《鬻子》

The book Yuzi is included among the collected writings of the various masters in the Zhonghua Daozang (the Chinese Canon of the Dao, the Way).

Its table of contents begins with the “Memorial Presenting the Yuzi” and a preface. The upper volume contains “Selecting Officials: Transmission of Governance by the Five Emperors and the Three Kings, B, No. 5”; “The Great Dao: King Wen’s Questions, No. 8”; “Valuing the Dao: Zhou Governance of the Five Emperors and the Three Kings, B, No. 5”; “Guarding the Dao: Zhou Governance of the Five Emperors and the Three Kings, A, No. 4”; and “Selecting Officials: Transmission of Governance by the Five Emperors and the Three Kings, B, No. 3.” The lower volume contains “Qufu: Governance of the Duke of Zhou in the State of Lu, A, No. 14”; “Tallies of the Dao: Transmission of Governance by the Five Emperors and the Three Kings, A, No. 2”; “The Beginning of Numbers: The Five Emperors Govern All under Heaven, No. 7”; “The Governance of Yu, No. 6”; “The Governance of Tang: All under Heaven down to King Zhou of Shang, No. 7”; “The Governance of Yu, Upper Section, No. 6”; “Tallies of the Dao: Transmission of Governance by the Five Emperors and the Three Kings, A, No. 5”; “The Governance of Tang: Proclaiming the Principles for Ordering All under Heaven, No. 7”; and “Caution in Capital Punishment: The Duke of Zhou of the State of Lu, No. 6.”

Note: The original table of contents of the book has already been lost; the catalog above has been reconstructed from the section headings in the main text.

Your servant Xinggui states: I have heard that before the age of keeping records with knotted cords, writing and documentation had not yet arisen; only after written characters appeared were moral instruction and right principle established from them. Once historiographers charged with recording speech were appointed, writings of praise and censure followed; once officials responsible for recording affairs of government were established, the paths of encouragement and admonition were opened. Thereupon the canonical texts of the state grew daily more numerous, and counsel and instruction became clearer and more evident; the custom of praise and celebration flourished, and the work of clarifying principle advanced more freely. De (Virtue/Power) and meritorious achievement grew ever richer, outstanding brilliance was constantly renewed, and writing refined human nature and disposition while making fine accomplishments manifest.

When King Wen of Zhou brought sagely virtue to completion, and Yuzi (Yu Xiong, the worthy said in tradition to have assisted King Wen of Zhou) became renowned for his worth and ability, the two were of one mind and their principles met, and a relationship of teacher and disciple was indeed formed. Yuzi received King Wen’s courteous treatment and was able to speak his mind fully. He clarified the way of conducting government and broadly set forth strategies for assisting the achievement of the royal enterprise, sufficient to make the ruler reflect on the great affairs of the state and to render the government of an age peaceful and excellent. His examination of the ancient texts was well grounded; he expounded their meanings and enlarged what people could see and hear.

If one inquires into the aim of Yuzi’s writings and examines his words urging correction and remedying the abuses of the time, one sees that he always took the mind of the Dao (the Way) as the foundation of his arguments, and investigated wondrous principles in order to awaken the human heart. He connected constant instructions and planned the affairs of the realm; he did not merely praise and discourse upon subtle truths, but deliberately preserved these contents in writing.

Yu Xiong holds the foremost place among the masters, and King Wen is the model of sagely virtue. Since Yu Xiong was King Wen’s teacher, his writings embody the way of government and moral instruction. Although the chapters are already fragmentary, taken in outline they still possess their essential structure; like inscriptions on platters and basins, they can still serve to warn and to enlighten.

My family has for generations honored Confucian learning and has long carried on the conduct of loyalty and uprightness. I have seen the deeds of enlightened rulers who honored their teachers, and I have also read the principles by which worthies fulfill to the utmost a minister’s duty. Examining and inquiring into them again and again, I deeply feel that subtle truths lie within. I therefore venture, with my shallow understanding, to annotate the work, carefully analyzing its meanings and cutting away vague and empty phrases, so as to express a little of my own foolish opinion.

I respectfully consider that Your Majesty takes the Dao of Heaven as a model in displaying moral instruction and spreads the influence of De; you examine the supremely lofty and harmonious principles of high antiquity and revive the clear instructions of emperors and kings. You have upright and trustworthy assisting ministers who can offer words of remonstrance and correction; you vigorously promote the worthy and bring peace and order to the realm. Within the four seas all have changed their former attitudes, and distant regions too have given their hearts to you. You attend to the root and cultivate civil governance, and with robes hanging loose and hands folded you bring the world to peace.

I am of humble origin and shallow insight, yet I have received the grace of a sagely and enlightened sovereign, like the common people of the age of Yao and Shun who struck the soil and sang. I have personally witnessed the beginning of the carrying out of government and instruction, and have also had the good fortune to hear the songs of praise of an age of great peace; therefore I have set my mind on compiling this book and recording its essential words. It is only that the length can hardly be complete, and both wording and meaning are clumsy. I have carefully transcribed it into finished form and respectfully presented it at court. I hope that, like the brightness of sun and moon, a remnant glow may shine into dark crevices; and that, like timely rain falling everywhere, moisture may be bestowed on what is slender, weak, and withered. I only wish to exert a little of my meager strength; how would I dare to hope to be of great use, like an oar in a sinking boat? Your Majesty’s awe-inspiring presence is close at hand, and I cannot help but feel my spirit tremble with fear. I respectfully submit this memorial and await Your Majesty’s decision. I respectfully state the above.

On the twenty-sixth day of the eleventh month of the fourth year of Yonghui, the grace you bestowed fell like sweet rain, moistening this withered and insignificant person. I dared hope only for a trifling favor, no more than dust or dew; how could I presume to take the helm of a foundering ship? Your Majesty’s awe-inspiring presence was close at hand, and my heart trembled, my spirit ill at ease. With all caution I submit this memorial to set the matter before you, and I respectfully await your compassionate decree. I hereby report with reverence.

On the twenty-sixth day of the eleventh month of the fourth year of Yonghui, your subject Feng Xinggui, County Lieutenant of Zheng County in Huazhou, respectfully submits this memorial.

Yuzi, whose name was Xiong, was a native of Chu and once served as teacher to King Wen of Zhou. At the age of ninety he had an audience with King Wen. King Wen said, “You are advanced in years.” Yuzi replied, “If you sent me to hunt beasts and chase deer, then I would indeed be old; but if you had me sit and plan the great affairs of the state, I am still young.” King Wen thereupon took him as his teacher.

Yuzi wrote a work in twenty-two chapters, titled Yuzi. “Zi” is an honorific for a man. Although Yuzi’s worthy De (Virtue/Power) did not reach the realm of the sages, later generations did not rank his writings as a Jing (scripture/classic), but titled the book with his own designation.

According to Liu Xiang’s classification of the nine schools, Yuzi belongs to the school of the Dao (the Way). After the turmoil of the Qin dynasty, most books were scattered and lost. Although Yuzi escaped the burning of the books, the arrangement of its chapters was left incomplete on that account. The “Bibliographic Treatise” of the Book of Han records that the work comprised only six chapters, yet the version now in circulation has fourteen, and it is unclear which preserves the original form. The chapters may be disordered, and the text has many omissions. Even so, in setting forth the great Dao, examining historical events, explaining governance and moral instruction, and discussing the rights and wrongs of punishment and government by De, the book still lets one discern its basic thought. Like branches of the Deng Forest, fine jade from Mount Jing, and writings left by gentlemen, even when incomplete it remains worth appreciating.

Yuzi cherished Dao and De and was skilled at planning affairs of state; King Wen of Zhou therefore set aside his rank and sought instruction from him. Yuzi’s mind was set on the Dao by which kings govern the realm, and his words mostly concern the essentials of rescuing the imperiled and aiding the age. His principles are far-reaching and his aims vast; they are truly the profound insights of worthies of former ages, and an early voice among the writings of the masters. Taking humaneness and righteousness as his guiding thread, he set in order the principles of governing state and household, left a custom of urging people to honesty and uprightness, and also offered methods for broadly benefiting the world. A ruler who reads it can govern the state; an official who follows it can conduct public affairs. It is enough to inspire the worthy and capable to set their resolve, and to lead those of improper conduct to reflect and reform.

The Analects says, “The three hundred poems of the Classic of Poetry may be summed up in a single phrase: thought pure and free of deviation.” Words that endure without fading may serve as a guide. In discussing the Dao of governance, Yuzi may also be said to embody this spirit of purity and freedom from deviation.

I have been fortunate, in the intervals of official duty, to browse the masters and the histories, but the books are numerous and it is hard to study each one closely. To Yuzi I have paid particular attention, inquiring into the basis of its conduct and arguments and seeking the aim of its elucidation of moral teaching. It does not, like some works, deliberately twist its meaning through allegory, nor does it display talent through ingenious disputation. Its writing is precious and its language lofty. I have for the present annotated it, offering a brief explanation and indicating its main purport. May my intention span past and present and be entrusted to people a thousand years hence, so that the principles and aspirations recorded in the book may be transmitted. I hope that gentlemen who later come to read this work will not treat it lightly.

The chapter “The Five Emperors and Three Kings Transmit Governance” discusses the principles a gentleman ought to follow when taking part in affairs of state and deliberating on government.

The word zhuan means “to be fully equipped,” and may also be understood as “to seek widely.” Officials are the instruments by which government is carried out; therefore, when a ruler puts his commands into practice, he should seek widely for capable and worthy officials, promote the worthy, and not allow the unworthy to take part in affairs of state. It was precisely for this reason that the way of governance of the Five Emperors and Three Kings could be transmitted and practiced for a hundred generations. “Yi” is a chapter marker ranking below “Jia”; this chapter uses it to indicate the proper sequence of governing.

Governance consists of laws and moral transformation.

If a gentleman does not consult with others about political affairs, so be it; but once he takes part in deliberation, he should plan solely according to the Great Dao (the Way). He must not go against principle and cover up faults, nor bend his intentions toward a false correctness merely in order to preserve himself for the moment.

The gentleman cultivates himself and orders external affairs, rectifies his own conduct, brings his words and actions into accord with genuine De (Virtue/Power), and holds to the principle of emptiness, stillness, and mysterious subtlety. When he speaks, it is in order to bring about moral transformation; and his planning of government should likewise become a standard that can be followed. Therefore he does not lightly take part in political affairs; and once he has decided to take part, he does not speak rashly or at random.

The gentleman’s plans can ensure that they follow the Great Dao, but they cannot ensure that they will certainly be adopted.

Everyone stares at false appearances and will not pause to look at what is real; all are drawn by the splendor of reputation and cannot examine how things actually stand. A mediocre ruler is easily bewildered by the crowd—how could he accept teaching that accords with the Dao (the Way)? The gentleman’s principles, therefore, are not necessarily adopted.

The gentleman can be loyal and can set forth the Way with his whole heart and utmost effort, yet he is not necessarily received.

“Exhausting the heart in discoursing on the Dao, and necessarily giving loyalty to the full and fulfilling the Way” means that the gentleman expends his loyalty without reserve in setting forth the Way, and that his words are neither crooked nor crafty. Yet even when counsel is offered in complete loyalty, a sage and enlightened ruler may not adopt it—still less a mediocre one. A ruler who has attained the Dao keeps those above and below close and harmonious; he is willing to employ the loyal and upright, and men of worth and wisdom conceal nothing. Loyal words are like a stone dropped into water: they go in naturally and smoothly, meeting no obstruction. A benighted ruler, by contrast, stays distant from his ministers and regards them with suspicion. He keeps petty men at his side, casts aside the upright, draws near flatterers and the treacherous, and will not employ those who are loyal and trustworthy. This is like looking at things with the eyes covered—how could one fail to be confused? Loyal words, then, may not be taken in.

The gentleman can be honest and keep faith, yet he is not necessarily trusted.

What is meant is that the gentleman does not casually accommodate others, nor does he speak at random. His bearing is correct and his words measured; what he says is clear and true, and he takes sincerity and good faith as his constant foundation. Words worthy of trust are not necessarily pleasing to the ear, yet they accord with principle. A mediocre ruler is easily misled by every kind of deviant teaching—how, then, would he believe the gentleman’s words? The gentleman’s words, therefore, are not necessarily trusted.

When the gentleman would criticize another’s faults, he does not keep the criticism on his lips, but shows it through his own conduct.

That is to say, the gentleman simply does what is good, and thereby corrects what is evil. He does not boast of his own rightness, nor does he reproach others in words; he puts the principle into action.

Therefore, one who is able to set error right takes correct conduct as his own example.

Commenting on whether others are right or wrong is something everyone does. When a person is criticized, he will criticize the other in return. When a gentleman points out another’s faults, he never rebukes him by scolding; he should first practice the correct principle himself, and only then, on that basis, explain where the other has gone wrong.

One who detests evil deeds ought himself to practice good.

Everyone understands the distinction between good and evil. A gentleman should strive to practice good, and thereby correct evil deeds; he does not show his dislike of evil by blaming others. Only in this way, through the practice of good, can evil deeds be brought to light.

In this way, the principle becomes clear.

In planning affairs one must be loyal, and in speaking one must keep one’s word. One practices good in order to correct evil, makes what is right manifest, and distinguishes what is wrong. Without rushing to seek fame or the approval of others, one’s own moral virtue will naturally become evident.

The Great Dao (the Way): King Wen Asks How to Practice Good

In this way, the principle becomes clear.

In planning affairs one must be loyal, and in speaking one must keep one’s word. One practices good in order to correct evil, makes what is right manifest, and distinguishes what is wrong. Without rushing to seek fame or the approval of others, one’s own moral virtue will naturally become evident.

The Great Dao: King Wen Asks, Chapter Eight

What is called the Dao covers Heaven and Earth, extends through the four directions, and reaches the farthest extremes of the eight quarters. It is lofty without limit and deep beyond fathoming; it runs through the six conjunctions (above and below, and the four directions) and spans the four dimensions (the four cardinal directions). It cannot be fully expressed in words or images, nor can it be exhaustively conveyed by pointing and explanation. It is the root of government and moral instruction, embraces the forms of the myriad things, and appears beyond the sun, moon, and stars. It acts, yet does not claim what it does as its own; it moves without cease, yet leaves no visible trace.

A ruler who possesses the Dao accords with the Great Dao in his actions. The wondrous working of the Great Dao is inexhaustible, and for this reason it is called “great.” Because King Wen realized that its working is inexhaustible, he sought instruction in the Great Dao from his teacher Yuzi, regarding it as a standard that could be followed for a long time, and so took “the Great Dao” as the title of this chapter.

King Wen asked, “In former times, I have heard—can a person commit a very great fault?”

Here “xizhe” means “in former times.” Although King Wen ruled a great many people, he did not decide matters alone and arbitrarily, but asked his teacher about the methods of governing the state.

King Wen said, “May I ask: can a person have a very great fault?”

King Wen respected the way of the teacher, and so spoke humbly, saying “May I ask.” He wished to govern affairs by the Great Dao and to plan for the long term, and therefore first asked whether a person can commit a great fault.

Yuzi replied, “Yes.”

Yuzi first answered King Wen, making clear that there truly are very great faults.

King Wen asked again, “May I ask: what is a very great fault?”

Yuzi had not at once spoken of the long-term way of governing the state, and so King Wen first pressed to ask what this great fault actually was.

Yuzi replied, “Yes.”

Yuzi stepped forward and answered King Wen, saying, “There is something called great forgetting.”

King Wen asked, “May I ask, what is meant by great forgetting?”

Yuzi did not immediately reply with a gesture, and this prompted King Wen to press further. Wishing to grasp the ultimate principle of what had been said, King Wen asked, “What, exactly, is the case?”

Yuzi said, “To know clearly that one is at fault, yet refuse to correct it, and so to injure oneself until at last one loses one’s life—this is great forgetting. When one has erred, one should not fear to make amends, and throughout the day one should do nothing evil. Once evil conduct has been removed from one’s own person, is disgrace to the body only a matter of being tattooed on the face and having one’s hair shaved off? Thus Chiyou was executed, the Four Fiends (in legend, four tribal chieftains who committed evil) were put to death, Jie of Xia brought the ancestral sacrifices to an end, and Zhou of Shang brought ruin on his clan. They injured themselves and endangered their lives, destroyed their families and lost their states; what they did was great forgetting.”

Conduct of this kind is what is called “great forgetting.” Only at this point did Yuzi finish explaining the matter about which King Wen had asked.

Valuing the Dao (the Way): The Five Emperors, the Three Kings, and the Governmental Affairs of the Zhou, B, the Fifth

In governing a state and carrying out its administration, one must take De (Virtue/Power) as the foundation, and De must prize the Dao; only then can the state be benefited. In King Wen’s lifetime, people commonly referred to the sovereigns of antiquity as the “Three Kings.” This is to offer examples proceeding from the near to the far, in order to show that the Dao they followed was the same. “Zhou” carries the sense of gathering together and of completeness. What is said here is that the Five Emperors and the Three Kings alike revered the Dao, that their governmental affairs could be joined into one, and that nothing was left lacking.

The emperors and kings of former times—this refers to those emperors and kings of the past who revered the Dao and De. To speak of remote antiquity by means of “former times” is to use the past to illustrate the present, and thereby to exhort one’s own age.

The reason emperors and kings are called sage and enlightened is that they employ worthy and capable officials and place them in important posts. For this reason the transforming teaching of the Dao and De flourishes, and the world is at peace. Sage and enlightened governance is not accomplished by the ruler alone.

The reason the noble men of former times were able to establish meritorious achievements…

The reason emperors and kings are called sage and enlightened is that they employ worthy and capable officials and place them in important posts. For this reason the transforming teaching of the Dao and De flourishes, and the world is at peace. Sage and enlightened governance is not accomplished by the ruler alone.

The gentlemen of antiquity were able to establish their achievements because they had the support of the common people.

The people are the foundation of the state. Only when a ruler wins the allegiance of the populace can the state flourish. In setting the norms of government and moving in accord with the times, the ruler must rely on the great body of the people. Only when everyone exerts himself in service can the ruler’s achievements be brought to completion.

Strength originates with the spirits.

For a sovereign to hold a state, he must first enjoy the protection of the spirits. The Supreme Lord of August Heaven, the spirits of the altars of soil and grain and of the mountains and rivers, together with every kind of deity and auspicious omen, all come to his aid. Cheng Tang received a revelation sent down by the spirits and accepted the Mandate of Heaven that had belonged to the Xia; King Wu of Zhou dreamed of the spirits and thereupon inflicted a great defeat on Yin-Shang. The movements of Heaven and Earth that drive the transformation of the myriad things are not deliberately directed by anyone. Rather, the myriad things follow natural change, respond to one another, and fall into mutual accord. Hence it is said that strength originates with the spirits.

Merit belongs chiefly to the officials.

The sovereign frames policies and commands, yet does not attend to every matter in person; he entrusts their execution to worthy and capable men. In this way the world can be settled, and the people know how to secure their livelihood. This is the result of worthy officials fulfilling their duties, carrying out their tasks, and establishing merit.

Blessings revert to the ruler.

Those outstanding in De (Virtue/Power) devote their utmost effort while in office. The people prize the Dao (the Way) and righteousness; customs comply with moral instruction; those above and those below draw close to one another; and De influences De and gathers together. The state is thereby peaceful and secure. This is the ruler’s blessing.

When the Five Emperors of antiquity governed the world—the Five Emperors being the Yellow Emperor, Zhuanxu, Gaoxin, Yao of Tang, and Shun of Yu—their Dao of government was luminously manifest, like the shining of the sun and moon, and like daylight taking the place of night.

The sun and moon course onward and give forth light, shining without partiality, illuminating alike what is hidden and what is plain, and never resting. Thus their Dao of rule was likewise bright and unfailing, and they never cast the people aside. The sage accords in De with Heaven and Earth and is as luminous as the sun and moon; his Dao is vast and does not wane, and can be handed down far into the future.

Therefore the Dao of the Five Emperors is clear and pure. It can bring blessings upon ten thousand generations and become the teaching that ten thousand generations take as their model. The sage-kings from the Yellow Emperor through Shun and Yu were precisely so.

“Shou” means beginning. What is said here is that the Dao (the Way) of the Five Emperors is the starting point of the ten thousand generations, and that later ages cannot surpass it.

The Yellow Emperor was the first to have people wear upper and lower garments, to create writing and contracts, and to establish the office of historian. He built boats, enabling people to cross waters that had been difficult to pass; he trained oxen to draw carts and horses to be ridden; he built houses, fitted them with multiple gates, and had wooden clappers struck to guard against thieves who might attack without warning; he made pestles and mortars, so that the people could pound grain with ease; he made bows and arrows in order to overawe the world; and he fashioned pitch pipes and performed the Feng and Shan sacrifices.

Zhuanxu put down the rebellion of the Jiuli (Nine Li), so that spirits (shen) and human beings each kept to their own station and were no longer mixed together, and the myriad things each had their proper order. The Gaoxin clan created ball games, bells and drums, and mats woven from guan grass.

Emperor Yao lived in a thatched hut. The thatch on the roof was left untrimmed, and the earthen steps were only three chi high. In summer he wore a robe of kudzu cloth, and in winter a coat of deerskin. His De (Virtue/Power) was so vast that the people could not put it into words; his achievements were lofty, and he did indeed bring them to fulfillment.

Emperor Shun was deeply filial from his youth. Hearing that he was intelligent and possessed De, Yao employed him. Shun then appointed Yu Minister of Works (Sikong) to regulate water and soil; appointed Qi Lord of Millet (Houji) to teach the people to sow the various grains; appointed Xie Minister of Instruction (Situ) to educate the people; appointed Gao Yao chief judge (Shishi) to hear lawsuits; appointed Chui master of artisans (Gonggong) to oversee the various works; appointed Yi forester (yu) to nurture grasses and trees; appointed Boyi director of rites (Zhizong) to preside over the various ceremonies; and appointed Kui to take charge of music, so as to harmonize spirits and human beings. Shun played the five-stringed qin and sang the poem “Nanfeng” (Southern Wind).

Yu of Xia did not shrink from wind and rain. So occupied was he with controlling the floods that he had no time to set his cap and shoes in order. He divided the realm into the Nine Provinces, traveled by four kinds of conveyance, cut open Longmen, cleared Yique, led the various rivers into the sea, and established the feudal states. Had it not been for Yu’s achievements, people would in all likelihood have become fish. Among the achievements of emperors and kings, none is greater than this; therefore the hundred generations that follow should all abide by it, and thereby benefit the people and instruct and transform the world.

If a ruler wishes to follow the Dao of the Five Emperors without straying from it, he will be able to endure for a long time.

(The original text repeats itself at the end, and places such as “yulü” and “yulü wudi zhi dao” appear to contain corrupt characters; the foregoing follows the sense of the text in rendering them as “wishes to follow the Dao of the Five Emperors.”)

If a ruler simply follows the Dao (the Way) by which the Five Emperors governed, carries it out consistently, and does not alter it at will, he can long preserve the ancestral temple and the altars of soil and grain—ancestral sacrifice and the state—and become a model for the people.

Preserving the Dao: The Comprehensive Governance of the Five Emperors and Three Kings, Part A, the Fourth

Grasp the “Great Image”—the fundamental form of the Great Dao—and the people of the world will turn toward it. One who understands the Great Dao does not depart from the Dao; therefore the Dao cannot be left even for a moment.

When the sage occupies the highest place and governs the world, even if there is one worthy within a hundred li, it is as if there were none.

This means that when a sage-king is on the throne, transformative instruction reaches all the people, and his De (Virtue/Power) brings benefit to the myriad things. Even if there are worthies within a hundred li, the sage-king can broadly put the sagely Dao into practice, so that the deeds of those worthies are not brought into prominence. In this way, even if worthies are not few, it is as though there were none.

When the kingly Dao declines and a cruel, chaotic ruler holds power, even if there is only one worthy within a thousand li, it will seem as though worthies were everywhere.

This means that when the kingly Dao is in decline and government is cruel and chaotic, everyone longs for a person of De. Even if there is only one worthy within a thousand li, people will feel that he is close at hand. In other words, at such a time the worthy are exceedingly hard to find.

Selecting Officials: The Transmitted Governance of the Five Emperors and Three Kings, Part B, the Third

If emperors and kings wish to keep the state secure and to carry out decrees and moral instruction, the essential matter is the choice of good officials. In selecting them, one must investigate widely and seek talent broadly.

Hence it is said: “Among the people there are both the worthy and capable and the unworthy; both kinds of persons exist.”

“Worthy and capable” is the name for those of virtuous conduct; “unworthy” is the term for the obstinate, base, and clamorous. Worthiness and unworthiness appear in a person’s actions. The two alike arise from inborn human nature, yet they bear different names; each receives its endowment from that nature, and each has its fixed allotment. The world is vast and the people are many, so both the worthy and the unworthy are naturally included among them.

Therefore the worthy are given office, while the unworthy are set aside.

This means that the worthy do not necessarily seek advancement of their own accord. Because the times require them, the ruler employs them, and so the worthy are able to put their abilities to use. The unworthy, even if they do not themselves seek to withdraw, have nothing in their conduct worth adopting and cannot take part in the affairs of government, and so they are left idle.

To rely on talent is to make one’s conduct go awry.

If a person possesses extraordinary wisdom yet boasts of his own ability, depending on talent and flaunting cleverness, he will inevitably depart from the constant Dao. Rashness and frivolity lead a person toward danger and deviation. Hence it is said: “To rely on talent is to make one’s conduct go awry.”

A person of loyalty and integrity must cultivate the right Way. In cultivating oneself, what matters is sincerity; in conducting affairs, what matters is practicality; and one must walk the proper path. Ritual, righteousness, benevolence, and trustworthiness adorn a person's character, which is why the text says, "Loyalty and trustworthiness adorn it."

The common people are often ignorant and uninformed, which is what is meant by "the foolish." Yet even though the people are ignorant, an enlightened ruler who selects officials must still involve them in the process and allow them to voice their opinions. The point here is that an enlightened ruler treats others with sincerity, listens to the views of the many in choosing suitable officials, and does not decide alone.

If both the common people and the scholars approve of a certain person, the enlightened ruler promotes him. Having won the approval of the many and being skilled at handling affairs of government are precisely the reasons a ruler elevates and employs someone. If neither scholars nor common people approve of a certain person, the enlightened ruler dismisses him. If such a person does not meet the public's expectations and lacks the qualifications to take part in government, the ruler should dismiss him from office.

Therefore, a ruler must not select officials on his own judgment alone. He must first let the people express their views and then decide on that basis. By gathering the counsel of the many, the ruler observes the condition of the people; by careful discernment, he listens for rumors and opinions from every quarter; and by examining popular discussion, he judges the successes and failures of government. He then chooses worthy men to carry out his policies and instruct the people. To be able to extend one's own heart to others and, on that basis, select the worthy and appoint the capable is something only a sage can do.

The people are the standard by which officials are assessed. "Standard" (cheng) means a rule or measure. The people know best how officials conduct themselves, so the criteria for selecting officials should be drawn from the people. One listens to the people's assessment of an official and decides accordingly: if the people approve, the ruler promotes him; if the people object, the ruler dismisses him. This is what it means to follow the will of the people.

An old saying goes: "Though the people's station is humble, they should be allowed to take part in selecting officials, and those whom they love and revere should be the ones chosen." A sagely ruler does not go against the wishes of the many and appoint officials solely by his own opinion. Thus, if ten people hold someone dear, he is an official approved by those ten; if a hundred people hold someone dear… The original text breaks off at "a hundred people hold dear," and the passage that followed is missing.

If a person is loved by a hundred people, he can become an official over a hundred; if loved by a thousand, an official over a thousand; if loved by ten thousand, an official over ten thousand.

What is said from this point upward concerns, in every case, the De (Virtue/Power) that people each cherish. What people admire differs, and so the number of those who love them is sometimes greater and sometimes smaller.

Therefore, one who is loved by ten thousand people is qualified to be selected as a qingxiang (a senior official who assists the ruler and governs the state).

The more a person is loved, the more fit he is to manage affairs of government. The Shijing (Classic of Poetry) says: “Illustrious Grand Tutor Yin, the common people all look up to you.” When a ruler selects men of talent, he must not let the worthy slip away.

The qingxiang are the assisting officials of the feudal lords.

The qingxiang are what the ruler relies upon, and so they serve as the assisting officials of the feudal lords.

Therefore, the lands and emoluments held by those enfeoffed as marquises all derive from this. When the worthy receive these grants, they can possess fiefs and fix their boundaries. Because they were originally raised from the post of household retainer, it is said that their emoluments and rewards come by gradual promotion.

The qingxiang are the assisting officials of the feudal lords; therefore, the lands and emoluments held by those enfeoffed as marquises likewise derive from this. When the worthy receive their grants, they can possess fiefs and fix their boundaries; they rise step by step from the rank of household retainer, and so it is said that emoluments issue from this.

The qingxiang are the foundation of the feudal lords. Whether government flourishes or declines depends on the qingxiang: if the worthy are employed, the state can be harmonious and secure; if the worthy are lost, people’s hearts will scatter. Therefore, the feudal lord’s duty in governing the state turns above all on selecting and appointing the qingxiang.

Here ends the upper volume of the Yuzi.

Yuzi, Lower Volume

Annotated by Pang Xinggui, District Defender of Zheng County in Huazhou (Pang Xinggui was District Defender of Zheng County in Huazhou during the Tang dynasty and composed a commentary on this work).

Qufu: The Governance of the Duke of Zhou of Lu, Part Jia, Chapter Fourteen

Qufu extends seven hundred li in all directions. It was the former territory of Shaohao, and also the place where the Duke of Zhou was enfeoffed and established the state of Lu. The Duke of Zhou made further contributions in governing the state and instituting ritual systems, and for this reason the present chapter takes its title from that subject.

At the very outset of its discussion of governmental affairs, the text cites the words of the Duke of Zhou of the state of Lu, making clear that governing a state ought to follow the correct Way (Dao).

One who clearly knows what is good yet does not do it is called “kuang” (reckless). The good spoken of here means apprehending the great Dao and possessing De (Virtue/Power). When the ruler above carries out good government, the people below likewise turn toward the good; when Yao governed the world, even every household could receive enfeoffment and reward. One who clearly knows that following the good Way is right, yet does not put it into practice, is a reckless and perverse person.

One who clearly knows what is evil yet does not correct it is called “huo” (deluded). Evil conduct harms oneself and may even bring about destruction. When the ruler above does evil, and the people follow in doing evil and refuse to reform, this is benighted delusion. Recklessness and delusion are both matters by which sagely and enlightened rulers caution themselves: if one knows the good yet does not do it, and knows evil yet will not change, one will in the end fall into recklessness and delusion.

The Dao Talisman: Transmission of Governance of the Five Emperors and Three Kings, Part Jia, the Second

In founding a state and laying its foundations, the Dao must come first. When governmental affairs accord with the great Dao, conduct can be upright, and there is nowhere that slips into deviation. Things resonate with and respond to one another, and corresponding results naturally arise. “Jia” means what comes before “yi”; here it indicates that the Way of government is the foremost foundation of ruling the state.

Buxiao (unworthiness) means failing to resemble the worthy and being deficient in De. Only one who can recognize whether he himself is worthy or unworthy counts as discerning; how would an unworthy person call himself unworthy? Thus unworthiness tends to reveal itself in conduct.

Dan Zhu was arrogant and tyrannical, indulging in evil day and night without pause and never desisting; his evil deeds were displayed outwardly and were neither hidden nor hard to discern. Even if he considered himself worthy, people would still judge him unworthy on the basis of his conduct.

The traces of the muddle-headed person’s conduct have already come to light. Even if the other party is worthy and wise, should one also claim to be worthy and wise oneself, would others on that account regard him as worthy and wise?

A foolish person will not call himself foolish, yet his foolishness shows itself in his words. Would one who does not understand the great Dao (the Way), and who lacks De (Virtue/Power), ever admit of his own accord that he is foolish and benighted? Even if he calls himself intelligent, foolishness still appears in his speech. How could a foolish person ever think himself foolish? Seen through the eyes of one who understands principle, the traces of his foolishness naturally become manifest. Even if he regards himself as intelligent, would others on that account regard him as intelligent?

The Years the Five Emperors Governed the World, Seventh

Here the account takes the chronological records of the emperors as its starting point, setting down the years in which they assisted the preceding emperor and the years in which they ascended the throne. How could the world be governed at will? An emperor, too, comes to possess the world only by accumulating De and meritorious achievement. The ways of governance of the Five Emperors succeed one another from first to last, and for this reason they are called together the “Five Emperors.”

In former times, Emperor Zhuanxu (a legendary emperor of antiquity):

The principal wife of the Yellow Emperor, Leizu, gave birth to Changyi, and Changyi gave birth to Zhuanxu. Zhuanxu was known as Gaoyang Shi and reigned for seventy-eight years.

At the age of fifteen, Zhuanxu assisted the Yellow Emperor. The Yellow Emperor was known as Xuanyuan Shi. He was the second son of Shaodian; his father was named Dihong Shi, and his mother was named Fubao. Legend has it that his mother saw a great flash of lightning encircling the Pivot Star of the Northern Dipper and illuminating the countryside; stirred by this, she conceived, and after twenty-five months gave birth to the Yellow Emperor. The Yellow Emperor became king by the De of Earth, and so was called the Yellow Emperor; he reigned for one hundred years. From his childhood, Zhuanxu assisted the Yellow Emperor.

At the age of twenty, Zhuanxu governed the world—that is, he ascended the position of Son of Heaven.

When he governed the world, he followed the Yellow Emperor’s Dao of governance, carried out the Yellow Emperor’s decrees and ordinances, and made no changes to them; he studied and continued to apply the Yellow Emperor’s Dao. What is meant here is that he modeled himself on the Yellow Emperor’s method of governing the state through a thorough grasp of the great Dao, and put it into practice over a long time.

…Such was the case.

He studied the Dao (the Way) of the Yellow Emperor and observed it over the long term.

His teaching and deeds fell short of the Yellow Emperor’s, so he could only emulate the Yellow Emperor’s practice of penetrating the great Dao and carry it out over the long term.

In former times, Di Yu (that is, Emperor Ku) was a descendant of Xuanxiao, who was born to the Yellow Emperor’s principal consort. Xuanxiao’s son begot Di Yu. Di Yu’s De (Virtue/Power) was renewed day by day, and for this reason he was styled Gaoxin. He reigned for seventy years.

When Di Yu was fifteen he assisted Emperor Zhuanxu, and at thirty he governed the realm. He first assisted Zhuanxu in governing the realm, and later, at the age of thirty, ascended the throne.

When Di Yu governed the realm, he followed the Dao of the Yellow Emperor and elucidated it. That is to say, his De was slightly inferior to that of the Yellow Emperor; he could not fully practice the Yellow Emperor’s Dao and could only elucidate it. He also studied the Dao of Emperor Zhuanxu and put it into practice. The policies and moral instruction he carried out all imitated those of Zhuanxu; these methods, however, could not be continued for long.

The Governance of Yu, the Sixth

Boyu, that is, of the Xiahou clan. Because of his merit, Yu was granted a xuan gui (a black jade artifact). His De accorded with the primordial Dao of Heaven and Earth. He was also able to employ the worthy, establish government, and bring the realm to peace, and could therefore serve as a model; the chapter is accordingly named “The Governance of Yu.”

When Yu governed the realm, he employed Gaoyao, Du Ziye, Jizi, Shi Zi’an, Ji Zining, Ran Zikan, and Qing Ziyu. These are the names of the seven great officers.

With these seven great officers assisting him, Yu governed the realm, and the realm was thereby brought to order. This shows that even when a sovereign’s De is lofty, if he governs the realm alone he must still rely on the assistance of worthy and capable men before the people can be at peace.

Tang’s Governance of the Realm down to Zhou, the Seventh

Tang of Shang banished Jie of Xia, who had abandoned the Way (Dao), took charge of government, and brought order to the realm. He gained the aid of worthy high officials, and so the world was at peace. Later, King Zhou grew benighted and deluded, and in the end lost the state. The chapter therefore runs from Tang to Zhou, and takes its name from this.

Tang of Shang Brings Order to the Realm

Tang’s surname was Zi, his given name was Lü, and his courtesy name was Tianyi. “Tang” means removing tyranny and cutting away what does harm. Tang campaigned against the Earl of Ge, banished Jie, gained the realm by according with the situation of the times, and governed the state on that basis.

Tang employed Qingbu, Yi Yin, Huangli Ju, Dongmen Xu, Nanmen Ru, Ximen Ci, and Beimen Ce.

Yi Yin had come as an attendant in the bridal party of the Youshen clan, and later served as chief minister. Dongmen Xu and the others are all personal names.

Tang gained the assistance of these seven high officials and governed the realm, and the realm was thereby settled. All seven possessed worthy virtue (De): they could point out problems, remedy faults, assist the ruler, and coordinate the affairs of government. For this reason the realm gave its allegiance to Tang.

Twenty-Seven Generations

From Tang to Zhou, the throne passed in succession from father to son and from brother to brother, twenty-seven generations in all.

The span was five hundred and seventy-six years, down to King Zhou. In the Xia a year was called a sui; the count of years here does not include the year of accession.

The Supreme Governance of Yu, the Sixth

One who can attend to affairs of government by means of five musical instruments, and who is also diligent on behalf of the state, may be called “supreme.”

When Yu governed the realm, he used five musical instruments to hear counsel.

The palace gates were many and deep, and the opinions of the common people did not easily reach the ruler. In order to hear what the people wished to state, remonstrate about, and set right, Yu set up five musical instruments, and by means of them gathered in opinions and heard and managed the affairs of government.

A bell, a drum, a clapper-bell, and a stone chime were hung at the gate, and a tao, a small drum, was set upon the ground, so that worthy men from the four quarters might come forward and speak. When someone came to present an opinion, that person struck the corresponding instrument, and the message was thereby conveyed.

Yu also had notices carved on the frame from which the instruments hung:

“Those who wish to instruct me in the Way, please strike the drum.” The sound of the drum rouses people and stirs them to act; therefore it was used to mark counsel in accord with the Way.

“Those who wish to instruct me in righteousness, please strike the bell.”

A bell is a musical instrument made of metal; when struck, it gives forth sound. Because the tone of a bell is solemn and can correspond to “yi” (righteousness), one strikes the bell in order to teach people to understand the principles of right.

One instructs me by what stirs and moves people—methods of encouragement and of transforming the heart—so that my actions accord with the Dao (the Way).

To teach me to understand the principles of right, one strikes the bell. The bell is a metal instrument and sounds when struck; its tone is solemn and able to correspond to “righteousness,” and so, when one would teach people the principles of right, one strikes the bell.

To teach me how to handle affairs, one shakes the duo. The duo is an instrument with a metal bell and a wooden tongue. When a matter may be carried out, or when there are words to convey, one shakes the duo as a signal.

To set before me matters of sorrow and anxiety, one strikes the qing. The tone of distressing affairs is mournful; the sound of the qing is clear, far-reaching, and still, close to a sound of grief, and so, to present such sorrows, one strikes the qing.

To lay lawsuits before me, one shakes the tao, a drum with a handle and small mallets tied on either side. The handling of legal cases calls for swiftness, and therefore one shakes the tao to convey the business concerned. These are what are called the “five sounds.” All the words above are engraved in the inscriptions on the sunju, the frame from which bells and chimes are hung.

Thus, in the course of a single meal, Yu the Great rose seventy times to attend to affairs; even when noon came, he still had not managed to eat his fill. So urgent was he in the business of government that he had no leisure to finish a meal in peace, and in this way he showed how eagerly he received men of worth.

He said, “I still fear that worthy men from the four quarters may be held up upon the roads.”

A road that is commonly traveled is not, in itself, a matter worth anxiety.

And so worthy men from the four quarters all came.

If only what one does accords with the Dao, those above and those below will answer one another and the moment will fit; whoever wishes to come will come of himself.

Thus, when Yu the Great was in his court, he had leisure enough to spread a net and catch sparrows.

That he could not even eat his fill shows how busy he was in hearing the affairs of government; only when the court grew quiet and at ease did it become plain that matters had been properly settled and that the worthy had all arrived.

Section Five of the Daofu Wudi Sanwang Chuanzheng Jia (The Transmission of Government by the Five Emperors and Three Kings, Part A)

When a gentleman is about to take office, his spirit is roused, like the sun at its first rising; after he has assumed office, his brightness shines forth and the people receive blessing; after he leaves office, government and moral instruction gradually grow dim, and the people lose their teaching. This is what is meant by the statutes of government according with the Dao of Heaven.

The authority of the state, for its part, is held from generation to generation by enlightened ministers and chancellors.

Once a state has been established, it will have high ministers (senior officials who assist the ruler). Those who are worthy and virtuous possess the qualifications to serve as high ministers; when they are recommended, the ruler appoints them. How could those who lack worth and virtue be equal to the office?

Whether a state is large or small, governing it requires people of wisdom. The security or disorder of a state is not brought about by the ruler alone; what can make the state secure is wise counsel.

People of wisdom do not form their aspirations in a single day. Only by accumulating achievements over a long time, and by practicing the correct Dao (the Way) without slackening, do they fulfill their aims.

The strategies for governing a state likewise cannot take shape in a single day. Strategy comes from deep and careful reflection. To take the establishment of De (Virtue/Power) as the essential task, and to follow the correct Way with breadth of mind and steady gravity; to clarify the conduct of government and carry out moral instruction, handling public affairs with sincerity and impartiality—none of these strategies can be formed within a single day.

The aspirations and strategies of governing the state must in the end be established by the sovereign, so that the common people know how to settle themselves in security. When the ruler possesses the Dao, instruction and moral transformation can reach those below. People far and near will look up to the Way and to righteousness; the borders on every side will be peaceful and free of anxiety; the people will be simple and harmonious; and thieves and bandits will vanish without a trace. Then people know how to secure their lives, and they also know what they ought to avoid.

The wealthy and noble and the poor and lowly do not encroach upon one another. Benevolence, righteousness, ritual propriety, and wisdom are all practiced along the correct Way; decrees and instruction nowhere violate principle; and the people thereby receive blessing. This is what is called knowing what must be avoided and respected.

To promulgate instruction and carry out decrees so that all under Heaven receive blessing—this is called the “Dao.” First guide the people with broad love, then make De and righteousness clear; promote reverence and humble yielding, and transform the people through rites and music; do not let the seasons of cultivation pass unused, and do not impair the benefits by which people make their living. In this way, disaster and disorder will not arise. This, broadly speaking, is the principle that brings blessing.

When those above and those below draw close to one another, it is called “harmony.” To instruct the people by lofty De, to govern the state by what is essential and to the point, and to bring high and low into one accord—this is “harmony.”

When the people need not seek in every direction and yet obtain what they require, it is called “good faith.” People go out to work at sunrise and rest at sunset. They are neither worn down by burdensome affairs nor harassed by harsh decrees; their food is pleasing, their dwellings secure, and they delight in their proper callings. None of this is obtained by seeking it elsewhere. When the ruler takes the lead in practicing the correct Way, the business of government may be said to rest on ample sincerity and good faith.

To remove the harms that afflict all under Heaven is called “benevolence.”

To care impartially for all things, to pity and rescue those in distress, and to let the people live and work in peace and contentment—is this a method sought from outside? When a ruler in the superior position is able to practice the correct Dao (the Way), the policies he carries out may be called great xin (trustworthiness).

To eliminate the calamities of the world is what is called ren (benevolence).

To care impartially for all things and to practice benevolent love—even as when Tang of Shang campaigned against the Earl of Ge and banished Jie of Xia to Nanchao, or as when Yu of Xia separately dredged the mountains and rivers and demarcated the provinces and domains—in this way the people of the world are spared turmoil, and the common people can dwell in peace. Is ren far from us? These practices have already attained ren.

Ren, xin, he (harmony), and the Dao are the instruments and fundamental conditions on which emperors and kings rely in governing the world.

These four are what emperors and kings depend on to possess the world, and they are also the reason people are glad to support them. If one goes against them, the world will grow alienated and rebel, and the ruler will be unable to retain the realm.

All things have an “instrument” (implement, condition, or method) suited to themselves. When something can exert a beneficial effect, it may be called its instrument; if one goes against its proper use, how can that count as using the instrument correctly?

Therefore, if one wishes to accomplish something yet does not act according to the appropriate method, even with the intention to act, one will not succeed.

Neither names and status nor instruments may be conferred on others at will. Whatever is to be done must employ the instrument that corresponds to it. When the right instrument is used, affairs can be brought into harmony; if one does not act according to the appropriate method, one will be far from success—how then could anything be accomplished?

When feudal lords wish to become kings, the same principle applies. Without the conditions and methods required of an emperor or king, they cannot succeed.

The world is so vast, and the authority of the state so weighty; one who is not suited to kingship can hardly bear such a heavy charge. Only one who possesses the Qi (vital energy) of a true king can govern the world and decide affairs of state. To become an emperor or king, one must also practice ren, xin, he, and the Dao, and employ the fundamental conditions a ruler needs to order the state, so as to win over and pacify the people and possess the four quarters. The Western Earl (King Wen of Zhou) made the state flourish through reverence and humble yielding; the man of Nanyang obtained political power by means of the “Seven Ways” spoken of in the text. If one is not the right person, how could success come easily?

The Governance of Tang: The Principles by Which Tang Governed the World, Seven

When Heaven and Earth opened, the myriad things arose from this; through the transformations of Yin-Yang, the four seasons were established. Distinguishing things and ordering the myriad kinds is the method of governing affairs; grasping change from beginning to end allows one to form norms that can be followed.

When Heaven and Earth opened, the myriad things came into being, …

When Qian (Heaven) is at rest, it gathers itself in single-minded concentration; when it moves, it proceeds upright and straight. When Kun (Earth) is at rest, it draws inward and stores what it holds; when it moves, it opens out and spreads. Heaven and Earth are thereby vast and great, and able to generate and nurture the myriad things.

After the myriad things have grown, they are governed by human beings.

What is meant by governance is bringing each thing between Heaven and Earth to its proper place. Heaven and Earth generate and nurture the myriad things, yet they cannot make those things harmonize with one another, nor restrain one another. Human beings are therefore needed to govern and set them right. Without governance, the myriad things would lose their order.

Heaven and Earth can generate and nurture the myriad things, yet they cannot but also bring them to an end. That Heaven and Earth cause the myriad things to perish lies beyond human power. Heaven can generate and nurture the myriad things, and only Heaven can cause them to perish. Since this is Heaven’s doing, how could human beings bring them back to life? This is not something human beings can do.

That human beings change and tend toward the good is a constant principle of nature. Among all living beings, the human being is the most honored; that human beings can tend toward the good is likewise a constant principle of the Dao (the Way) of Heaven.

The conduct of beasts, by contrast, tends toward evil. They come to life by receiving Qi (vital energy), yet they lack the awareness and moral instruction that human beings possess. They do not belong to the human kind, so how could their conduct fail to appear coarse and vicious?

To be a human being and yet not practice the good is to be called a “beast.” That human beings tend toward the good is a constant principle of the Dao of Heaven. If someone now fails to practice the good, what difference is there between that person and the birds and beasts that fly through empty space and tread the solid ground?

Heaven comes first, and Earth afterward. Heaven is above and Earth below; this is the natural order.

Only when Heaven and Earth exist are the myriad things distinguished. After the Three Powers—Heaven, Earth, and humankind—are established, the myriad things each differ from one another.

Only with distinction is there righteousness. The right relation of husband and wife is thereby made plain, and the right relation of ruler and minister is thereby brought to light.

Only with righteousness is there moral instruction. The many offices are established, and government orders together with moral instruction can be carried out; the bond of father and son is settled, and the household likewise institutes instruction, so that right principle can be extended upward.

Only with moral instruction is there the Dao. Once the concrete rules of instruction have been made clear, the Dao is used to gather and restrain them; if one goes against the Dao, deviation becomes apparent.

At the end of the original text the phrase “only after there is righteousness is there instruction” is repeated, and some of the wording appears incomplete; the reading above follows those passages whose sense coheres, rendered in the vernacular.

When the hundred officials are established, government orders and moral instruction can be carried into effect; when the relationship of father and son is settled, the family then has a standard for teaching its children. In this way, the results of moral instruction can reach upward to the ruler.

Only when there is moral instruction is there the Dao (the Way)—the standard followed in governing and in acting.

Once the course and path of moral instruction have been made plain, they must be kept within bounds by the Dao; if one departs from the Dao, the myriad things cannot be settled.

Only when there is the Dao is there principle—the order and rationale proper to each thing.

When the names of the various things and the order belonging to each have all been established, principle exists of itself.

Only when there is principle is there number—the quantities and regularities by which things are brought under a single order.

Once names and order are clear, number is used to hold them together. Number runs from one to ten and is then extended to thousands and tens of thousands; the products of the nine-by-nine multiplications, and the degrees of the heavenly bodies in their motion, all fall within the scope of number.

The sun has its darkening and its daybreak, its daylight and its night; only then, on that basis, is the count of days determined.

A full circuit of heaven comprises three hundred and sixty degrees. It advances one degree each day, and in three hundred and sixty days completes one revolution of the heavens. Within a single day, day and night are divided into one hundred ke. By these, number is fixed.

The moon has its fullness and its waning, and also its changes of conjunction with the sun and separation from it; all of these are recorded by number.

A year has twelve months, and each month has its waning and its fullness. The sun and the moon sometimes conjoin in the same position and sometimes travel apart. When the year comes to an end, the sun has reached the close of its cycle, the moon has reached the close of its synodic cycle, the stars and constellations have returned to their former places in the sky, and number too draws near its end. That is to say, when the sun, moon, and stars have run their course through the twelfth month, all have returned to their original positions. “Ji” means coming together.

In the course of a year, the sun reaches the close of its cycle, the moon reaches the close of its synodic cycle, the stars and constellations return to their former places in the sky, and number too draws near its end. That is to say, when the sun, moon, and stars have run their course through the twelfth month, all have returned to their original positions. “Ji” means coming together.

When these four celestial signs—the sun, the moon, the stars and constellations, and the seasons of the year—are all set forth, number can be determined from them and used to order affairs.

Spring, summer, autumn, and winter are each marked off according to the movements of the sun and moon through the year. All of these are principles that ought to be taken as models in the conduct of government.

Zheng, government, means to uphold and sustain. The sense of “beginning and end” is that one upholds a matter from its beginning all the way through to its end.

Zheng also means to set straight. To govern the world is to set straight the order of the world. Just as heaven revolves without cease, the work of government should begin by nurturing and bringing the myriad things to growth and end by settling them, so that each thing finds its proper place.

Caution in Capital Punishment: The Duke of Zhou of Lu, the Sixth

Penal law must have order and must accord with the administrative affairs of the time; the De (Virtue/Power) of cherishing life must likewise conform to the codes and institutions. Thus the Duke of Zhou, by his enlightened and sagely endowment, assisted in bringing the house of Zhou to fulfillment. The principles by which people are admonished and encouraged may be spoken of beginning from this. The main outline of governing a state lies in reward and punishment; if either of these two is allowed to fall slack, by what shall the multitude be taught and regulated?

In governing, these principles ought to be placed first, and so they are recorded in this chapter.

In former times…

“In former times” simply means words that refer to the past.

The Duke of Zhou of the state of Lu sent Kang Shu to garrison the territory of Yin.

Kang Shu was the Duke of Zhou’s younger brother by the same mother. At that time the territory of Yin was the region under the jurisdiction of the Three Supervisors of the state of Wei. The people of Yin rebelled again and again, so the Duke of Zhou sent this worthy younger brother to govern them.

The Duke of Zhou admonished him, saying, “Rather than wrongly kill the innocent, it is better to let the guilty go free.”

Human life hangs upon this, so one must investigate with care and judge with impartiality. If punishments are abused, how can they win the people’s submission? Therefore one must not lightly put the innocent to death; it is better that the guilty go unpunished. This, too, is the way of generous and humane governance.

The innocent must not be killed. If punishment is unjust, then even when it is carried out it cannot stop crime. The meaning is that punishment must be applied to the guilty.

Those who have merit must not go without reward. If rewards are unjust, then even when they are bestowed they cannot encourage people to do good. The meaning is that rewards must be given to those who have merit.

In speaking these words, the Duke of Zhou admonished Kang Shu and also referred to his fief.

To speak of “admonishing” again and again is to show solemn earnestness. “Feng” was Kang Shu’s personal name.

“Punishments and rewards must be carried out with care.”

Punishment and reward are important instruments of authority in governing a state. To punish out of anger is not necessarily to punish justly; to reward out of favor is not necessarily to reward those who have merit. If rewards are excessive, there is a danger that even the dissolute and lawless will receive them; if punishments are abused, the good may be harmed. When rewards are fitting, the virtuous are encouraged; when punishments are fitting, the wicked restrain themselves. Therefore, in applying rewards and punishments, one cannot fail to be careful.

End of the lower juan of the Yuzi.

The following are collation notes on the Daozang edition, the Siku edition, and related versions, explaining the differences in wording among the editions and the editors’ decisions.

In the Siku edition, the three characters “之人也亡” appear in addition afterward. Where the text has “贞,” the Siku edition reads “真”; where it has “妄,” the Siku edition reads “忘.” The sentence in question appears in the Siku edition as “十四月生.” Where the text has “化,” the Siku edition reads “比.” In the Daozang edition the character “效” was originally written twice, as “效效”; the repeated character has now been deleted on the authority of the Siku edition. Where the text has “任,” the Siku edition reads “仁.” For the character “忧,” some copies of the Siku edition read “效效,” which the editors have corrected on the basis of the Siku edition; another note records that the Siku edition reads “留.” Where the text has “入,” the Siku edition reads “光,” and where it has “主,” the Siku edition reads “王.” In the Daozang edition the character “治” was originally missing before “志”; it has now been supplied from the Siku edition. The character “智” originally stood in the Daozang edition as “则”; judging this to be an error, the editors emended it to “智” according to the sense of the passage and the Siku edition. The character “於” originally stood in the Daozang edition as “保”; judging this likewise to be an error, the editors emended it to “於” according to the sense of the passage and the Siku edition. Where the text has “推,” the Siku edition reads “用.” The sentence in question appears in the Siku edition as “得其用也，故达之,” and another sentence appears there as “难以处王之器，而未可以宰割.” Where the text has “别,” the Siku edition reads “则”; where it has “饰,” the Siku edition reads “识”; and where it has “验,” the Siku edition reads “渡.” Another sentence appears in the Siku edition as “数统之矣.” The character “必” originally stood in the Daozang edition as “不”; judging this to be an error, the editors emended it to “必” according to the sense of the passage and the Siku edition. The sentence in question originally read “赏之重” in the Daozang edition, which does not yield a coherent sense; the editors revised it on the basis of the Siku edition and the Baizi edition. The same sentence appears in the Siku edition as “赏僭则惧及於淫.”

This passage is chiefly a set of collation notes. It records differences of wording among the editions and the grounds on which the editors changed characters, supplied missing characters, or deleted repeated text.