卒逢夭折之痛,自陨於泉拢之下,是则为薄亦已甚矣。老氏、彭公修延年之方,遵火食之禁,拘魂制魄,此非不自薄矣。然克保长久之寿,自致於云霄之上,是则为厚亦已大矣。夫外物者,养生之具也。苟以养过其度,则亦为丧生之源也。是故火之所宜者膏也,木之所宜者水也。今以江湖之水清其尺蘗,斛庾之膏沃其皇烛,则必见苟以养过其度,则亦为丧生之源也。是故火之所宜者膏也,木之所宜者水也。今以江湖之水清其尺蘗,斛庾之膏沃其皇烛,则必见坏灭也。故性命之分,诚有限也;嗜欲之心,固无穷也。以有限之性命逐无穷之嗜欲,亦安可不困苦哉。是以易存饮食之节,礼诚男女之际,盖有由矣。且夫居九五之尊,此天下之至贵也。有亿兆之众,此天下之至富也。苟以养生之不存,则五藏四支犹非我有,而配身形之外安可有乎。夫美玉投蛙,明珠弹雀,舍所贵而求所贱,人即以为惑矣。今以至尊性命之重而自轻於嗜欲之下,岂得为不惑乎。是故土能浊河而不能浊海,风能拔树而不能拔山,嗜欲者适足以乱小人,不足以动君子。故鲁仲尼渴而遇盗泉之水,义而不饮,郑子公则染指以求羹;柳下惠与女子同寝,终不为乱,宋华父则危身以窃色;周公遗酒、诰之旨,殷纣沈湎而致亡,捷妤辞同辇之嫌,姜下惠与女子同寝,终不为乱,宋华父则危身以窃色;周公遗酒、诰之旨,殷纣沈湎而致亡,捷妤辞同辇之嫌,姜氏逊淫而无耻,岂非贞滥有异,厚薄不同者欤。夫神大用则竭,形大用则劳。神形俱困而求长生者,未之闻也。为人主者诚能内宝神气,外损嗜欲,念驰骋之诚,宗颐养之言,永保神仙之寿,常为圣明之主,岂不休哉。故老氏曰:外其身而身存。其是之谓乎!
Interpretation

The Great Dao (the Way) values life above all else, and nothing is more precious than a person’s life. The weight of one’s two arms therefore surpasses the four seas, and the worth of the myriad things cannot compare with a single human body. A person’s spirit (Shen) is endowed by Heaven and Earth, while the body takes form through one’s parents; yet if one is to accord with the principle given at birth, one must still rely on care after birth.

The pine by nature has a character that towers into the clouds. If its roots are choked with dung and soil and it is watered with brine, in less than a day it will appear withered. Ice and snow by nature cannot long withstand warmth. If they are stored in a cool well and sheltered among deep, secluded peaks, they will not easily melt even at the height of summer. It is not that the pine’s nature lacks steadfastness, and yet it quickly withers and decays; it is not that ice and snow are by nature hard to melt, and yet they can be preserved for a long time. Is this arranged by the will of Heaven? In truth, it comes of a difference in the manner of care.

Human beings differ from the pine and from ice and snow; life stands in still greater need of proper care. If care goes awry, how can one last? If care is rightly directed, how should one fail to lengthen one’s years? Thus whether a lifespan is long or short depends on whether care is good or poor. What is lamentable is that food and drink, and desire between men and women, are intense human cravings. Everyone wishes to live in comfort, yet does not realize that certain ways of seeming to treat oneself generously will instead harm life. Everyone detests a straitened existence, yet does not realize that restraining desire—seeming to practice a measure of self-denial—may instead allow life to be nurtured all the better.

In former times Lord Xinling and Emperor Xiaohui gave themselves over to revelry lasting through the night, sank into wine and sensual pleasure, and let their desires run free. This was not to treat their own lives well; in the end they met an early death and were buried in the grave, so the harm may be called extreme. Master Lao and Lord Peng practiced the methods of prolonging life, observed the prohibitions of diet, and restrained mind and spirit. This looked like restraint, yet in the end they were able to preserve long life, and were even said to have ascended into the clouds. From this one can see that such a course was, on the contrary, to treat life well.

External things are originally the instruments by which life is nurtured; if used to excess, they also become the source of harm to life. Fire is suited to being fed with oil and fat, and trees are suited to being watered; yet if one pours the waters of great rivers and lakes upon a small pile of kindling, or adds a great quantity of oil to a single candle, one will instead bring them to ruin. A person’s life is indeed limited, while the heart of craving has no end. To pursue endless desire with a limited life—how can one avoid falling into distress? Thus the Classic of Changes teaches that food and drink should be kept in moderation, and the rites also carefully regulate relations between men and women. Both are well founded.

To occupy an emperor’s throne is the most exalted station in the world; to possess hundreds of millions of subjects is the richest condition in the world. Yet if one does not attend to nurturing life, one cannot even preserve the five viscera and the four limbs—how then can one possess wealth and rank beyond the body? To cast fine jade at a frog, or to shoot a sparrow with a luminous pearl, is to abandon what is precious in pursuit of what is base, and people regard such conduct as muddled. Now to hold lightly one’s life, the most exalted and weightiest of things, and instead to submit to craving—is this not muddled as well?

Soil can make a river turbid, but it cannot make the sea turbid; wind can blow down trees, but it cannot blow down a great mountain. Craving is enough to disorder the petty person, but not enough to shake the noble person. When Confucius (whose courtesy name was Zhongni) was thirsty and came upon the water of Robber Spring, he held to righteousness and would not drink; Zigong of Zheng, however, dipped a finger into the soup to taste it and took the occasion to demand the broth. Liu Xiahui spent a night in the same lodging as a woman and never lapsed into impropriety; Huafu of Song, by contrast, ran risks in order to seize a woman’s favors. The Duke of Zhou warned people not to abandon themselves to drink, while King Zhou of Yin lost his kingdom through drunkenness and the indulgence of desire. Lady Ban (a consort of Emperor Cheng of the Han), mindful of suspicion, refused to share a carriage with the emperor; Lady Jiang, however, gave free rein to lust and knew no shame. These examples show that holding to what is right and giving way to license are not the same, and that the nurturing of life likewise differs in being ample or meager.

When spirit is spent beyond measure, it is exhausted; when the body is toiled beyond measure, it grows weary. When spirit and body are both worn out, and one still hopes to attain long life, no such thing has ever been heard of. If a ruler can treasure spirit and primordial Qi (vital energy) within and lessen craving without, remember the harm of letting passion run unchecked, and follow the principle of nourishing body and mind, then the span of life can long be preserved and the ruler can continue as an enlightened sovereign. Would this not be excellent? Thus Laozi said, “Regard one’s own person lightly, and one can instead preserve it.” What he spoke of is precisely this.

太平两同书卷上 太平两同书卷下 理乱第六 夫家同之理乱在乎文武之道也。昔者圣人之造书契以通隐情,刻弓矢以威不伏,二者古今之所存焉。然则文以致理,武以定乱。文虽致理不必止其乱,武虽定乱不必适其理。故防乱在乎用人之造书契以通隐情,刻弓矢以威不伏,二者古今之所存焉。然则文以致理,武以定乱。文虽致理不必止其乱,武虽定乱不必适其理。故防乱在乎用武,劝理在乎用文,若手足之递使,舟车之更载也。是以汉祖矜功,陆贾谕以为学;鲁公赴会,仲尼请其设备,盖有由也。然夫文者,道之以德;德在乎内诚,不在乎夸饰者也。武者,示之以威;威在乎自全,不在乎强名也。苟以强名,则昊虽多利兵适足彰其败也。苟以夸饰,则鲁虽尽儒服不足救其弱也。是故始皇筑长城,修战伐,劳役不休,人不堪命,遂使陈涉之流坐乘其弊祸,起於强名也。王莽构灵台,兴礼乐,赋敛无度,人不聊生,遂使圣公之徒行收其利败,始於虚饰也。故始皇用武於天下也,若陶者之涎器,虽务欲求其大而不知薄者之所以反脆也。王莽用文於天下也,若匠者之断材,虽志在矜其妙而不知细者之所以速折也。二者皆於天下也,若陶者之涎器,虽务欲求其大而不知薄者之所以反脆也。王莽用文於天下也,若匠者之断材,虽志在矜其妙而不知细者之所以速折也。二者皆以理之终以为乱也,此未得其大体也。且夫文者示人有章,必存乎简易,简易则易从,将有耿且格;武者示人有备,必在乎恬淡,恬淡则自守,恒以逸而待劳。恒以逸而待劳,则攻战无不利;有耻且格,则教化无不行。化行而众和,战利而寇息,然后澄之以无事,濡之以至仁。此圣主所以得其理也。然二子不求之於内而索之於外,不抚之以性而纵之以情,烦文以黩下,暴武以困众,此不可得意於天下也。虽然犹有其弊,何者。昔伯益凿井,燧人钻木,水火之利于於内而索之於外,不抚之以性而纵之以情,烦文以黩下,暴武以困众,此不可得意於天下也。虽然犹有其弊,何者。昔伯益凿井,燧人钻木,水火之利于今赖之。然智伯因之以灌赵城,董卓因之以焚汉室,是乃为害亦以甚矣。然则文武者理国之利器也,而盗窃者亦何尝不以文武之道乱天下乎。故章那以军旅而分秦地,田常以仁义而篡齐国,则有理不能无其乱,唯人主之所制也。是故牧马者先去其害,驱羊者亟鞭其后。后之不鞭,羊之所失也;害之不去,马之所亡也。鲁不能去三家之害,国之所叛也;晋不能鞭六卿之后,地之所分也。苟亦不能,则虽有简易之文,恬淡之武,适足助其乱也,安可能鞭六卿之后,地之所分也。苟亦不能,则虽有简易之文,恬淡之武,适足助其乱也,安可得其理乎。故圣人不得文武之道不理贼,臣不得文武之道不乱非。文武有去就之私,盖人主失其柄也。故孔子曰:天下有道,礼乐征伐自天子出。其是之谓乎。
Interpretation

In governing a state, and in whether the world is brought to peace or falls into disorder, the crux lies in two methods: civil governance and military preparedness. The sages of antiquity created writing and contracts in order to convey intentions hidden in the heart, and made bows and arrows in order to overawe those unwilling to submit. Both measures have existed from ancient times to the present. Civil governance can bring order about; military preparedness can put calamity down. Yet to practice civil governance is not necessarily to stop calamity, and to resort to armed force is not necessarily to make the state accord with right principle. Preventing calamity therefore depends on military preparedness, while guiding people toward order depends on civil governance. The two take turns in their work like hands and feet, and bear loads in alternation like boats and ships and like carriages and horses.

When Emperor Gaozu of Han presumed upon his own achievements, Lu Jia urged him to study civil governance; when the ruler of Lu went to a covenant assembly, Confucius asked him to make military preparations beforehand. Both courses were well founded. Civil governance guides the people by De (Virtue/Power). What is precious in De is sincerity within the heart, not embellishment on the surface. Military preparedness displays awe-inspiring might. What is precious in that might is preserving oneself, not flaunting strength and seeking fame. If one merely flaunts strength, then even if the state of Wu possesses a great many fine weapons, it only exposes the signs of its own defeat. If one merely prizes outward display, then even if everyone in Lu wears Confucian robes, this cannot save the state from decline.

The First Emperor of Qin built the Great Wall and continually launched wars, so that the people toiled all year long and could hardly bear it. In the end Chen She and others, taking advantage of the failings of the Qin, rose in revolt. This calamity arose from flaunting strength and seeking fame. Wang Mang built the Numinous Terrace and promoted rites and music, yet levied taxes at will, so that the people had no way to live. In the end Shenggong and others seized the chance to profit and overthrew his regime. This collapse began in empty show. The First Emperor governed the world by martial means, like a potter who, in making a vessel, seeks only to make it large, and does not know that walls too thin break all the more easily. Wang Mang governed the world by civil means, like a carpenter who, in paring timber, cares only to display his skill, and does not know that wood cut too fine snaps readily. Both wished to govern the world and in the end produced chaos, because they never grasped the root.

If civil governance is to let the people see clear norms, the essential point is that it be simple and easy to carry out. When government orders are simple, the people follow them readily, come to understand integrity and shame, and return to the proper Dao (the Way). If military preparedness is to let others know that one is on guard, the essential point is quiet self-possession. Only by remaining quiet can one preserve oneself, and one then regularly meets fatigue with ease. Those who can meet fatigue with ease win readily in battle; when the people know shame and hold to what is right, moral transformation is easily put into practice. When that transformation is carried out, the multitude lives in harmony; when war meets with success, bandits and raiders cease. Only then does one settle the world by Wuwei (non-action) and nourish the people with profound humaneness and De. This is the method by which an enlightened ruler achieves governance.

Neither the First Emperor of Qin nor Wang Mang sought order from the inner root; they pursued results on the outside. They did not settle human nature, but gave free rein to passion and desire. They disturbed the people with cumbersome institutions and afflicted the multitude with violent force, and so they could not truly govern the world well. Even so, civil governance and military preparedness themselves still have their harms. Boyi dug wells, and Suiren drilled wood to obtain fire; the benefits of water and fire have served later ages ever since. Yet Zhi Bo once used water to flood the walled cities of Zhao, and Dong Zhuo once used fire to burn the house of Han. Water and fire are beneficial, and they can also cause very great harm. Civil governance and military preparedness are useful means of governing a state, and those who steal states often borrow them to throw the world into disorder.

Zhang Na relied on his armies to divide up the territory of Qin, and Tian Chang usurped the state of Qi in the name of humaneness and righteousness. Thus, even where the Dao of governance is present, calamity may still arise; the crux lies in how the ruler keeps control. One who herds horses first removes what is harmful; one who drives sheep must, in good time, whip on the sheep that lag. If the lagging sheep are not driven forward, the flock will scatter; if the harm upon the horse is not removed, the horse will be injured. Lu failed to remove the harm of the three ministerial houses, and the state therefore turned away; Jin failed to restrain the six high ministers in time, and its territory was therefore partitioned. If a ruler cannot do these things, then even simple civil governance and quiet military preparedness will only foster calamity—how could they achieve order?

An enlightened person, therefore, cannot fail to understand civil governance and military preparedness; otherwise there is no way to govern banditry and disorder. Ministers likewise cannot fail to understand these two methods; otherwise there is no way to set treachery and wickedness right. Civil governance and military preparedness are not themselves partial; the trouble is that the ruler has lost the handle of authority by which they are controlled. Confucius said, “When the Dao prevails in the world, rites, music, and punitive expeditions are all decided by the Son of Heaven.” What he said is precisely this principle.

得失第七 夫驹验骋远必以四足之力,鸾驽翔遐莫非六翮之用也。是以圣人抚运明主乘时,亦以杞梓之材而为股肱之任。然则地有山川,其险可见;天有冬夏,其时可知。至於凡人之心,杳然无所,素王以之不测,帝尧犹以为难将,欲用之不无得失也。何以言之。夫君者舟也,臣者水也。水能浮舟,亦能覆舟;臣能辅君,亦能危君。是以三杰用而汉兴,六卿强而晋灭;陶朱在而越霸,田氏盛而齐亡,虽任是同而成败尤异也。夫人者奸充无端,真伪匪一,或貌恭而心慢,或言亲而行违,而齐亡,虽任是同而成败尤异也。夫人者奸充无端,真伪匪一,或貌恭而心慢,或言亲而行违,或贱廉而贵贪,或贫贞而富黩,或愆大以求变,或位高而自疑,或见利而忘恩,或逃刑而构隙。此则曹筮不足庾,鬼神不能定。且利器者至重也,人心者难知也。以至重之利器,假难知之人心,未明真伪之情,徒信毁誉之口,有霍光之才者亦以得矣,有王莽之行者亦以失矣。是故考之於宗亲,则管叔周公不无忠僻;验之於戚属,则窦婴吕禄不无正邪;推之於功臣,则王陵鲸布不无逆顺;论之於故友,则樊呛卢绾不无去留;取以刀笔之能,则若张汤之欺诳;赏以颊舌之用,则厌主父偃之倒行;若智策有余,则陈平不可独任;若英谋出众,则韩信虑其难制。夫天下之至大汤之欺诳;赏以颊舌之用,则厌主父偃之倒行;若智策有余,则陈平不可独任;若英谋出众,则韩信虑其难制。夫天下之至大也,无其人则不可独守,有其人则又恐为乱,亦何不取其才而不制其乱也。且夫毛发植於头也,曰以栉之;爪甲冠於指也,月以炉之。爪之不炉,长则不便於使也;发之不栉,久则弥成於乱也。夫爪甲毛发者近在己躬,本无情识,苟不以理犹为之难;况於臣下非同体之物,人心有易迁之虑,委之以臧否,随之以是非,盖不可以容易也。是故逐长路者必在於骏马之力,理天下者必求於贤臣之用。然骏马苟驯,犹不可以无辔也;贤臣虽任,终不可以失权也。故夫御马者,其辔烦,则其马踝而不进;其辔纵,则其马骄而好逸。使夫纵不至逸,烦而每进者,唯造父之所能也。夫御臣者,其权峻,则其臣惧而不安;其权宽,则使夫纵不至逸,烦而每进者,唯造父之所能也。夫御臣者,其权峻,则其臣惧而不安;其权宽,则其臣慢而好乱。使夫宽而不至乱,峻而能安者,唯圣人之所明也。恐马之多逸,舍马而徒行,则长路不可济也;惧臣之为乱,舍臣而独任,则天下莫能理也。知马之可乘而不执其辔,则不能禁其逸也;知臣之可用而不亲其权,则不能止其乱也。是故项羽不用范增,是舍马而徒行;汉帝虽有曹操,是乘马而无辔;苟欲不败其可得乎。故孔子曰:唯名与器,不可以假於人。其是之谓欤。
Interpretation

A fine horse can travel a long road by the strength of its four legs; the luan bird can fly to distant places by the working of its six wing feathers. Thus, when the sage governs the state and an enlightened ruler seizes the opportune moment, he too must employ serviceable men of talent, comparable to the qi and catalpa trees, and place them in the important offices that assist the ruler.

The strategic fastnesses of mountains and rivers can be seen, and the seasonal order of winter and summer can likewise be discerned; the human mind, however, lies hidden and is hard to fathom. The Uncrowned King (referring to Confucius) held that the human heart is difficult to gauge, and even Emperor Yao found it no easy matter to know people and to employ them. In appointing talent, one can hardly avoid both gains and losses.

The ruler is like a boat, and the ministers are like water. Water can bear a boat up, and it can also capsize it; ministers can assist the ruler, and they may also cast him into peril. Emperor Gaozu of Han employed three outstanding counselors and generals, and the Han thereby rose; the power of the Six Ministers of Jin grew overweening, and Jin in the end perished. Yue had Lord Taozhu (Fan Li) to assist it and was able to achieve hegemony; the power of the Tian clan flourished, and Qi moved toward decline and ruin. It was the same act of employing talent, yet the results were utterly different.

Human deceit has no fixed outward form, and loyalty and falsehood are not easy to tell apart. Some are respectful on the surface and negligent within; some speak of closeness yet act at odds with their words; some scorn integrity and prize greedy gain, while others hold to integrity in poverty and turn greedy once rich and honored; some, after committing a great fault, seek ways to reform, while others, once seated in high office, grow doubtful and fearful instead; some forget kindness at the sight of profit, and others incur enmity in the effort to escape punishment. Such cases are hard to determine beforehand; even divination and the ghosts and spirits cannot render a definite judgment for a person.

The powers and offices of the state are of the greatest weight, yet the human heart is difficult to know. If important posts are entrusted to people whose minds cannot be fathomed, without first distinguishing the genuine from the false, and one listens only to the praise and censure of others, then even a man of ability such as Huo Guang may accomplish his work because he is properly employed, while a man of unsound conduct such as Wang Mang may bring the state to ruin because he is improperly employed. Thus, among kinsmen there are the loyal and upright, and there are also the partial and deviant; among the consort clans there are the upright, and there are also those who harbor illicit designs; among meritorious ministers there are the loyal and compliant, and there are also the rebellious; and among old friends, too, some remain and some depart. If one selects people solely by their talent for handling case documents, one may encounter a deceiver like Zhang Tang; if one rewards people solely for eloquence in argument, one may also come to dislike a man like Zhufu Yan, whose conduct turns things upside down. Chen Ping was rich in stratagems and should not be entrusted alone with the whole of government; Han Xin’s ability was outstanding, yet one has reason to fear that he would be hard to restrain.

The realm is so vast that, without men of talent, one cannot govern it alone; yet once one has them, one fears that they will stir up disorder. This being so, why not employ their abilities and, at the same time, prevent them from causing disorder?

Hair grows on one’s own head, and still one must arrange it with a comb; nails grow on one’s own hands, and still they must be trimmed at regular intervals. If the nails are not trimmed, once they grow long they hinder movement; if the hair is not combed, in time it becomes tangled. Hair and nails alike belong to one’s own body and have in themselves neither mind nor awareness; left unmanaged, they still bring trouble. How much more is this true of ministers, who are not a part of the ruler, and whose minds may moreover change. Once judgment, decision, and power have been given over to ministers, one cannot fail to examine and restrain them continually.

To travel a long road one must rely on a fine horse; to govern the realm one must rely on worthy ministers. Yet even when a horse is docile, one cannot do without the reins; even when worthy ministers have been appointed, one cannot let go of one’s hold on power. In driving a horse, if the reins are drawn too tight, the horse takes fright and will not advance; if they are left too slack, the horse grows willful and lazy. To keep the horse from running unchecked and yet keep it moving steadily onward is something only a person skilled at driving horses can do.

The government of ministers is the same. If power is controlled too strictly, ministers become fearful and ill at ease; if it is controlled too loosely, ministers grow negligent and may even rebel. To be lenient without disorder, and strict while still putting people at ease, is a principle understood by the sagely and enlightened ruler. If, for fear that the horse will stray, one refuses to use a horse and goes on foot, the long road cannot be traveled; if, for fear that ministers will cause disorder, one refuses to use ministers and takes every affair upon oneself, the realm likewise cannot be governed. If one knows that a horse can be ridden yet does not hold the reins, one cannot stop it from going astray; if one knows that ministers can be employed yet does not keep the handles of power in one’s grasp, one cannot stop them from causing disorder either.

Thus, Xiang Yu’s refusal to employ Fan Zeng was like discarding the horse and walking the long road on foot; although Emperor Xian of Han had Cao Cao at his side, it was like riding a horse without reins. To act in this way and hope not to fail—how could that be possible? Confucius said, “Names and ritual vessels (the institutions and offices that symbolize status and power) must not be casually granted to others.” What he said is precisely this principle.

真伪第八 夫主上不能独化也,必资贤辅;物心不为易治也,方俟甄议。使夫小人退野,君子居朝,然后可为得矣。然则善恶相生,是非交蹂,心不为易治也,方俟甄议。使夫小人退野,君子居朝,然后可为得矣。然则善恶相生,是非交蹂,形彰而影附,唇竭而齿寒。苟有其真,不能无其伪也。是以历代帝王统御家国,莫不侧身驰心以恭,英又及所封授,则犹是愚小莫不攘臂切齿以疾;奸佞及所诛逐,则谬加贤良。此有识者之所嗟痛也。夫山鹦无灵,买之者谓之凤;野麟嘉瑞,伤之者谓之庸。然麟凤有图,唐鹦无识,犹复以真为伪,以伪为真,况忠逆之情,静躁之性。愚靖者类直,智狂者类贤;洁己者不能同人,犯颜者短於性主。情状无形象可见,心虑非视听所知,欲使银铅不杂,淄渑殊味,其有得者亦万代之一遇也。是以昊用宰豁致戮於子胥,鲁退仲尼委政於季氏,秦诛白起以举应侯,赵信郭开杀李牧,卞和献玉反遇楚刑,北郭吹竽滥食齐禄。若斯之类皇繁秦诛白起以举应侯,赵信郭开杀李牧,卞和献玉反遇楚刑,北郭吹竽滥食齐禄。若斯之类皇繁有徒然,则所是不必真,所非不必伪也。故真伪之际,有数术焉,不可不察也。何者。夫众之所誉者,不可必谓其善也;众之所毁者,不可必谓其恶也。我之所亲者,不可必谓其贤也;我之所疏者,不可必谓其鄙也。何以明言。昔尧理洪水,伯鲧为众所举而洪水莫除;魏伐中山,乐羊为众所慢而中山卒拔。邓通延梦於汉主而非傅说之才,屈原见逐於楚王而无共工之罪。此则众议不必是,独见未为得也。是故明主畴咨在位,详省己虑,先难而后易,考着以究微,使夫登用者不愧其赏,有罪者不逃其责见未为得也。是故明主畴咨在位,详省己虑,先难而后易,考着以究微,使夫登用者不愧其赏,有罪者不逃其责,然后可为当矣。然则良马验之於驰骤,则驽骏可分,不藉孙阳之举也;柔刃征之於断割,则利钝可见,不劳风胡之谈也。苟有难知之人,试之以任事,则真伪自辨,以塞天下之讼也。故先王之用人也,远使之而观其忠节,近使之而察其敬勤,令之以谋可识其智虑,烦之以务足见其材能,杂之以居视以贞滥,委之以利详以贪廉困穷,要之以仁危难思之以信,寻其行而探其性,听其辞而别其情,尽吕尚之八征,验皋陶之九德。然后素丝皆染,白璧投泥而不渝,黄叶并雕,青松凌霜而独秀,则伪者去而真者得矣辞而别其情,尽吕尚之八征,验皋陶之九德。然后素丝皆染,白璧投泥而不渝,黄叶并雕,青松凌霜而独秀,则伪者去而真者得矣。故孔子曰:众善者必察焉,众恶者必察焉。其是之谓乎。
Interpretation

A ruler cannot govern a state well by himself alone; he must rely on the assistance of the worthy and capable. Human hearts and worldly affairs are likewise not easy to govern, and must be subjected to careful examination and appraisal. Only when petty men withdraw to the countryside and gentlemen remain at court can matters be considered properly arranged.

Yet good and evil are often interwoven, and right and wrong are easily confused. When a thing shows its form, a shadow follows; when the lips lose their cover, the teeth feel the cold. Wherever there is the genuine, the false is hard to avoid. Thus the emperors of successive ages have always governed with careful attention. But once those who are enfeoffed and rewarded are not truly outstanding, the ignorant and shallow grow resentful; and when the treacherous and fawning are punished and driven out, they in turn wrongly call their opponents worthy and good. This is precisely what grieves people of discernment.

The mountain parrot has nothing uncanny about it, yet those who buy it call it a phoenix. The wild qilin is an auspicious omen, yet those who harm it treat it as an ordinary creature. Although the qilin and the phoenix can be recognized from illustrated records, and the mountain parrot has no spiritual discernment, people still take the true for the false and the false for the true. How much more so, then, are thoughts of loyalty and rebellion, and temperaments of calm and restlessness, inherently difficult to tell apart.

Those who are dull yet composed are often regarded as upright; those who are clever yet unrestrained are often regarded as worthy. One who keeps himself pure may not be able to get along with the crowd, and one who dares to speak frankly and offend the ruler may be said not to understand how to discern the ruler’s disposition. A person’s true condition leaves no visible trace, and the thoughts of the heart are not something the ears and eyes can know directly. To keep silver and lead from ever mixing, and to make the tastes of the Zi and Sheng rivers utterly distinct, is extremely difficult; one who can truly do so is hardly met with once in ten thousand generations.

Thus history contains many cases in which loyal and worthy men were misjudged. The state of Wu employed Grand Steward Pi, and Wu Zixu was put to death because of it. The state of Lu kept Confucius at a distance and handed political power to the Ji clan. The state of Qin killed Bai Qi yet promoted the Marquis of Ying. The state of Zhao trusted Guo Kai and let him bring about the death of Li Mu. Bian He presented a precious jade and instead suffered punishment in Chu. Master Beiguo played the yu and blended into the orchestra, drawing a salary from Qi for nothing. Similar cases are too many to count. From this it can be seen that what is taken to be correct is not necessarily truly correct, and what is taken to be wrong is not necessarily false. Distinguishing the true from the false therefore has its proper method, and one must examine it with care.

One cannot conclude that a person is good merely because the multitude praises him, nor conclude that he is evil merely because the multitude maligns him. Those close to oneself are not necessarily worthy, and those kept at a distance are not necessarily base. How can this be shown? When Yao dealt with the flood, Gun was recommended by the multitude, yet he failed to control the waters. When the state of Wei attacked Zhongshan, Yue Yang was slighted by the multitude, yet in the end he took Zhongshan. Deng Tong once appeared to a Han emperor in a dream, yet he lacked the ability of Fu Yue. Qu Yuan was banished by the king of Chu, yet he bore no crime like that of Gonggong. This shows that the judgment of the multitude is not necessarily correct, and an individual’s own view is not necessarily reliable.

Therefore a wise ruler widely seeks the opinions of the ministers in office and also carefully reflects on his own thoughts. He first examines what is difficult, then deals with what is easy, and traces from obvious signs down to subtle details. In this way those who are employed prove worthy of their rewards, the guilty cannot escape responsibility, and affairs are handled fittingly.

Set a good horse running, and one can see whether it is a fine steed or a poor one, without relying on the recommendation of Sun Yang (a man skilled at judging horses). Put a blade to cutting, and one can see whether it is sharp or dull, without listening to the discourse of Feng Hu (a man skilled at appraising precious swords). For a person who is hard to judge, simply entrust him with actual tasks: the true and the false will reveal themselves, and the disputes of the world can be settled.

Thus, when the sage-kings of antiquity examined men of talent, they would send a man to serve far away and observe his loyalty and integrity; place him close at hand and examine his respectfulness and diligence; have him offer plans and strategies and learn of his insight and deliberation; test him with burdensome affairs and see his ability; and have him associate with different kinds of people and observe whether he was upright or self-indulgent. They would place profit in his hands and look closely at whether he was greedy or incorruptible; put him in hardship and see whether he could still hold to humaneness; and, when danger arose, examine whether he kept faith. They would also trace his conduct and probe his nature, listen to his words and discern his true intentions.

To do this is to employ to the full the method of the “Eight Tests” (bazheng) proposed by Lü Shang (Jiang Taigong), and to verify the standard of the “Nine Virtues” (jiude) set forth by Gao Yao. After such trials, even if many silk threads are dyed together, pure white jade cast into the mud will not change color; in autumn the yellow leaves fall in droves, yet the green pine stands alone in the cold frost. In this way pretenders are eliminated, and true talent can be recognized.

Confucius said, “When the multitude calls someone good, one must examine him carefully; when the multitude detests someone, one must also examine him carefully.” This is precisely the principle at issue.

同异第九 夫同声相应,同气相求。虽虎异谷风,虎啸而谷风起;蛇非山雾,蛇踊而山雾兴,理所同耳。夫异类殊群,异情同行,虽蛤因雀化而蛤不与雀游,鸳自鼠为而鸳不与鼠匹,理所异耳。然父子兄弟非不亲矣,其心未必同,君臣朋友非不疏矣,其心未必异。故瞽叟愚而重华圣,盗跷贪而柳下廉,刘季困而纪信焚,伯桃饿而角哀死。亦犹烟灰同出,飞沉自分;胶漆异生,而坚固相守也。然则情性不等,同异难并。大《易》虽云:同人於门。三爻复云:伏戎於莽。此则於同不能无异也。故有面同而心不同者,有外异而内异生,而坚固相守也。然则情性不等,同异难并。大《易》虽云:同人於门。三爻复云:伏戎於莽。此则於同不能无异也。故有面同而心不同者,有外异而内不异者,有始同而终异者,有初异而末同者,有彼不同我而我与之同者,有彼不异我而我与之异者。何以明之。昔者陈平面向吕后,而心归刘氏;程婴外逆孙臼,而内存赵孤;张耳、陈余始则刎颈之交,终构参商之隙;夷吾、小白初有射钩之怨,末为鱼水之欢;田氏怀诳义於齐君,齐君弥信;亚父尽至忠於项羽,项羽益疑,是则同异之心不可以。二而测也。是故明者徐视而审听,高居而远望也。随时之宜,唯变所适,因;亚父尽至忠於项羽,项羽益疑,是则同异之心不可以。二而测也。是故明者徐视而审听,高居而远望也。随时之宜,唯变所适,因其可同而与之同矣,因其可异而与之异矣。故卫青坚耳,汉武委之以军旅;由余虏耳,秦穆授之以国政。夫以卫青、由余敌於秦汉非不疏矣,犹知可同而同之,况於父子兄弟之亲而有可同者乎。且管叔兄耳,姬旦诛之以极刑;石厚子矣,石错死之以大义也。夫以管叔、石厚比於旦错非不亲矣,犹知可异而异之,况乎君臣朋友之刑;石厚子矣,石错死之以大义也。夫以管叔、石厚比於旦错非不亲矣,犹知可异而异之,况乎君臣朋友之疏而有可同者乎。故能同异者为福,不能同异者为祸。虞舜能同八元,能异四罪,永垂圣哲之名;殷纣不同三仁,不异二臣,故取败亡之辱。是则同异之际,不可失其微妙也。故孔子曰:见几而作,不俟终曰。其是之谓欤。
Interpretation

When sounds are the same, they answer one another; when breaths are akin, they draw one another in. The tiger does not belong to the wind of the valley, yet when the tiger roars, the valley wind rises; the snake is not the mist of the mountains, yet when the snake stirs, the mountain mist ascends. This comes about because the underlying principles of things communicate with one another.

Things of different kinds, each belonging to a different group, may still share the same intent and make the same movements. Clams, according to legend, were transformed from sparrows, yet clams do not keep company with sparrows; mandarin ducks, according to legend, were transformed from rats, yet they do not mate with rats. This comes about because the underlying principles of things are distinct.

Fathers and sons, and brothers, are certainly close, yet their intentions are not necessarily the same; rulers and ministers, and friends, may seem distant in their relations, yet their intentions are not necessarily different. Gusou, the father of Shun, was foolish, yet Chonghua, that is, Shun, was sagely and wise; Robber Zhi was greedy, yet Liuxia Hui was incorruptible; Liu Ji, Liu Bang, Emperor Gaozu of Han, fell into desperate straits, and Ji Xin went to his death in his place; Botao starved to death, and Jiao Ai gave his life for him as well. Smoke and ash arise from the same source, yet one ascends and the other falls, each differently; glue and lacquer come from different origins, yet they can bond firmly together. From this it is clear that human feelings and innate dispositions are not alike, and sameness and difference cannot be reduced to a single rule.

The Classic of Changes (Yijing) says “fellowship with others at the gate,” meaning that one associates with people outside the gate; yet the nine in the third place of the Tongren hexagram also says that someone lies in ambush amid the thick grass. From this it can be seen that even when things appear the same on the surface, difference may be hidden within. Thus some people agree outwardly while differing within; some appear different on the outside yet have no divergence within; some begin the same and later part ways; some begin at odds and in the end grow close and harmonious. There are also cases in which others do not identify with me, yet I am of one mind with them, and cases in which others do not reject me, yet I differ from them in view.

How are these situations to be understood? Chen Ping outwardly complied with Empress Lü, yet inwardly remained loyal to the house of Liu; Cheng Ying, a figure in the story of the Orphan of Zhao, outwardly opposed Sun Jiu, yet inwardly protected the surviving orphan of the Zhao clan. Zhang Er and Chen Yu at first bound themselves in a friendship of life and death, yet in the end turned against each other as enemies; Guan Zhong, whose name was Yiwu, and Prince Xiaobai, later Duke Huan of Qi, at first bore the grievance of the arrow that struck the belt hook, yet later worked together as intimately as fish and water. The Tian clan harbored a deceitful heart toward the ruler of Qi, yet the ruler of Qi trusted them all the more; Yafu, the honorific by which Xiang Yu addressed Fan Zeng, gave Xiang Yu the whole of his loyalty, yet Xiang Yu grew ever more suspicious of him. This shows that sameness and difference in the human heart cannot be judged by these two kinds of outward appearance alone.

Therefore the wise observe with composure and listen with care, standing a little higher and seeing a little farther, and respond flexibly according to what the times require. When it is fitting to be of one mind, they are of one mind with others; when distinction is called for, they draw a distinction. Wei Qing was of humble origin, yet Emperor Wu of Han entrusted the army to him; You Yu was originally a captive, yet Duke Mu of Qin placed the government of the state in his hands. Wei Qing and You Yu were not originally close to their rulers, yet those rulers could still discern when trust and appointment were warranted—how much more, then, between fathers and sons and among brothers, are there grounds for coming together?

Guan Shu was the elder brother of Ji Dan, the Duke of Zhou, yet Ji Dan still punished him severely according to the law; Shi Hou was the son of Shi Que, yet Shi Que still put him to death in order to uphold great righteousness. Guan Shu and Shi Hou were close in relation to Ji Dan and Shi Que, and these men still knew how to draw a distinction when distinction was required—how much more, then, between rulers and ministers and among friends, are there also grounds for coming together? Thus, one who understands when to seek sameness and when to discern difference will bring about good fortune; one who does not understand this will invite disaster.

Yu Shun was able both to employ the “Eight Yuan,” eight worthy and capable men, and to punish the “Four Crimes,” four guilty persons, and thus left behind a reputation for sagely wisdom. King Zhou of Yin neither employed the “Three Benevolent Ones,” three men of humane virtue, nor punished the “Two Ministers,” two ministers who ought to have been chastised, and in the end suffered the disgrace of defeat and ruin. Thus, in handling the relation between sameness and difference, one must not overlook the subtle signs within it. Confucius said, “When one perceives the incipient signs of a matter, one acts at once, without waiting until the matter has fully appeared.” This is precisely the principle in question.

爱憎第十 夫日之明也,无幽不烛,盖之以重云则光辉莫睹;水之鉴也,有来而斯应,混之以糁土则影像俱灭。夫以水曰之明鉴失其常然者,岂不以云土之异移其性乎。是则人有神智之察非不灵矣,徒以内存爱尚之情,外挟憎忿之事,则是非得失不能不惑焉。何以明之。昔重华孝矣,瞽叟病之,亲行不义;寤生贤矣,武姜恶之,自构其乱;鹤乃贱矣,卫君重之,载以华轩;马则微矣,楚王好之,衣以文绣行不义;寤生贤矣,武姜恶之,自构其乱;鹤乃贱矣,卫君重之,载以华轩;马则微矣,楚王好之,衣以文绣。夫以骨肉相亲固无间矣,而犹憎之,禽畜类别诚於分矣,而犹爱之。况乎明君信臣不如父母之信子,邪士媚於主巧於鹤马之媚,人而无爱憎之迷者盖亦寡矣。是故汲黯、袁盎以忠谏而屡出,籍孺、韩嫣以佞幸而益重,孙通谀言而受赏,贾谊切直而见疏。甚矣哉,爱憎之惑人也如此。若夫忠臣之事君也,面诤君之恶方,欲成君之美,而君反以为憎己也。佞人之事主也,面谀主之善方,反长主之过,而主反以为爱己也。殊不知闻恶而迁善永为有道之君,悦善而忘恶长为不义之主。是则致君於有道者,长主之过,而主反以为爱己也。殊不知闻恶而迁善永为有道之君,悦善而忘恶长为不义之主。是则致君於有道者,岂得不为大爱乎。陷主於不义者,岂得不为大憎乎。而主不原忠谄之情,轻肆向背之志,以为爱己者己亦爱之,则宠光加於三族;以为憎己者己亦憎之,则夷灭被於五宗,遂使剖心刎颈之诚弃而莫用,舐痔吮瘫之类擢以殊级。且夫赏以劝善,名以爵贤,使天下不肖者有名,无功者受赏,则何以劝天下乎;法以禁非,刑以惩恶,使夫怀忠者坐法用,舐痔吮瘫之类擢以殊级。且夫赏以劝善,名以爵贤,使天下不肖者有名,无功者受赏,则何以劝天下乎;法以禁非,刑以惩恶,使夫怀忠者坐法,行直者遇刑,则何以禁天下乎。是以汉憎雍齿,张良以为可封;隋宠少师,伯比以为可伐。何则,有功者害,适为不祥,无德是亲,自
Interpretation

The sun is bright by nature, and there is no darkness its light cannot reach; yet if thick clouds cover it, its radiance cannot appear. Water can by nature reflect things as a mirror does: when something comes to the water’s edge, its shape is shown there; but if mud and sand are stirred into the water, the image disappears. When the original clarity of water and of the sun is obscured, is this not because external things—clouds, mud, and sand—have altered their condition?

The human mind is by nature able to discern the principles of affairs; it is not that it lacks acuity. It is only that feelings of partial affection are lodged within, while aversion and anger act upon it from without, so that judgments of right and wrong, gain and loss, can hardly avoid falling into disorder. How may this be shown?

In former times, Chonghua (Shun) was deeply filial, yet Gusou (Shun’s father) loathed him and even committed unrighteous acts himself. Wusheng (Duke Zhuang of Zheng) had ability, yet his mother, Wu Jiang, disliked him and in the end brought calamity about with her own hands. The crane is by station lowly, yet the ruler of Wei prized it and carried it in a splendid carriage; the horse is in itself unremarkable, yet the king of Chu loved it and dressed it in embroidered robes. Even among kin, who ought to be intimate without reserve, mutual hatred may still arise; even though the distinction between human beings and beasts is clear, some still show partial love for beasts. How much more, then, is a ruler’s trust in loyal ministers less sure than parents’ trust in their children, while the means by which the wicked curry favor with a ruler are cleverer still than those used to please cranes and horses. Seen in this light, those who are not blinded by love and hate are surely few.

Thus Ji An and Yuan Ang, because they remonstrated with loyal hearts, were repeatedly set aside; Ji Ru and Han Yan gained favor by flattery, and their station grew ever more eminent; Shusun Tong spoke flattering words and received rewards, while Jia Yi, whose speech was earnest and upright, was kept at a distance. The degree to which love and hate cloud a person can be as grave as this!

When a loyal minister serves his ruler and points out the ruler’s faults to his face, he wishes to help the ruler perfect his virtue, yet the ruler supposes instead that the loyal minister hates him. When a cunning flatterer serves his master and praises the master’s merits to his face, he in fact encourages the master’s faults, yet the master supposes instead that this man cherishes him. The ruler does not understand that only by hearing of his own faults and correcting them can he become an enlightened ruler who possesses the Dao (the Way); if he likes only to hear praise and forgets his own errors, he becomes an unrighteous lord. To help a ruler become a ruler who possesses the Dao—is that not the greatest care? To lead a ruler into unrighteousness—is that not the greatest harm?

Yet the ruler does not examine the intentions behind loyal counsel and flattery, and lightly decides closeness and distance according to personal likes and dislikes: whomever he takes to cherish him, he cherishes in return, so that favor extends even to that person’s three clans; whomever he takes to hate him, he hates in return, even to the point of implicating and exterminating five clans. In this way, the sincerity of loyal ministers who do not begrudge having their hearts laid open or giving up their lives is cast aside, while those who advance by flattery and intrigue are promoted beyond the ordinary ranks.

Rewards are meant to encourage good conduct, and the granting of titles and rank is meant to honor the worthy and capable. If the unworthy are allowed to enjoy renown, and those without merit to receive rewards, how can the people of the realm be urged to do good and establish achievement? Laws and ordinances are meant to forbid faults, and punishments are meant to chastise evil deeds. If the loyal are instead found guilty, and the upright instead punished, how can improper conduct throughout the realm be restrained?

Therefore, Emperor Gaozu of Han detested Yong Chi, yet Zhang Liang held that he might be enfeoffed and rewarded; the court of Sui favored the Junior Preceptor, yet Bobi held that an attack was warranted. Why? If a person of merit suffers jealousy and harm, that is precisely an inauspicious thing; and to draw close to those who lack virtuous conduct is to set oneself as well upon a path toward……

。。。。。。 缺文 太平两同书
Interpretation

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Lower volume of the Taiping Liangtong shu (Book of Great Peace on the Twofold Sameness).

卷下

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