《弘道錄》Vol. 12

The Moral Duty between Father and Son

The Book of the Western Han records that in the reign of Emperor Wen, Jia Yi submitted a memorial stating that the rulers of the three dynasties of Xia, Shang, and Zhou were able to pass on the throne for dozens of generations, while the Qin, which held the throne, transmitted it for only two before collapsing. Human nature does not differ greatly from one person to another. Why, then, did the states of the three dynasties endure for so long when their rulers governed by the Dao, while the Qin fell so quickly when it governed without it?

In examining the ancient past, when a crown prince was born, the court carried out the rites in accordance with ceremony. The responsible officials straightened their robes and caps and welcomed the heir in the southern suburbs. They dismounted from their carriages when passing the palace gates and walked quickly when passing the ancestral temple. From infancy, the prince was instructed in ritual. When he came of age, the Three Dukes of the court and the Three Junior Mentors who attended him taught him filial piety, benevolence, righteousness, and propriety. They guided him to learn these principles through his everyday words and conduct, and they kept him away from depraved people and from improper behavior.

The court also chose from across the realm men of upright conduct, filial devotion, brotherly affection, broad learning, and moral integrity to tutor and protect the prince, and to live and move with him. In this way, from childhood the prince heard only proper speech, walked only the correct path, and found only upright people around him, in front and behind, on the left and on the right. The longevity of the three dynasties was due precisely to this system of instructing the heir.

The Qin was not like this. The Second Emperor, Hu Hai, had Zhao Gao as his tutor, and what he learned was the art of interrogation and punishment. What he was exposed to were either cruel tortures such as killing and cutting off noses, or punishments that exterminated three generations of a family. Thus, the day after Hu Hai ascended the throne, he shot down innocent people with arrows. Loyal remonstrances were condemned by him as slander, and far-sighted proposals were dismissed as monstrous talk. He regarded killing people as no different from cutting down weeds. Was Hu Hai's nature alone so vicious? It was also because those who guided him taught him wrongly.

The Records of Expanding the Dao (Hongdao Lu) comments: Jia Yi's memorial profoundly identifies the principle that must be given attention before problems arise. In antiquity, the eldest son of the Son of Heaven, the other sons, the sons of the dukes, ministers, and officers, and the outstanding young men among the common people all entered the Grand Academy to study. There they received instruction in investigating principles thoroughly, rectifying the heart, cultivating the self, and governing others. When the Zhou declined and its teachings gradually waned, the transmission of the Dao (Dao tong) had long been neglected, and this condition was not confined to the Qin alone.

A ruler as wise as Emperor Wen did not adopt Jia Yi's proposal, and this is a matter over which the gentleman deeply laments. For that reason, it has been deliberately recorded here to preserve this principle. Later, Emperor Jing executed ministers, changed the choice of heir, deposed an empress, and indulged his younger brother excessively, nearly repeating the failure of the Qin. Who can say that Jia Yi's insight was merely the shallow view of a young man?

When Shi Fen, the Lord of Wanshi, retired and returned home, every time he passed the palace gates and the watchtowers, he was certain to dismount and walk quickly.

When Shi Fen saw the carriage of the ruler passing, he would always grip the front crossbar in a gesture of respect. When his descendants who held minor office came to pay their respects to him, known as Wanshi Jun (the "Lord of Ten Thousand Stones," an honorific that reflected the fact that all four of his sons had risen to the rank of two thousand bushels), they were required to wear court robes, and he never addressed them by their personal names. If a descendant committed a fault, he did not reprimand them to their face. Instead, he withdrew to the bianzuo (the resting place beside the formal seat) to attend to his affairs and would refuse to eat. Afterward, his sons would reproach one another, then bare their upper bodies, ask the elder to accept their solemn apology, and pledge to mend their ways. Only then would he consent to forgive them.

Those among his descendants who had reached adulthood, even when at home in idleness, always wore their caps and maintained a dignified bearing. The household servants were likewise reverent and careful. When the emperor occasionally sent food to the house, Shi Fen would kowtow and prostrate himself, eating as though he were in the emperor's presence. When he mourned his kin, his grief was profound, and his descendants followed his teaching and did the same. The household of Wanshi Jun became renowned throughout the commanderies and kingdoms for filial piety and caution. Even the Confucian scholars of Qi and Lu believed that their own conduct fell short of theirs.

The eldest son, Shi Jian, served as Langzhongling (Minister of the Palace Guards, an office in charge of palace security and related affairs), and the youngest son, Shi Qing, served as Neishi (an official in charge of administration in the capital region). When Shi Jian had grown old and his hair had turned white, Wanshi Jun was still alive. Shi Jian returned home every five days, on his rest day, to visit his father. He would enter his son's quarters, quietly inquire of the attendants, and take his father's undergarments and inner clothing. He washed these himself and then handed them back to the attendants. He did not dare let Wanshi Jun know, and he continued this practice for many years.

Once, the Neishi Shi Qing returned home drunk. He entered the outer gate but did not dismount from his carriage. When Wanshi Jun heard of this, he was so angered that he refused to eat. Shi Qing, frightened, bared his upper body to apologize, but Wanshi Jun would not accept it. The entire household, along with the elder brother Shi Jian, also bared their upper bodies. Wanshi Jun rebuked him, saying: "The Neishi is a person of high rank. When he enters the lanes of the neighborhood, the elders of the lane must step aside for him. Yet you sat in your carriage as though nothing were amiss, and this was simply not proper." Shi Qing apologized again, and only then did Wanshi Jun allow him to leave. From that time on, whenever Shi Qing and his brothers entered the village gate, they hurried on foot to their homes.

The commentary in the Hongdao Lu (Record of Expanding the Way) observes: I find that, in the age between the Qin and Han, when harsh punishments and strict laws constrained the hearts of the people, a family like the Shis nonetheless upheld ritual propriety. This is enough to show that human hearts naturally incline toward goodness. Had such men been entrusted to assist the heir apparent and instruct the feudal kings, and had they upheld the rites of the heir as Boqin did, the customs of the Han might have been improved. It is regrettable that the people of that time saw only that practicing ritual through personal conduct required little effort, and did not realize that this was not empty talk about pure and mysterious principles, but the practical functioning already inherent in human nature. They rejected only the complicated and ornate aspects of Confucian learning and did not understand its foundation. As for Shi Jian serving as Langzhongling and Shi Qing as Neishi, these posts merely managed palace affairs and the revenues of grain and money. How much could they truly benefit the state? Jia Yi's heartfelt and urgent memorials of remonstrance were indeed well founded. Therefore, I record this matter here.

Jin Midi was originally the crown prince of the Xiongnu's Xiutu King. His mother, the yanzhi (the title for the consort of a Xiongnu king), instructed her son with great discipline. When Emperor Wu of Han heard that Jin Midi was devoted to his mother, ……

Emperor Wu of Han (Han Wudi) praised Jin Midi (Jin Midi) for his loyalty and diligence and ordered that his portrait be painted in the Ganquan Palace (Ganquan Gong), a Han imperial palace complex. Each time Jin Midi passed the portrait, he would bow respectfully and weep before going on his way.

Later, Jin Midi's eldest son became a companion of the emperor. Once grown, he began to frolic with palace maids in the hall. Jin Midi happened to come upon them and killed his son. The emperor was furious, but Jin Midi explained in detail why he had done it. Upon hearing this, the emperor wept, yet his respect for Jin Midi only grew.

The Hongdao Lu (Hongdao Lu) comments: In my view, the case of Jin Midi shows that even when the Yidi (the term ancient people used for peoples beyond the Central Plains) have bonds of kinship, they fall short of those within the Huaxia (the ancient name for the Central Plains region) who have given up their own kin. Ji You had merit and Zhao Xuanzi was loyal, yet their sacrificial lineages were cut off because Yuantong and Pingkuo had affairs with Lady Zhuang. Kang Shu's descendants kept their sacrifices, yet the whole clan was destroyed because Prince Wan had an affair with the lady mother. Moreover, what kind of place is the palace, and who are palace maids? How could one dally intimately with them and then act as though nothing had happened? Jin Midi and Huo Guang had little formal education. Was it that Huo Guang lacked ability while Jin Midi had insight? The key lies only in whether one can decide when a decision is needed, and whether one can hold back when restraint is needed. Thus the ancient saying goes: "Failing to decide when one should decide brings disorder." And again: "Failing to endure small matters ruins great plans." Even without study, these truths can be understood from the events themselves.

Wei Xian and his son Wei Xuancheng both held high office as chancellors because they were masters of the Jing (classics). For this reason, a saying circulated in the Zou and Lu regions: "Leaving sons gold is not as good as leaving them a copy of the classics." Wei Xian was plain and unassuming, had few desires, and devoted himself wholeheartedly to scholarship, earning the title of great Confucian scholar. He was summoned as an erudite (boshi) and, by imperial order, lectured the emperor on the Shijing (Book of Odes), which is why he was held in high regard under Emperor Xuan. In the third year of the Benshi era, he became chancellor and was enfeoffed as Marquis of Fuyang. After five years in the post, he asked to retire because of old age and frequent illness. The emperor allowed him to resign the chancellorship and return home, and this practice began with Wei Xian.

Wei Xuancheng was especially humble and generous toward others. His elder brother, Wei Hong, served as assistant grand ritualist and should have inherited the title. When Wei Xian fell gravely ill, however, the family recommended Wei Xuancheng instead. When the emperor summoned him to confer an office, Wei Xuancheng declined again and again and accepted the title only when he had no choice. Emperor Xuan admired his integrity and appointed him Governor of Henan, while Wei Hong was made Governor of Donghai.

Earlier, the emperor's favored consort, Lady Zhang, bore Prince Xian of Huaiyang. The prince loved governance and understood the law well, and the emperor so valued his ability that he once considered naming him heir. But the crown prince came from a humble background and had lost his mother at an early age, so the emperor could not bear to change the succession. After a long time, the emperor wished to have a minister known for deference assist Prince Xian, and so he appointed Wei Xuancheng as Chamberlain of Huaiyang. In the ten years after Emperor Yuan came to the throne, Wei Xuancheng succeeded his father as chancellor and was also enfeoffed as a marquis. In this way, the Wei family became prominent in their age.

The records say that among the Han scholars who rose to the chancellorship through the classics, only the Wei father and son came after Gongsun Hong. When Wei Xian was old, he held the chancellorship for five years and was then permitted to retire, and his contemporaries regarded this as a fine story. Given that, what counsel or accomplishment could one still expect from him? Wei Xuancheng served for seven years. He was upright and prudent, though not as capable as his father, and he was more accomplished in literary matters.

The chancellor's duty was to assist the Dao (the Way) of heaven and earth above and to nourish the myriad things below. If one valued only literary talent, that would be no more than the standard for selecting scholars. The Han never produced a chancellor whose governance deserves praise. They were either cautious and yielding, seeking only to preserve themselves, or they simply followed old precedent. That the Han way of governing stopped at this point is no cause for wonder.

The Shiji records that the Grand Historian Sima Tan served during the Jianyuan and Yuanfeng reign periods. Worried that scholars could not master learning thoroughly, and that the various schools, each following its own teachers, contradicted one another, he set out the essentials of six traditions: the Yin-Yang school, the Confucians, the Mohists, the School of Names, the Legalists, and the Daojia (Daoist school). The Grand Historian oversaw the celestial offices and did not govern the common people.

His son, named Qian, was born at Longmen. He farmed and herded on the south side of the river mountains. At ten he was reading ancient texts. At twenty he began traveling south through the Yangtze and Huai regions, climbed Mount Kuaiji to visit the Cave of Yu, surveyed Mount Jiuyi, and sailed the Yuan and Xiang rivers. He then went north, crossed the Wen and Si rivers, studied in the regions of Qi and Lu, and examined the customs Confucius had left behind. After passing through Liang and Chu, he returned home.

Later, Sima Qian became a Gentleman of the Palace and was sent on a mission south of Ba and Shu, returning to report. That year the Son of Heaven began the great Feng and Shan sacrifices for the Han dynasty. The Grand Historian, however, was detained in Zhounan and could not accompany the ceremony. Indignant and gravely ill, he was close to death. Sima Qian happened to return from his mission and met his father at Heluo. The Grand Historian took his hand and wept, saying: "Our ancestors served as Grand Historians of Zhou. From high antiquity our family distinguished itself under Yu and Xia, presiding over the celestial offices, but later our house declined. Now the sovereign inherits a line a thousand years old and goes to Mount Tai to perform the Feng sacrifice, while I cannot follow. Perhaps this is fate! After I die, you must become Grand Historian. When you are Grand Historian, do not forget what I wished to set out and write."

All under heaven praised the Duke of Zhou, saying that he could expound and sing the virtues of King Wen and King Wu, proclaim the legacy of the Dukes of Zhou and Shao, clarify the deliberations of King Tai and King Ji, and trace back to Gong Liu in order to honor Hou Ji. After the reigns of King You and King Li, the royal Way declined and ritual and music decayed. Confucius revised the Spring and Autumn Annals, which scholars still take as their standard today. Since the capture of the qilin recorded in the Annals, more than four hundred years have passed. The feudal lords annexed one another, and the transmission of historical records was cut off. Now the Han has risen, and across the empire...

"After the empire was unified, if I, as Grand Historian (Taishi, the official in charge of astronomy, the calendar, and the historical records), did not record the wise rulers, the virtuous ministers, and those who died for righteousness, the written documents of the realm would be cut off, and I am deeply troubled by this. You must remember this matter."

Sima Qian heard this, lowered his head, and wept. He said, "My talent is slight, but I am willing to do my utmost to put in order the old accounts my late father arranged, and I dare not omit anything." Three years later, Sima Qian became Grand Scribe (Taishiling) and organized the historical materials kept in the Stone Chamber and the Golden Casket. He did not go against his father's words. The phrase "transmit old accounts and put in order what has been handed down through the generations" means arranging and sequencing the historical events that had been passed down over the ages. It did not mean creating something from nothing.

Sima Qian then began to compile these documents. Seven years later, he suffered the calamity involving Li Ling. After he withdrew from office, he reflected deeply: the wording of the ancient classics is often subtle and winding, and I wish to fulfill my aspirations. He recalled that when the Earl of the West was imprisoned at Youli, he deduced the Book of Changes; that Confucius, trapped between the states of Chen and Cai, compiled the Spring and Autumn Annals; that Qu Yuan, exiled, wrote the Li Sao; that Zuo Qiuming, after losing his sight, composed the Guoyu; that Sun Bin, after suffering the removal of his kneecaps, expounded on the art of war; and that Lü Buwei, relocated to Shu, left behind the Lüshi Chunqiu, which has been transmitted to later ages. Han Fei, imprisoned in Qin, wrote "Shuo Nan" and "Gu Fen." Broadly speaking, most of the three hundred poems in the Book of Odes were also written by worthies and sages to give voice to their pent-up grief.

Therefore, I record past events in the hope of being understood by later generations. The work runs from the time of Tao Tang (Yao) to the capture of the unicorn, beginning with the Yellow Emperor. It consists of twelve Basic Annals, ten Tables, eight Treatises, thirty Hereditary Houses, and seventy Biographies, for a total of one hundred and thirty chapters. I keep the original copy hidden in famous mountains and deposit a duplicate in the capital, to await the sages and gentlemen of later ages.

The editorial note in the Hongdao Lu observes that, in his postface, Sima Qian mentions that the Han dynasty inherited the remnants of the late Five Emperors and continued the lineage of the Three Dynasties of Xia, Shang, and Zhou. After the fall of Qin, the ancient documents and classics were scattered and fragmented. When the Han rose, Xiao He, Han Xin, Zhang Cang, Shusun Tong, and others successively put governance and cultural education in order. After a century of development, learning gradually flourished, and ancient texts such as the Odes and the Documents repeatedly came to light. The surviving documents and historical records of the empire were almost entirely gathered together. Sima Tan and Sima Qian, father and son, successively held the office of Grand Scribe and compiled histories, which rested on a foundation transmitted by their predecessors. Yet Sima Qian, implicated in the Li Ling affair, still wrote his one hundred and thirty chapters out of indignation. How, then, could later scholars willingly remain ignorant and refuse to study with dedication?

Ban Gu went on to write the Book of Han, drawing extensively on Sima Qian's wording. Afterward, Du You compiled the Tongdian, Zheng Qiao the Tongzhi, and Ma Duanlin the Wenxian Tongkao. The court also permitted them to borrow books from the Three Scriptoria (the institutions where the court kept its collections and compiled histories) and supplied paper and brushes for copying. When Sima Guang compiled the Zizhi Tongjian, Zhu Xi the Tongjian Gangmu, and Hu Anguo wrote the Chunqiu Zhuan, their disciples, and even their sons and sons-in-law, took part in the compiling and proofreading. Alas, how flourishing scholarship was! Now, some people may resolve to study diligently……

The strength of a single person can accomplish only what he can force himself to do, so if he cannot force himself to do something, he should consider whether his talent is equal to the task. Only what he can bear should he strive to do. As for the principles recorded in books, if he cannot force himself to practice them, he should consider whether they are credible. Only what is credible should he believe. If even what he is fond of is not credible, then his aspirations are empty. The gentleman should neither merely envy the talent and virtue of the ancients nor contentedly follow the boundaries that people of his own age have set for him. He should diligently do what he can do, prepare thoroughly for what he can prepare for, and believe in and practice what is credible. In this way, he may be spared the lengthy disputations found in the writings of a single school.

Liu Xiang's three sons, Ji, Ci, and Xin, all loved learning, and Liu Xin was the most famous of them. Father and son both loved the ancient texts. By imperial command they oversaw the collation of the books in the palace archives, lecturing on and discussing the Six Arts (the six Confucian classics), their commentaries, the masters of the various schools, poetry and rhapsody, numerology and techniques, and medicine and recipes, and they studied all of them thoroughly. After Liu Xiang died, Liu Xin took over the collation of the Five Classics and completed the work his father had left unfinished.

At first, Liu Xin and others all studied the Book of Changes (Yijing). During the reign of Emperor Xuan, the court issued an edict ordering the study of the Guliang Spring and Autumn (Chunqiu Guliang). Later, Liu Xin saw the Zuo Commentary on the Spring and Autumn (Chunqiu Zuoshi Zhuan), written in ancient script, and he greatly admired it. Originally, the Zuo Commentary contained many archaic characters and expressions, and scholars had only glossed them philologically. In Liu Xin's time, he cited the Zuo Commentary to explain the classic text, so that the two illuminated each other. From then on, the chapter divisions and the doctrinal meanings of the classics gradually became complete.

Liu Xin was calm and composed, resourceful, broadly knowledgeable, and resolute in his will, far surpassing ordinary people. He believed that Zuo Qiuming shared the same likes and dislikes as the sage and had personally seen Confucius, whereas the authors of the Gongyang and Guliang commentaries were listed among Confucius's seventy disciples. Between what one has seen with one's own eyes and what one has heard secondhand, the detail of the record naturally differs. Liu Xin repeatedly raised these points to challenge his father, and Liu Xiang, for a time, could not refute him.

Record: Ban Gu remarks in his eulogy that Confucius sighed that men of talent are rare. From then on, among the writers, only Mengke (Mencius), Sun Kuang (Xunzi), Dong Zhongshu, Sima Qian, Liu Xiang, and Yang Xiong were broadly learned and thoroughly versed in past and present, and their words were of benefit to the world. An ancient saying goes: "If the sage does not appear in the world, then there must arise one who receives Heaven's mandate and influences an age."

Liu Xiang's Discourse on the Hongfan elucidates the intent of the Hongfan Commentary and discusses the responsive connection between Heaven and humanity. His Seven Summaries classified and organized the books and gathered the lineages of the learning of the hundred schools. His Santong Calendar examined and calculated the degrees of the movements of the sun, moon, and five planets. His purpose lay in investigating the fundamentals of things. Alas! Liu Xiang's warnings concerning the imperial tombs have, as we now see, indeed been borne out, and this is lamentable. He pointed out the omen of the catalpa pillar and used it to judge the rise and fall of the state, and these judgments were already very clear. Is this not precisely the benefit that comes from uprightness, sincerity, and broad learning?

Looking at Ban Gu's words and then at the memorials Liu Xiang submitted before and after, one sees that he was loyal and sincere and that his words were earnest. Why did Heaven not protect him? In the end, he left behind only empty words. Perhaps this was Heaven's intention to abandon him, and it was not something human strength could...

To change one's name in order to match the prophecies, as Zijun did, and to treat this as a means of currying favor with one's teacher and the world, is truly shameful.

The Dong Han Shu records that Zheng Xuan admonished his son Yi'en, saying:

"Our family was poor in the past, and my parents and brothers could not tolerate me. I went out and worked as a laborer, and later traveled to study in the Zhou and Qin regions, and moved back and forth among Youzhou, Bingzhou, Yanzhou, Yuzhou and other places. I was able to pay respects to the worthy officials in office, to the hermits, and to the great Confucian scholars, and I humbly sought their instruction and gained something from it. Thereupon I broadly examined the Six Arts (the six Confucian classics), read through the various commentaries and records in general, and also encountered the profound contents of the secret books and of the apocryphal texts (weishu) on calendrical and divinatory arts.

"I did not return home to care for my parents until I was past forty, and afterward I was confined for fourteen years during the Partisan Proscriptions (Dangu zhi huo). When the court summoned me again, my name was listed together with those of others. Those several gentlemen of high office had virtuous conduct sufficient to shoulder the great responsibilities of the court, and they should have been appointed in due order. I measured myself and felt that I could not take on such a post. Yet I thought of clarifying the original intent of the former sages and of sorting out the tangled points in the teachings of the hundred schools, and perhaps I could do something with my full effort.

"The Yellow Turban Rebellion (Huangjin zhi luan) caused great harm, and I drifted like duckweed to the north and south before returning to my home district. By then I was seventy years old and my body was frail. According to ritual propriety, it is now fitting to pass the family estate on to you. I tell you that I am old, and I intend to retire in seclusion to nourish my nature and concentrate on my thinking, so as to complete my scholarship.

"You are alone, with no brothers to rely on. Your most important task is to pursue the way of the gentleman and to study diligently without slacking. Be scrupulous in your bearing and demeanor, and draw close to people of virtue. Let your conduct and reputation be established among your peers. If you can gain a good name, your parents will also be honored by it. How could you not give this serious thought? If you do not take it to heart, then I have nothing more to say."

The Hongdao Lu comments:

"In my view, the commentaries that Kangcheng (Zheng Xuan's courtesy name) wrote during his lifetime amounted to far more than a million words. In his later years he was indignant, simply because the books he loved most had all decayed, and he had not been able to have them copied out and fixed in the ritual hall for transmission to later generations. He lamented that he had reached old age and could only set down his intentions in the words he addressed to his son, without seeking fame from others.

"Later, Yi'en went to Beihai to meet calamity, and after his death the family fortunes declined, and Yi'en was not able to become a support. Yet Zheng Xuan's commentaries on the Thirteen Classics and his other treatises have been passed down to later ages without the slightest loss. Did not Confucius say, 'Do not worry that others do not know you; work to be worthy of being known'? Zheng Xuan throughout his life had no intention of seeking high office and rank, and he also possessed the noble quality of declining titles, so this is no exaggeration. Compare him with Ma Rong: Ma Rong prided himself on not deigning to associate with shallow scholars, but in the end he indulged in extravagant pleasures, and because he depended on the powerful he was criticized. The two truly cannot be placed on the same level."

Ban Biao was talented and outstanding, fond of composing writings, and devoted himself to studying historical records. Since Sima Qian completed his history……

When recording events after the early years of the Great Beginning era, the histories left many gaps and omitted much material. People who enjoyed writing history sometimes pieced together accounts of events from that time, but their content was mostly vulgar and could not continue the established histories. Ban Biao, a historian of the Eastern Han, therefore continued to collect accounts omitted from earlier histories and drew on unusual reports from various sources. He wrote several dozen chapters of the Later Continuation, and also weighed the earlier histories, commenting on and correcting their errors and judgments.

After Ban Biao died, his son Ban Gu believed that his father’s continuation of the earlier histories remained unfinished. He devoted himself to the study of history, intending to complete his father’s work. Before long, someone submitted a report accusing Ban Gu of privately compiling the history of the state. The emperor issued an edict ordering local officials to arrest Ban Gu and imprison him, and to search his home and seize his books. Ban Gu’s younger brother Ban Chao, a general and historian of the Eastern Han, feared that when the local officials questioned Ban Gu about his manuscripts, he would be unable to defend himself. He therefore rode swiftly to the capital and submitted a memorial, gaining permission to enter the palace for an audience. He explained in detail the purpose of Ban Gu’s writings, and the local authorities also presented the manuscripts they had found.

Emperor Ming of Han, the second emperor of the Eastern Han, considered the manuscripts valuable. He summoned Ban Gu to the Orchid Terrace, the Eastern Han court institution responsible for collecting and collating books, and appointed him Director of Records there. Ban Gu worked with Chen Zong, former magistrate of Suiyang; Yin Min, magistrate of Changling; and Meng Yi, an official in the Metropolitan Commandant’s office, to compile the Basic Annals of Emperor Guangwu. Later, Ban Gu was promoted to court gentleman, placed in charge of collating the imperial library, and wrote twenty-eight chapters of biographies and accounts, which he presented to the emperor. Emperor Ming then again ordered him to complete the history he had begun earlier.

Ban Gu believed that the Han dynasty had received the Mandate of Yao and established its imperial enterprise, yet it was not until the sixth generation that historians began to recount the dynasty’s achievements. Someone had privately compiled basic annals, placing the Han rulers after the kings of earlier dynasties and alongside the Qin dynasty and Xiang Yu. Ban Gu therefore collected and edited earlier histories and gathered material from what he himself had heard, composing the Book of Han. It covers the history from Emperor Gaozu to Emperor Xiaoping, recording twelve generations across 230 years and bringing together the events of that period. It also draws on the principles that run through the Five Classics. The work is divided into basic annals, tables, treatises, and biographies, and comprises one hundred chapters. Ban Gu began compiling the history by imperial command during the Yongping era and devoted more than twenty years to planning and writing it. He completed it only during the Jianchu era. People of the time greatly valued the book, and scholars all read it.

The Hongdao Record comments: “In my view, the writings of Ban Biao and Sima Qian were both grounded in evidence. They applied themselves deeply to their studies, and there is nothing in their work that deserves severe censure. Emperor Ming of Han alone was stern and harsh. Not only did he fail to pardon Ban Gu and spare him imprisonment, he entrusted him with the great responsibility of compiling history. Nothing like this has ever been heard of since ancient times. Confucius compiled the Spring and Autumn Annals, and Zuo Qiuming wrote the Discourses of the States; both wrote about their own times, so naturally there were matters they had to avoid. Besides, the eras in which they lived were already in decline. If this must be treated as a crime, then what is to be done? What is to be done? Thus, when we read of Hu Sui questioning Sima Qian, a gentleman must surely be cautious.”

Ma Yan and Ma Dun, nephews of Ma Yuan, a general of the Eastern Han, both enjoyed discussing and criticizing current affairs and associated with chivalrous men of light conduct. Ma Yuan wrote them a letter of admonition…

I want you to hear of other people’s faults as you would hear of your parents’ faults: you may hear them, but you must not repeat them. I detest nothing more than gossiping about others’ strengths and weaknesses and casually passing judgment on right and wrong in public affairs. I would rather die than hear that my descendants behave this way.

Long Bogao was sincere and honest, cautious and thorough, careful in his speech, humble and frugal, and upright and respected. I admire and cherish him, and hope you will take him as your model. Du Jiliang was generous and chivalrous. He worried when others worried and rejoiced when they rejoiced. When his father died, many guests came to pay their respects, including people from several commanderies. I admire and cherish him too, but I do not want you to take him as your model. If you imitate Long Bogao and fall short, you will still become a careful and courteous person. It is like carving a swan: even if you do not succeed, at least it will resemble a duck. But if you imitate Du Jiliang and fall short, you may end up a frivolous person whom the whole world despises. It is like painting a tiger and failing to make it look like one, so that it turns into something else.

The Hongdao lu comments: Ma Yuan, a famed general of the Eastern Han whose courtesy name was Wenyuan, acted with care and thoroughness, yet still could not avoid slander after his death. Why was this?

When Ma Yuan was young, he wanted to go to a frontier commandery to cultivate fields and raise livestock, perhaps because he had not yet fulfilled his ambitions. He once said that the poorer one’s circumstances, the firmer one’s resolve; the older one grows, the more vigorous one’s determination becomes. Who could change such a resolve? But later, when he entrusted his future to others, he became constrained by his position and circumstances. Even if he was willing to die in battle, wrapped in his horse’s hide, and close his eyes in peace, how could everything go as he wished? He had both requested permission to go on campaign and made a show of bracing himself against his saddle, and so slander took the opportunity to stir up trouble. This kind of criticism that demands perfection resembles the saying, “If you fail to carve a swan, it will still resemble a duck.” Had Zhu Bo not spoken on his behalf, would Ma Yuan not have come close to the fate of “painting a tiger and failing”? This makes it all the clearer that even care and thoroughness have their limits. As for reckless, chivalrous conduct, what is there to recommend in it?

Emperor Ling of Han carried out a mass purge of the partisans and issued an urgent order to arrest Fan Pang and the others. The inspecting official Wu Dao arrived in the county, shut himself in the post station with the imperial order in his arms, and lay face down on the bed weeping. When Fan Pang heard of this, he said, “This must be because of me,” and went to surrender himself at the prison. The county magistrate Guo Yi was astonished. He removed his official seal and sash and planned to flee with Fan Pang, saying, “The emperor’s power is so great. Why do you remain here?”

Fan Pang replied, “If I die, the calamity can end. How could I dare to bring trouble upon you because of my offense? And how could I make my aged mother wander from place to place?” His mother came to bid him farewell. Fan Pang said to her, “I, Zhongbo, have not done enough to honor you, nor have I been able to provide for you properly. Now I am going to follow Lord Longshu, whom I respect, to the Yellow Springs; in life and death, each of us has a place to go. I only hope you will set aside the love that makes this unbearable and not grieve even more.” His mother said, “Now that you are able to…”

Li Bai and Du Fu were renowned together. What regret is there in dying? Since they had already won a fine reputation, yet also wished for long life, could they really have both?

Fan Pang knelt and received his mother’s instruction. After bowing twice, he took his leave. As he departed, he turned back to his son and said, “If I were to ask you to do something evil, you should not do it. If I were to ask you to do something good, I myself have not managed to do it.” Everyone who heard these words on the road wept.

The Hongdao lu comments: Some believe that Fan Pang’s mother approved of her son’s righteous conduct. I think she spoke this way only because she had no choice. If all she wanted was for her son to preserve his life, what good would that do? It would have been better to advise him: “A person’s lifespan, long or short, is determined by Heaven. Yan Hui spent his life doing good; how much of that can you accomplish? Heaven determines one’s lifespan, and you cannot change it simply because you wish to escape death. Is it not a sign of great understanding to grasp this truth?” As for Li and Du, who suffered calamity alongside Fan Pang, how could their deaths possibly be compared? And the word “reputation” was the source of their misfortune from beginning to end; it should certainly not have been used to persuade him. What brings me a little comfort is that Zhongbo had a son, Longshu, who inherited his father’s benevolence, so the family line did not come to an end. Otherwise, a child not yet grown would have suffered an untimely death. The sorrow would have moved far more than passersby to tears; generations to come would have grieved over it.

The Book of Jin records: Wang Pou’s father, Wang Yi, served the state of Wei as General Who Pacifies the East. After Sima Zhao was defeated at Dongguan, he asked those around him, “Who should take responsibility for what happened today?” Wang Yi replied, “The responsibility lies with the commander-in-chief.” Sima Zhao flew into a rage and said, “Is Mr. Sima trying to shift the blame onto me?” He then ordered Wang Yi taken out and executed. Grief-stricken that his father had been unjustly killed, Wang Pou withdrew from public life and taught students. The court summoned him three times and offered him appointments seven times, but he refused to serve. He built a hut beside his father’s grave and went there to kneel and pay his respects every morning and evening. Clinging to a cypress, he wept aloud; his tears soaked the trunk, and the tree withered. Whenever he read the words from the Book of Songs, “Alas, my parents, who toiled to give me life,” he would recite them three times over, weeping without pause. The students who came to study with him could no longer bear to read the “Liao’e” poem in the Book of Songs. Wang Pou was poor, so he farmed with his own hands, allotting fields according to the number of people in the household and raising silkworms to meet his own needs. When people secretly offered him assistance, he refused it all. After the Sima clan usurped the state of Wei, Wang Pou never sat facing west for the rest of his life, thereby showing that he would not submit to the Jin dynasty.

The Hongdao lu comments: Wang Xiang was indeed filial. But once he had risen to become one of the Three Excellencies, Wei still had its own ruler, whom he treated as lightly as a hat or hair ornament. His loyalty was not as firm and deep as it had been when he split the ice to seek carp. Meng Zong was indeed virtuous. But after he became a minister, when Sun Lin of Wu deposed Sun Liang, Meng Zong instead reported the matter to the ancestral temple and then carried it out. This was no better than what he had done when he wept.

Bamboo has grasped Heaven’s principle of yielding and following, and so throughout its life it never turns toward the west. Can this be achieved merely by reciting, “Alas, my parents”?

Wang Chang, Inspector of Yan Province, was a cautious and generous man. He named his elder brother’s son Mo, meaning “silent,” and his own son Shen, meaning “reserved.” He also named a son Hun, meaning “deep,” and gave him the courtesy name Shen, also meaning “deep.” He wrote to admonish them: “I chose these four names for you so that, whenever you see them, you will reflect on their meanings and dare not act against them. Things that grow too quickly often decline quickly as well; those that mature later are more likely to endure to the end. Grass that blossoms in the morning has withered by evening, while the branches and leaves of pines and cypresses remain lush even in bitter cold. A gentleman, therefore, should guard against rashness and haste.

“One who can humble himself in order to advance, yield in order to gain, and appear weak in order to become strong will rarely fail to accomplish something. Slander and praise arise from affection and aversion, and are the turning points from which good fortune and calamity follow. Confucius said, ‘Whom have I slandered? Whom have I praised?’ If even a sage is so careful, how much more should ordinary people be?

“When someone slanders you, withdraw and examine yourself. If you have indeed done something deserving of blame, then what that person said is right. If there is nothing blameworthy in you, then what they said is nonsense. If they are right, you should not resent them; if they are wrong, their words do you no harm. Why, then, retaliate against them? As the saying goes, ‘Nothing keeps out the cold better than a thick fur coat; nothing puts an end to slander better than cultivating oneself.’ There is real truth in this.”

The Hongdao Lu comments: When Wang Chang named his children, it was as though he had already set an expectation for the one who would later be known as Wang Hun. All four names—Shen, Mo, Hun, and Shen—suggest humility, generosity, and an absence of self-display. Wang Chang hoped his children would be like the sea, receiving the waters of a hundred rivers without appearing self-satisfied; he also hoped they would be like deep waters, flowing for thousands of miles without coming to a halt. Grounded in Wang Chang’s cautious and generous family tradition, Wang Hun and Wang Ji later displayed a broad and refined bearing. If such qualities are put to use in achieving great things, one becomes a person of the Dao; if they are put to use in treating others with forbearance, they cultivate the manner of a generous elder. Would that not be even more admirable? Had they followed worldly customs and become trapped in shame and resentment, they would have been unable to escape the ridicule of their contemporaries. Later, when they held high positions and their reputations gradually diminished, they would also have failed the hopes entrusted to their names. Alas!

The Book of Tang records that in the twenty-second year of the Zhenguan era, Emperor Taizong of Tang composed twelve chapters of The Emperor’s Model and presented them to the Crown Prince. The chapters were titled “The Sovereign’s Bearing,” “Establishing Kinship,” “Seeking the Worthy,” “Selecting Officials,” “Receiving Remonstrance,” “Rejecting Slander,” “Guarding Against Complacency,” “Esteeming Frugality,” “Rewards and Punishments,” “Promoting Agriculture,” “Reviewing the Military,” and “Esteeming Learning.” Emperor Taizong also said, “The principles of cultivating oneself and governing the state are all contained in…” The original text breaks off here.

In a situation like this, once I die, there will be nothing more to say. He also said, “You should seek out the wise rulers of antiquity as your teachers. I am not worthy of being imitated. If you imitate the very best, what you attain may still be only middling; if you imitate those who are middling, you are bound to sink to the lowest level. Since I came to the throne, I have done many things that were wrong. Brocades, fine jade, and other treasures have constantly been before my eyes, and palaces and towers have been built time and again. To obtain dogs, horses, and falcons, I spared no effort in seeking them out over long distances. I traveled throughout the realm, exhausting those who had to provide supplies and hospitality along the way. These are serious faults I have committed. Do not take them as proper conduct to imitate.

“Looking back, I have aided the people on a broad scale, bringing them great benefit; I also did much to lay the foundations of the Chinese realm. The benefits were many and the harm slight, so the people did not resent me; my achievements were great and my faults comparatively minor, so the foundations were not destroyed. Yet I would be deeply ashamed to claim that I had attained complete perfection. You have neither my achievements nor my diligence, yet you inherit my wealth and rank. If you do your utmost to practice goodness, the state may still be secure. But if you grow arrogant and idle, extravagant and indulgent, you may not even be able to preserve yourself. A state is slow to establish and quick to ruin; position is easily lost and hard to regain. How could you fail to cherish it? How could you fail to act with caution?”

The Hongdao Lu comments: Tang Taizong’s instruction to the crown prince may be called thorough indeed. Yet he seems not to have truly understood the Way of the noble person. The Way of the noble person begins in the ordinary dealings between husband and wife; when carried to its fullest extent, it can illuminate all things between Heaven and Earth. This is why the sages of high antiquity could connect what is above with what is below, what is within with what is without, and extend their influence from the family to the court, until affairs of state were free of shortcomings.

As we see it today, Tang Taizong spoke fully about what a ruler ought to do, the way to treat one’s relatives, the inspection of troops, and the cultivation of civil learning. He concealed nothing, whether speaking of small faults or notable achievements. One might say that he admonished the prince again and again, yet never mentioned the principles for governing the family. Could Taizong have failed to think of this? The disaster brought about by Wu Zhao—that is, Wu Zetian—arose from affairs within the family of Prince Cao Li; to speak of family matters would soon invite a plot to coerce one’s father. Taizong’s instructions were not merely incomplete: even a thorough knowledge of books of prophecy and portent could not have undone what followed.

For this reason, the noble persons of antiquity first rectified their hearts and made their intentions sincere. They treated the smallest matters with care and maintained their conduct even when alone. They allowed no thought to become careless; only then did they extend the Way of governing the state and bringing peace to all under Heaven. In this way, one principle ran through everything from beginning to end, leaving nothing out. This was perhaps Taizong’s particular failing, and the reason the Tang dynasty suffered such grave calamities.

Zheng Shanguo’s father, Zheng Cheng, and his mother, Lady Cui, were upright in conduct and steadfast in their integrity. They read the classics and histories widely and were learned in...

When Zheng Shanguo was young, his father, Zheng Cheng, died in battle while serving as a general of the Zhou dynasty and campaigning against Yuchi Jiong. Zheng Shanguo inherited his father’s title and later became governor of Lu Commandery. Whenever he went to the government office to conduct business, his mother would sit behind a screen and observe him. When she heard that he had judged cases and handled affairs fairly and reasonably, she was very pleased. But if she heard that he had acted improperly or become angry without cause, she would return to her room, weep, and refuse to eat. Zheng Shanguo lay prostrate beneath her bed and said, “When my father was alive, he served as an official with integrity and care, and gave his life for his country. I inherited his title when I was still a child, and now I have become a regional governor. How could I give way to anger, damage the administration, bring dishonor to our family, and violate the laws of the Son of Heaven? How could I face my late father?” From then on, Zheng Shanguo held himself to strict standards and became known as an incorruptible official.

Cui Xuanwei’s mother, Lady Lu, once cautioned him: “I heard from my cousin Xin Xuanyu that when someone among the descendants holds office, it is good news if people say the family is poor and struggling to make ends meet; but it is bad news if they say the household is piled high with possessions. I have always thought this a very sound observation. Recently, I have seen some of our relatives devote themselves to gathering money to support their parents, while the parents never ask where that money came from. If it truly comes from their salaries, that is naturally a good thing. If not, how is it any different from theft? If you cannot serve as an official with loyalty and integrity, you will have no face to stand between Heaven and Earth. Remember what I have told you.” Accordingly, wherever Cui Xuanwei served, he was renowned for his integrity.

The Hongdao Lu comments: “When Zheng Shanguo’s mother spoke of her son, her expression would change. Perhaps she had once felt anxiety or fear, which made her words severe. Cui Xuanwei’s mother, by contrast, could see virtue in others and aspire to follow it. Perhaps she had inherited and learned this teaching, which made her words gentle. In the end, both men became known for their integrity, showing how effective a mother’s guidance can be. Cui Xuanwei later helped restore the Tang dynasty’s legitimate rule and depose a ruler who had thrown the government into disorder, rendering great service to the dynasty. In comparison with Zheng Shanguo, his conduct in his later years was indeed even more distinguished.”

Han Xiu had seven sons, named Hao, Qia, Hong, Hong, Huang, Hun, and Hui. They were all learned, valued moral integrity and righteousness, and were widely renowned in their time. During An Lushan’s rebellion, they were all captured by the rebels, who pressured them to accept official posts. They refused and fled to the imperial court’s temporary residence. Later, the rebels captured them again, and Hao, Hong, and Hun were all killed. Emperor Suzong considered that, as sons of a high official, they had given their lives for the state, and issued an edict posthumously granting them official titles: Hao was made Director of the Ministry of Personnel, Hong Grand Master of Ceremonies, and Hun Deputy Grand Master of Ceremonies. Hong eventually rose to become an Admonition Official, Qia to a Palace Censor, and Hui to Director of the Directorate of Education. In the first year of the Zhenyuan era, Huang was additionally appointed Left Vice Director of the Department of State Affairs and Tong Zhongshu Menxia Pingzhangshi. Huang was frugal by nature, and lived in a plain, modest residence.

To keep out wind and rain, ceremonial halberds should have been set up before the gate. But this was the residence where his father had lived, and Mu Huang could not bear to tear down the old gate, so he left it as it was. The main hall had no side corridors originally. His younger brother, Mu Hui, made a few additions, but Huang immediately ordered them removed. “Our late father once lived here. We honor this old home and are always afraid something might damage it. If a building collapses, we can repair it. How could we dare rebuild it and thereby harm our late father’s virtue of valuing simplicity?”

Though he held high office, he was incorruptible and hated evil, and left no family wealth behind for his relatives. When Li Sheng first took up the post of Fiscal Commissioner, he was still a deputy general and once reported to Huang on military affairs. Huang received him with courtesy, had his own son bow to Li Sheng, and presented him with valuable objects, money, silk, and a saddle horse. Li Sheng later achieved great distinction. Huang had already earned a fine reputation in his youth, and in old age his standards of conduct grew still stricter. He governed his household and instructed his sons with great rigor. For this reason, during the Zhenyuan era, those renowned for managing their households well often spoke of the Han and Mu families together.

Mu Ning had four sons: Zan, Zhi, Yuan, and Shang. People regarded them all as renowned for their Confucian learning, and each took pride in being upright and steadfast. Mu Ning entered government through the Classics examination, which selected candidates for their mastery of the scriptures, and was appointed County Commandant of Yanshan. While passing through Pingyuan, he visited Yan Zhenqing. When he heard that An Lushan had rebelled, he immediately wrote to Yan Zhenqing, entrusting his sons to his younger brother by the same mother. “So long as the family line does not die out, that will be enough.” He then hurried to see Yan Zhenqing and said, “My ancestors already have descendants to carry on the line. I can now follow you to my death.”

Later, when Yan Zhenqing crossed the Yellow River and met Emperor Suzong, he reported this matter. Suzong was greatly impressed and prepared to appoint Mu Ning as an Admonition Grand Master. When Emperor Dezong fled the turmoil and reached Fengtian, Mu Ning hurried to join him. He was promoted to Secretary Junior Supervisor and Right Attendant to the Heir Apparent. In Mu Ning’s old age, Zan served as Investigating Censor-in-Chief, Zhi as Right Reminder, Yuan as Attendant Censor, and Shang as Supervising Censor. They all held fast to what was right and conducted themselves with integrity, earning the respect of the scholar-officials.

Zan was the most filial and cautious; Zhi was strong-willed and upright; Yuan was skilled at writing; and Shang prized moral integrity. All enjoyed fine reputations and had gentle, generous temperaments. People of the time compared them to prized dairy products: Zan was like fermented milk, Zhi like cream, Yuan like clarified butter, and Shang like curdled milk. Mu Ning once wrote down family instructions, gave a copy to each son, and admonished them: “For a gentleman serving his parents, the most important thing is to accord with their wishes. My only aim is to uphold what is right. If you want me to go against what is right, then even an abundant offering of the three sacrificial animals and the nine cauldrons would not count as supporting me with filial devotion.”

The Hongdao Record comments: “Mu Xiu was a senior minister of his age, and the strictness of his family tradition had its roots. Mu Ning was merely a Confucian scholar, so how could he be named alongside the Han family? It is because moral integrity in the world is equally precious, whether it belongs to commoners or princes. Just as the harshness of winter reveals the calm endurance of pines and cypresses, only then do the warmth of spring and the flourishing of flowers and trees follow. Mu Xiu pledged his life to the state…” The original ends unfinished, deliberately leaving the thought suspended.

Xu You took his own life by the sword in Xudu for the sake of what was right. His resolute defense of the great principles of conduct and public life makes him a model for the world and a pillar of the state. If, in later times, he is brought together with other figures and harmonized with them, like seasonings added to soup or salt and sour plum used to flavor a dish, it is little wonder that people call them all precious men. Seen in this light, was what people said at the time really without reason?

Note: “Trunk and branch” refers to a mainstay or pillar. “Salt and sour plum” were common seasonings and often served as a metaphor for talented people who assist in governing the state.