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《弘道錄》Vol. 5

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Xu Daozang 續道藏 Vol. 5 / 41 8,249 characters

About this page. The original text of 《弘道錄》 Vol. 5 (Xu Daozang 續道藏, 41 volumes) is shown in Classical Chinese as transmitted in the Kanripo (Kyoto University) edition. An English interpretation of the 17 passages on this page accompanies it: select a passage or press “Interpretation” to show it. All texts in English

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弘道録經五  仁   父子之仁 漢書文帝元年有司請蚤建太子上曰朕既 不德縱不能愽求天下賢聖有德之人而禪 天下焉而曰豫建太子是重吾不德也有司 固請曰豫建太子所以重宗廟社稷不忘天 下也古者殷周有國治安皆千餘歲用此道 也立嗣必子所從來遠矣高帝平天下爲太 祖子孫繼嗣世世不絶今釋宜建而更議不 宜子啓最長純厚慈仁請建以爲太子乃許 之  録曰自秦廢扶蘇立胡亥天下紛紛大亂  兵革不息生民塗炭未有甚扵此時者也  易曰有父子然後有君臣父子之分可不  預定乎漢高皇目睹其弊乃亦有營營之  惑雖以期期之言未能遽止以是復召吕  氏之亂卒致庶孽亂眞漢之不秦無幾哉  迎代之謀一大幾也元年之詔又一幾也  西漢二百年之垂統人心天命扵是乎在  亦以見父子之分既絶而復續其道既墜  而復振嗚呼可謂仁哉 文帝居代邸薄后嘗病三年帝目不交睫衣 不觧帶湯藥非口親嘗弗進故爰盎謂曾參 以布衣猶難之今陛下以王者脩之過曾參 遠矣  録曰人之脩行扵親果殊貴賤乎分難易  乎孝弟之道天性也自天子至扵布衣其  分雖有異其性無以異也率其性則難者  易耳背其性則易者難耳參乎帝乎其誰  以是爲輕重乎 齊太倉令淳于意有罪當刑詔獄逮繫長安
Interpretation

In the first year of Emperor Wen of Han, the officials in charge asked him to appoint a crown prince as soon as possible. Emperor Wen said, “I have no particular virtue to begin with. Even if I cannot seek out the worthy and wise throughout the realm and abdicate in favor of one of them, would appointing a crown prince now not make my lack of virtue all the more apparent?” The officials persisted: “Appointing a crown prince in advance is a way to secure the ancestral temples and the state—that is, ancestral rites and political rule—and to show that the realm is not forgotten. After the ancient dynasties of Yin and Zhou were founded, the country enjoyed peace and stability, and their rule endured for more than a thousand years. This was thanks to that very practice. An heir must be one’s own son; this tradition has been established for a long time. Gaozu pacified the realm and became the founding ancestor. His descendants have succeeded him from generation to generation without interruption. It is truly inappropriate not to appoint a crown prince, but instead to raise the matter for further debate. Your eldest son, Liu Qi, is sincere and kind. Please appoint him crown prince.” Only then did Emperor Wen agree.

The Hongdao lu comments: After the Qin dynasty deposed Fusu and installed Huhai instead, the realm fell into turmoil, warfare continued without end, and the people were plunged into hardship. No period was worse. The Book of Changes says that the relationship between ruler and minister arises from the relationship between father and son. How, then, could the roles of father and son be left undefined in advance? Gaozu of Han had seen the Qin dynasty’s failings with his own eyes, yet he too hesitated over the succession. Even though people repeatedly urged him, he could not put an end to his indecision at once. This later brought about the Lü clan’s rebellion and ultimately allowed an imperial son born to a concubine to throw the court into disorder. The Han dynasty came close to repeating the Qin dynasty’s mistake.

The decision to invite Liu Heng, the Prince of Dai, to take the throne was a major turning point; the edict of Emperor Wen’s first year was another. These events laid the foundation for two centuries of Western Han rule. They concerned both the people’s hearts and the Mandate of Heaven, and they also show how the bond between father and son, once severed, was restored, and how the Way, once lost, rose again. Ah, this may well be called an act of benevolence and virtue.

When Emperor Wen lived in the Prince of Dai’s residence, Empress Dowager Bo was ill for three years. He cared for her and often stayed awake through the night without unfastening his robes. He would not let the medicine brought to her be given until he had tasted it himself. Yuan Ang therefore said, “Even Zeng Shen, Confucius’s disciple, though born a commoner, found it difficult to care for his parents in this way. Your Majesty now practices filial piety as an emperor, far surpassing Zeng Shen.”

The Hongdao lu comments: Does wholehearted care for one’s parents truly differ according to a person’s rank? Do tasks truly become harder or easier because of one’s status? The Way of filial piety and fraternal respect—honoring one’s parents and showing respect for one’s elder brothers—is part of human nature. From the Son of Heaven to the common people, people’s positions differ, but their nature does not. Follow one’s nature, and difficult things become easy; go against it, and even easy things become difficult. Is the question of whether Zeng Shen or Emperor Wen deserves greater esteem really decided by their rank?

Chunyu Yi, the Grand Granary Director of the state of Qi, committed an offense and was liable to punishment under the law. The court ordered his arrest and his transfer to Chang’an…

其少女緹縈上書曰妾父爲吏齊中皆稱其 廉平今坐法當刑妾傷夫死者不可復生刑 者不可復屬雖後欲改過自新其道無繇也 妾願没入爲官婢以贖父刑罪使得自新天 子憐愍其意詔除肉刑  録曰漢文帝不猶愈扵齊宣王乎以天地  之貴重扵角者之牛而大賢之論多扵少  女之說帝之屈法伸恩又非以小易大之  可比也而紛紛以爲病何哉盍不曰是心  足以王乎既非納交要譽惡其聲而然則  不免過扵愛過扵厚矣 衛太子之子史皇孫生子病已號皇曾孫生 數月遭巫蠱事太子男女妻妾皆遇害獨皇 曾孫在亦坐收繫獄丙吉受詔治獄心知大 子無事重哀皇曾孫無辜擇謹厚女徒令乳 養曾孫置間燥及昌邑王廢霍光與張安世 諸大臣議所立未定丙吉奏記光曰武帝曾 孫名病已者通經術有羙材行安而節和願 將軍定大策光與丞相敞上奏曰武帝曾孫 病已年十八師受詩論語孝經躬行節儉慈 仁愛人可以嗣孝昭皇帝後皇太后詔曰可 迎曾孫即皇帝位  録曰傳有云人衆則能勝天天定亦能勝  人信哉史稱戾太子仁恕温謹上嫌其才  能少有類已又曰上用法嚴多任深刻吏  太子寬厚多所平反太子誠無負扵漢也  及上春秋既耄后寵益衰扵是巫蠱之禍  紛然而起擾亂之害卒然而動盖人衆勝
Interpretation

During the reign of Emperor Wen of Han, a young maiden named Tiying submitted a memorial stating: "When my father served as an official in Qi, all praised his integrity and fairness. Now condemned to corporal punishment for breaking the law, my grief lies in how the dead cannot return to life, nor severed limbs be restored. Even if one wishes to reform hereafter, the opportunity is lost. I beg to enter the palace as a servant to redeem my father's crimes, that he may have a chance to renew his life." Moved by her filial devotion, Emperor Wen abolished corporal punishment by decree.

This account demonstrates Emperor Wen's greater virtue compared to King Xuan of Qi. The most precious ox horns used in sacrificial rites (referring to ritual offerings) could not match the value of this maiden's remonstration. The debates of great sages often lacked the sincerity of this young girl's plea. That Emperor Wen tempered justice with mercy was no petty exchange of small loss for great gain. Those who criticize Emperor Wen—why not acknowledge this very benevolence qualified him as a true king? This was neither currying favor with the powerful nor seeking fame, nor was it fear of public opinion, but genuine excessive compassion.

Later, when Liu Bingyi (posthumously known as Emperor Xuan of Han), great-grandson of Emperor Wu, was just months old during the witchcraft persecutions, the entire household of Crown Prince Wei perished, leaving only this infant imprisoned. Bing Ji, the Commandant of Justice assigned to investigate, recognizing the crown prince's innocence and pitying the blameless child, selected a careful and kind-hearted female prisoner to nurture him. After the deposition of Prince Changyi, when regent Huo Guang and other ministers deliberated on succession, Bing Ji memorialized recommending Liu Bingyi, well-versed in classics and upright in conduct. Thus at eighteen, Liu Bingyi ascended the throne as Emperor Xuan.

This history confirms the ancient saying: "Human resolve may overcome Heaven's will, yet Heaven's principle may prevail over human affairs." Historical records describe Crown Prince Wei as magnanimous, often rectifying wrongful convictions—unlike Emperor Wu's severity. Alas, Emperor Wu's late-life patronage of occultists precipitated the witchcraft calamity. Herein we see how collective human intent can alter celestial decree, while cosmic cycles reciprocally shape mortal events.

 天是以若彼岌岌也至扵帝心既悟天下  益悲扵是太山之石不扶而立上林之樹  不召而起盖天定勝人是以若合符節也  戾之身雖不有天下而其後亦必爲之扵  此可見父祖子孫終無泯滅乏絶特人與  天悖時與事違以致病已無親而弗陵無  後也豈不哀哉 東漢書世祖光武景帝子長沙定王發之後 也發生舂陵節侯買買生戴侯熊渠熊渠生 考侯仁仁以南方卑濕徒封南陽之白水鄉 與宗族徃家焉仁卒子敞嗣值莽篡位國除 節侯少子外爲鬱林太守外生鉅鹿都尉回 回生南頓令欽欽娶湖陽樊重女生三男縯 中秀秀隆準日角性勤稼穡秀姨元爲新野 鄧晨妻秀嘗與晨俱過穰人蔡少公少公頗 學圖讖言劉秀當爲天子後即位是爲世祖 光武皇帝 三國志蜀先主玄德亦景帝子中山靖王勝 之後也勝子眞元狩六年封涿縣陸城亭侯 坐酧金失侯因家焉祖雄父弘世仕州郡雄 舉孝廉官至東郡范令先主少孤與母販履 織蓆爲業舍東南角籬上有桑樹生高五丈 餘遥望見童童如小車蓋徃來者皆恠此樹 非凡或謂當出貴人先主少時與宗中諸小 兒於樹下戲言吾必當乘此羽葆蓋車後累 官至益州牧及曹丕簒即位于蜀曰昭烈皇 帝  録曰愚觀世祖昭烈之際未嘗不喟然而  嘆也夫秦廢封建漢興懲其孤立大封同
Interpretation

Since Heaven’s intent was so urgent, it finally moved the emperor’s heart and brought him to his senses. He then felt even greater compassion for the people of the realm. The stones on Mount Tai can stand upright without support; the trees in the Shanglin Park grow without being summoned. This was perhaps because Heaven’s decree was destined to prevail over human effort, so events unfolded in a way that fit together like matching tallies.

Although Li did not personally possess the realm, his descendants would ultimately gain it. From this we can see that the bloodline of fathers and ancestors does not vanish or end completely. It was only because human affairs ran counter to Heaven’s intent, and the times and circumstances worked against him, that Bingyi (Liu Xun, Emperor Xuan of Han) was left without relatives to support him and without an heir to follow him. How sorrowful!

The Book of the Later Han records that Emperor Guangwu, the Founding Ancestor of the Eastern Han (Liu Xiu), was a descendant of Emperor Jing and of Liu Fa, Prince Ding of Changsha. Liu Fa fathered Liu Mai, Marquis Jie of Chunling; Liu Mai fathered Liu Xiongqu, Marquis Dai; and Liu Xiongqu fathered Liu Ren, Marquis Kao. Because Liu Ren considered the south low-lying and damp, he moved his fief to Baishui Township in Nanyang and settled there with his clan. After Liu Ren died, his son Liu Chang inherited the title. When Wang Mang usurped the throne, the Liu family’s fief was abolished.

Liu Wai, the younger son of Marquis Jie of Chunling, later served as governor of Yulin. Liu Wai fathered Liu Hui, Commandant of Julu; Liu Hui fathered Liu Qin, magistrate of Nandun County. Liu Qin married the daughter of Fan Chong of Huyang, and they had three sons: Liu Yan, Liu Zhong, and Liu Xiu. Liu Xiu had a high nose bridge and a well-shaped forehead, and worked hard in the fields. His maternal aunt married Deng Chen of Xinye. Liu Xiu once passed through Rang County with Deng Chen. A local man, Cai Shaogong, who knew a great deal about prophetic texts and omens, said, “Liu Xiu ought to become Son of Heaven.” Later Liu Xiu ascended the throne and became Emperor Guangwu, the Founding Ancestor.

The Records of the Three Kingdoms records that Liu Xuande (Liu Bei), the founding ruler of Shu Han, was also a descendant of Emperor Jing, and descended from Liu Sheng, Prince Jing of Zhongshan. Liu Sheng’s son Liu Zhen was enfeoffed as Marquis of Luchengting in Zhuo County in the sixth year of the Yuanshou era. He later lost his title over an offering of gold for the ancestral rites and settled there. Liu Bei’s grandfather Liu Xiong and father Liu Hong both held posts in the provinces and commanderies. Liu Xiong was recommended as a Filial and Incorrupt official and rose to become magistrate of Fan County in Dong Commandery.

Liu Bei lost his father when he was young and made a living with his mother by weaving straw sandals and mats. At the southeast corner of their home, a mulberry tree stood by the fence, more than five zhang tall. From a distance, its dense branches and leaves looked like a carriage canopy. Passersby all thought the tree unusual, and some said that a noble person would emerge from that place. As a child, Liu Bei once played beneath the tree with children from his clan and said, “One day I will surely ride in a carriage with a canopy adorned with feathers like that.” He later rose to become governor of Yizhou. After Cao Pi usurped the throne and proclaimed himself emperor, Liu Bei ascended the throne in Shu and took the title Emperor Zhaolie.

The Record says: Whenever I read about Emperor Guangwu, the Founding Ancestor, and Emperor Zhaolie, I cannot help sighing with emotion. The Qin dynasty abolished the system of enfeoffment. After the Han dynasty was founded, seeing that the feudal lords stood isolated and unsupported, it enfeoffed members of the imperial clan on a grand scale…

 姓德藹然至矣不旋踵間誅夷殆盡非惟  不足以爲藩屏之衛且并其血肉之軀而  亡之此其故何耶上古開國以來惟漢起  扵匹夫一時父兄子姪乘奮起之運無有  毫髮功德扵民帝亦不過泗上一亭長耳  其斷蛇之劒尚腥飛揚之勢猶在烏在其  能澤而長乎逮至文景五六十載之間海  内殷富興扵禮義至扵移風易俗黎民醇  厚而漢之元氣已固命脉已全然後庶孽  之萌頓然敺除忠厚之澤脩然遠引扵是  發封扵長沙而後有世祖靖封扵中山而  後有昭烈光啓扵式微之際承運扵既絶  之餘而惠武昭宣之裔皆所不逮向使無  文景之澤漢之天下未可必然故知父子  之間與夫傳世之際仁暴頓殊而綿斬亦  異君子其可忽哉其可忽哉 東漢明德皇后馬氏伏波將軍之女幼時相 者見之曰法當大貴然而少子若養他子者 得力當踰扵所生及爲貴人時后前母娣女 賈氏亦以選入生肅宗明帝以后無子命撫 養之謂曰人未必當自生子但患愛養不至 耳后扵是盡心撫育勞悴過扵所生肅宗亦 孝心淳篤恩性天至母子慈愛始終無纖介 之間后常以皇嗣未廣每懷憂嘆薦逹左右 若恐不及後宫有進見者每加慰納若數所 寵輙增隆遇  録曰漢成帝時史曹宫嘗生子矣上與昭  儀天怒以藥飲宫棄其兒許美人亦生子
Interpretation

Although their benefactions were profound, before long the families concerned were nearly wiped out. They not only failed to become a bulwark protecting the state; their own lineages were extinguished as well. Why did this happen?

Since the founding of the state in antiquity, the Han dynasty was the only dynasty to rise from among commoners. At first, Liu Bang’s father, brothers, sons, and nephews seized their opportunity and rose to power, but they had done little to benefit the people. Liu Bang himself had been no more than a village official in Sishui Commandery, responsible for transmitting documents and maintaining local order. When he rose in rebellion after slaying the serpent, his forceful edge was still sharp, and the momentum of his armed uprising had not yet subsided. How could he immediately bestow kindness on all under Heaven and ensure the dynasty’s lasting prosperity?

During the five or six decades of the reigns of Emperor Wen and Emperor Jing, the realm grew prosperous, ritual and righteousness flourished, customs gradually improved, and the people became simple and honest. By then, the Han dynasty’s vital energy had become secure and its lifeline complete. Afterward, unsuitable heirs from collateral branches were soon eliminated, while the influence of loyalty, honesty, and benevolence endured for a long time. Thus, the line of Changsha later produced Han Shizu, Emperor Guangwu (Liu Xiu), and the line of Zhongshan later produced Han Zhaolie, Emperor Liu Bei. When the Han house was in decline, they revived its royal enterprise; after the fortunes of the Han dynasty seemed to have run their course, they took up the imperial succession. The descendants of Emperor Hui, Emperor Wu, Emperor Zhao, and Emperor Xuan were unable to accomplish this.

Without the legacy of kindness left by Emperor Wen and Emperor Jing, the Han realm might not have endured. We can therefore see that benevolence and cruelty between father and son, and from one generation to the next, lead to sharply different outcomes; whether a dynasty continues or comes to an end depends on them. How could a person of noble character disregard this? How could they?

Empress Ma, the virtuous consort of Emperor Ming of the Eastern Han, was the daughter of Ma Yuan, the General Who Conquered the Waves. When she was young, a physiognomist saw her and said, “Her features show that she will surely attain high rank, but she will bear few sons of her own. If she raises another person’s child, the benefits she gains may surpass those of having children herself.”

When Ma became a Noble Consort, Jia, the daughter of her elder maternal half-sister, was also selected for the palace and gave birth to Han Suzong (Emperor Zhang, Liu Da). Because Emperor Ming had no son by his empress, he ordered Ma to raise the child, telling her, “One need not necessarily give birth to a son oneself. What matters is not failing to care for the child with love.”

From then on, Ma devoted herself to raising Han Suzong, and the labor and worry she expended exceeded even what she gave to her own children. Han Suzong, too, was filial and sincere, naturally benevolent, and mother and son remained close and loving throughout, without the slightest discord. Ma often worried and sighed that the imperial line had too few heirs. When she recommended and promoted those around her, she feared she had not acted quickly enough. When women from the inner palace came to pay their respects, she always comforted and welcomed them. If the emperor repeatedly favored someone, she treated that person with even greater generosity.

A note in the Hongdao lu says: “During the reign of Emperor Cheng of Han, Shi Cao Gong once gave birth to a child. Emperor Cheng and a Consort were enraged and ordered someone to give Shi Cao Gong medicine and make her abandon the child. Lady Xu also gave birth to a child…” The original text breaks off here.

 矣昭儀涕泣不肯食竟死兒篋中埋屏處  及其他飲藥自傷堕者不可勝數史悉書  之以貽千萬古之恨愚嘗反覆嘆曰是誠  何心哉夫親生愛愛生恩帝雖至暗極愚  獨不念恩自已流愛自已生安忍若是其  悖戾耶意者天厭淫德至后與昭儀已極  不如是則其嗣不絶他日必無以子殺父  之理而福善禍淫之道竟不著矣故感焉  后之事追論之以戒萬世 肅宗孝章皇帝初承永平故事吏政尚嚴切 决事率近於重尚書陳寵以帝新即位宜改 前世苟俗乃上䟽曰臣聞先王之政賞不僣 刑不濫與其不得已寧僣無濫徃者斷獄嚴 明所以威懲姦慝姦慝既平必宜濟之以寬 夫爲政猶張琴瑟大絃急者小絃絶陛下宜 隆先王之道蕩滌煩苛之法輕薄箠楚以濟 群生全廣至德以奉天心帝深納寵言每事 務扵寬厚  寵曾祖咸成哀間以律令爲尚書平帝時  王莽輔政多改漢制咸心非之咸性仁恕  常戒子孫曰爲人議法當依扵輕愼無與  人重比祖欽皆在位父躬建武初爲廷尉  左監家世法律寵明習家業性復周密常  稱人臣之義苦不畏愼自在樞機謝遣門  人知友唯在公家而已朝廷器之寵子忠  能承父風益務寬詳損益有程爲决事比  以省請讞之敝焉  録曰寵之言固有所受之也夫漢之元氣  至此將殊矣苟非上有章順之君下
Interpretation

Consort Zhao wept and refused to eat, and eventually died. Her son was put in a chest and buried in a secluded place. Afterward, many others drank poison to kill themselves, harmed their bodies, or induced miscarriages—too many to count. The histories recorded all these events, leaving a grievance that would endure for ages. I have often wondered: what kind of heart could do such a thing? When parents give birth to children, love arises, and with it a bond of gratitude. Even if an emperor were utterly benighted and foolish, could he not remember that bond, and remember that his own love had arisen from it? How could he bear to act in such defiance of human feeling?

Perhaps Heaven abhorred the licentious and violent conduct, and judged that the suffering of the Empress and Consort Zhao had reached its utmost limit. Had this not been so, the imperial line might not have been cut off; but in later days a son might then have killed his father, and the principle that good is rewarded with good and evil with evil would not have been made clear. Therefore, I have recorded the Empress’s story and discussed the matter further, as a warning to later generations.

When Emperor Xiaozhang, posthumously known as Emperor Zhang of Han, first ascended the throne, he retained the old practices of the Yongping era. Officials continued to govern harshly, and judgments in legal cases often leaned toward severity. Chen Chong, a court official in the Secretariat, believed that a newly enthroned emperor should change the harmful customs inherited from the previous reign. He therefore submitted this memorial:

“I have heard that the former kings did not overdo rewards or abuse punishments. If one must lean toward one or the other, it is better to be somewhat generous in rewarding than too severe in punishing. In the past, cases were judged harshly and decisively to deter and punish wicked people. Once wickedness had been subdued, governance should be tempered with kindness. Governing is like tuning a zither: if the larger string is stretched too tightly, the smaller string will snap. Your Majesty should promote the Way of the former kings, sweep away cumbersome and harsh laws, and reduce the use of the rod, so that the people may live in peace. In this way, you will uphold abundant virtue and accord with Heaven’s will.”

The emperor strongly approved of Chen Chong’s advice and thereafter made every effort to govern with leniency.

Chen Chong’s great-grandfather, Chen Xian, served as a Secretariat official under Emperor Ai of Han and was well versed in laws and regulations. When Wang Mang governed on behalf of Emperor Ping of Han, he made sweeping changes to the Han system. Chen Xian privately disagreed. He was naturally kind and forgiving, and often admonished his descendants: “When deciding a punishment for someone, favor the lighter penalty and act with care. Do not charge a person with a more serious offense by analogy.” Chen Chong’s grandfather, Chen Qin, and his father, Chen Gong, also served in government. In the early Jianwu era, Chen Gong was Assistant Director of the Court of Judicial Review. Chen Chong knew the laws passed down in his family and worked with care and precision. He often said that a minister’s difficulty lay in neither fearing nor taking care. After he took up an important post at court, he turned away students and friends who sought to visit him and devoted himself entirely to public duties. The court valued him highly.

Chen Chong’s son, Chen Zhong, inherited his father’s approach. He placed even greater emphasis on kindness and caution, and revised and supplemented the laws in an orderly way, establishing standards for judging cases to reduce the problems caused by repeatedly referring cases upward for instructions and review.

The Record says: Chen Chong’s principles certainly had a lineage. By this time, the Han dynasty’s vital energy was about to change. Had there not been rulers such as Emperor Zhang and Emperor Shun above him, then…

 愼之臣承之以寬大濟之以慈仁天地生  生之德子孫繩繩之美不其息乎厥後和  帝寡嗣孫祐繼立孝冲夭亡玄曾叠運皆  出章帝之裔寵亦數世相承不絶豈非長  道  智   昆弟之智 晋書謝玄者安弟子也安乃心王室戒約諸 子嘗曰子弟何豫人事而正欲使其佳諸人 莫有言玄答曰譬如芝蘭玉樹欲使其生於 庭階耳安悅之時符堅强盛邊境數侵朝廷 震動求文武良將可以鎮禦北方者安乃以 玄應舉郄超聞而嘆曰安違衆舉親明也玄 必不負所舉才也於是徵拜建武將軍監江 北諸軍事玄自廣陵西討進據白馬與戰大 破之堅自率兵次于項城衆號百萬先遣符 融慕容暐等至頴口詔以玄爲前鋒都督率 衆八萬距之玄使謂符融曰君遠涉吾境而 臨水爲陣是不欲速戰何不稍却令將士得 周旋僕與諸君緩轡而觀之不亦樂乎堅衆 皆曰宜阻肥水令莫得上堅曰但却軍令得 過而我以鐵騎逼而殺之蔑不勝矣融亦以 爲然遂麾使却陣衆因亂不能止於是玄等 以精銳八千渡肥水决戰堅衆奔潰自相蹈 藉投水死者不可勝計風聲鶴淚皆爲王師 草行露宿重以飢凍死者十七八既而安奏 宜乘其釁略定舊都玄復率衆次于彭城三 魏皆降以兖青豫徐冀幽并都督十州軍事 封康樂縣公
Interpretation

A prudent minister receives the ruler’s commands with generosity, then brings them to fruition with a loving and benevolent heart. Do not the life-giving virtue of Heaven and Earth and the flourishing continuity of descendants come from this? Later, Emperor He had few children, and his grandson You succeeded him. Emperor Xiaochong died young, and his great-grandsons and great-great-grandsons successively inherited the throne. They all descended from Emperor Zhang’s line, and favored descendants continued for several generations without interruption. Is this not the way to endure?

The Wisdom of Brothers and Nephews

The Book of Jin records that Xie Xuan was the nephew of Xie An. Xie An devoted himself to serving the Jin court and often admonished his nephews and other young relatives. He once said, “Why should our young men involve themselves in worldly affairs? I only hope they will become people of outstanding character.” No one replied, except Xie Xuan, who said, “It is like hoping that orchids and jade trees will grow in one’s own courtyard.” Xie An was delighted to hear this.

At the time, Fu Jian of Former Qin was powerful and repeatedly invaded the frontier. The court was alarmed and sought a capable general, skilled in both civil and military affairs, to guard the north. Xie An therefore recommended Xie Xuan. When Xi Chao heard of it, he remarked, “Xie An has disregarded the opinions of others and recommended a relative out of public-spiritedness. Xie Xuan will surely live up to this recommendation; he truly has ability.”

The court then summoned Xie Xuan, appointed him General Who Establishes Might, and placed him in command of the armies north of the Yangtze. Xie Xuan marched west from Guangling, occupied Baima, engaged the enemy, and routed them.

Fu Jian personally led his army to Xiangcheng, claiming to command a million troops. He first sent Fu Rong, Murong Wei, and others to Yingkou. The court issued an edict appointing Xie Xuan commander of the vanguard and sending him to meet the enemy with eighty thousand men. Xie Xuan sent a messenger to Fu Rong, saying, “You have come a long way into our territory, yet you have drawn up your forces beside the river. It seems you do not wish to fight at once. Why not withdraw a little, so that the soldiers can deploy? Then I can watch the contest at my leisure with you all. Would that not be interesting?”

Fu Jian’s officers all said they should use the Fei River to hold back the Jin army and prevent it from crossing. Fu Jian, however, said, “Simply order the troops to withdraw and let them cross. Once they are across, I will drive them to their deaths with my elite cavalry, and victory will surely be ours.” Fu Rong agreed with this plan and waved a banner to order the army to retreat. Unexpectedly, the ranks fell into disorder and could no longer be controlled. Xie Xuan and the others led eight thousand elite troops across the Fei River and began the decisive battle. Fu Jian’s army broke and fled, trampling its own men; countless soldiers plunged into the water and drowned. At the sound of the wind or the cry of cranes, they imagined the Jin army was pursuing them and fled in panic. Exposed to the elements and suffering hunger and cold, seven or eight out of every ten died.

Afterward, Xie An submitted a memorial recommending that they take advantage of the enemy’s defeat and recover the old capital. Xie Xuan again led the army and camped at Pengcheng, and the Three Wei region surrendered. The court appointed him commander of military affairs across ten provinces—Yan, Qing, Yu, Xu, Ji, You, and Bing among them—and enfeoffed him as Duke of Kangle County.

 録曰或問曰謝安淝水之戰與周瑜赤壁  之師何以能必勝耶先儒有言曰巧於取  齊拙於取楚然則遲早工拙之間進退疾  徐之際正君子好謀而成之時也夫以吴  魏之不敵猶秦晋之相懸久矣故在當時  一則以迎敵爲言一則以根本爲憂苟非  計定於中能保其必勝乎是故曹操百萬  之師符堅斷河之舉秦計之拙也周郎一  葦之便謝公半渡之情齊計之巧也善乎  爲敵謀者以爲臾出迭入誰能當之乎雖  然六朝之不能混一者天也惟天故多效  順而天風鳥聲山雲草木皆所不斯然而  然者是雖謝昆之智而識者之鑒亦莫能  迯矣 南史謝瞻者晦之兄晦爲宋臺右衛權遇已 重於彭城還都遇家賓客輻輳門巷填咽瞻 驚駭謂晦曰汝名位未多而人歸趣乃爾吾 家素以靖退不干豫時事交遊不過親朋而 汝勢傾朝野豈門户之福即乃離隔門庭曰 吾不忍見此及還彭城言於高祖曰臣本素 士父祖位不過二千石弟年始三十志用凡 近榮冠臺府位任顯密福過災生其應無遠 時乞降默以保衰門及晦建佐命之功任寄 隆重瞻愈憂懼在郡遇疾不肯自治幸於不 永及臨終遺晦書曰吾得啓體幸全歸骨山  録曰愚觀伯起前後之言足以破後世貪  得之惑震可謂無負關西夫子之稱者矣  夫莫見乎隱莫顯乎㣲與夫十目所視十
Interpretation

Someone asked, “Xie An, a renowned minister of the Eastern Jin, won the Battle of Fei River, and Zhou Yu, a general of Eastern Wu, won the Battle of Red Cliffs. How did they each manage to secure victory?”

A Confucian of an earlier age once said, “He was good at conquering Qi, but not good at conquering Chu.” This shows that the moments between early and late, skillful and clumsy, advance and retreat, and speed and slowness are precisely when a gentleman plans and accomplishes his work. The strength of Wu and Wei was vastly unequal; they were no match for each other, just as Qin and Jin had once been far apart in power. At the time, one side urged an attack on the enemy, while the other feared for the foundations of the state. Without having settled a plan in advance, how could they have ensured victory?

Cao Cao’s march south with a million troops, and Fu Jian’s order to throw whips into the river until its waters were blocked, both showed that Qin’s plans had gone awry. Zhou Yu’s use of the east wind to launch a fire attack, and Xie An’s calm response as the enemy crossed the river, showed that their plans were sound. Those who are good at planning for the enemy say, “The enemy strikes one moment and retreats the next. Who could withstand them?” Yet the Six Dynasties—the Eastern Jin, Song, Qi, Liang, Chen, and other southern regimes—could not unite the realm. Such was the will of Heaven. For this reason, many events seem to follow the course of circumstances, yet not even the winds, birdsong, clouds over the mountains, plants, or other things of the world can alter them. Even a wise man such as Xie An could not escape the insight of those who understood.

The History of the Southern Dynasties records that Xie Zhan was Xie Hui’s elder brother. After Xie Hui became Right Guard of the Song court, his power and prestige grew ever greater. When he returned to the capital from Pengcheng, his home was crowded with guests, and the lanes at his gate were jammed. Astonished, Xie Zhan said to him, “Your reputation and rank are not yet especially high, yet people already flock to you like this. Our family has always lived quietly and modestly, taking no part in public affairs and keeping company only with relatives and friends. Now your power shakes the court and the realm. Can this really be a blessing for our family?” He then moved out and lived apart from Xie Hui, saying, “I cannot bear to see this.”

After returning to Pengcheng, Xie Zhan said to Emperor Gaozu of Song, “I was born a commoner; my father and grandfather held no office higher than that of a governor with a salary of two thousand shi. My younger brother is only thirty. His ability and learning are ordinary, yet he already holds a high position in the central government and serves in an office of great importance. When good fortune exceeds its proper measure, disaster follows. I fear the consequences will not be long in coming. I ask Your Majesty to restrain him discreetly, so that our declining family may be preserved.” Later, Xie Hui was entrusted with great responsibility because of his service in founding the dynasty, and Xie Zhan grew all the more fearful. He fell ill at his post but refused treatment, glad that he would soon leave this world. On his deathbed, he left Xie Hui a letter: “I have been fortunate to preserve my body and return it whole for burial in the mountains.”

The Hongdao lu comments: “I believe that these words of Boyi”—the figure referred to here is not identified in the original—“both before and after are enough to dispel the delusions of later generations who crave fame and profit. Zhen”—referring to Xie Zhan—“truly lived up to his reputation as the ‘Master of Confucians west of the Pass.’ Nothing is more easily revealed than what is hidden, and nothing gives clearer signs than what is minute; besides, all eyes were upon him…”

 手所指皆孔門之要㫖也其所謂清白吏  亦豈尋常好名者比乎信乎清德相踵慶  善遠流比之袁世尤爲過之後世鮮能及  也史稱中常侍袁敞隗之宗也用事扵中  以逢隗世相家推崇以之外援故袁氏貴  寵數世富奢甚扵他公族亦不同 當塗長荀淑有子八人儉緄靖燾汪爽肅專 竝有名稱時人謂之八龍渤海苑康改其里 曰高陽里以比上古爽字慈明幼好學十二 能通春秋論語太尉杜喬見而稱之可爲人 師耽思經書徵命不應頴川爲之語曰荀氏 八龍慈明無雙靖字叔慈少有俊才動止以 禮或問汝南許章爽與靖孰賢曰皆玉也慈 明外朗叔慈内潤又太丘長陳寔有子六人 紀字元方以至德稱諶字季方齊德同行故 時稱元方難爲兄季方難爲弟兄弟孝養閨 門雍和後進之士皆推慕其風父子並著高 名時號三君或時詣荀淑雅無僕役乃陳紀 御車陳諶從後陳群尚少載車中既至荀乃 淑慈應門慈明行酒文若年幼坐着膝前諸 子相與討論于時德星聚現太史奏曰五百 里内有賢人相聚會也  録曰愚觀東漢一代始也客星現而興終  也德星現而哀然則懸象果不可信乎君  者一時之表賢者衆人之心也天不以霧  霧混茫而减德星之曜猶時不以慧孛徃  亡而絶賢聖之生故誦神之聴之終和且
Interpretation

What he spoke of were all the essential teachings of Confucius and his school. And how could the “upright officials” he praised be compared with ordinary people who chase after fame? Indeed, integrity and virtue are handed down from generation to generation, and the blessings of good deeds endure for a long time. Compared with the Yuan clan, they far surpassed it; few people in later generations could measure up to them.

The histories record that Yuan Chang, a Palace Attendant, belonged to the same clan as Yuan Wei. Yuan Chang wielded power at court, while Yuan Wei’s family had served as ministers for generations and enjoyed great prestige. Yuan Chang relied on that family standing as support. Thus, for several generations the Yuan clan held high office and enjoyed imperial favor, living in wealth and luxury beyond that of other great families. They were truly exceptional.

Xun Shu, magistrate of Dangtu County, had eight sons: Xun Jian, Xun Gun, Xun Jing, Xun Tao, Xun Wang, Xun Shuang, Xun Su, and Xun Zhuan. All were highly respected, and people of the time called them the “Eight Dragons.” Yuan Kang of Bohai renamed the lane where the Xun family lived “Gaoyang Lane,” comparing them to the ancient Gaoyang clan.

Xun Shuang, whose courtesy name was Ciming, loved learning from childhood. By the age of twelve, he had mastered the Spring and Autumn Annals and the Analects. After meeting him, Grand Commandant Du Qiao praised him, saying, “He could be a teacher to others.” Xun Shuang devoted himself to studying the classics and did not answer the court’s summons. The people of Yingchuan praised him, saying, “Among the Xun family’s Eight Dragons, Ciming is without equal.”

Xun Jing, whose courtesy name was Shuci, showed exceptional intelligence from a young age and behaved in accordance with ritual propriety. Someone asked Xu Zhang of Runan, “Which is more worthy, Xun Shuang or Xun Jing?” Xu Zhang replied, “They are both fine jade. Ciming is bright on the outside; Shuci is warm and lustrous within.”

Chen Shi, magistrate of Taiqiu County, had six sons. Chen Ji, whose courtesy name was Yuanfang, was renowned for his virtue; Chen Shen, whose courtesy name was Jifang, was his equal in virtue. Since the brothers were alike in their conduct, people of the time said, “Yuanfang is hard to have as an elder brother; Jifang is hard to have as a younger brother.” The two brothers were devoted to their parents and lived in harmony at home. Younger scholars admired their example. The father and his sons were all celebrated, and people of the time called them the “Three Lords.”

Once, they went to visit Xun Shu, with no servants accompanying them. Chen Ji drove the carriage, Chen Shen followed behind it, and the young Chen Qun rode inside. When they arrived at the Xun residence, Xun Shu’s son Xun Jing came out to greet them, while Xun Shuang poured wine for the guests. The young Xun Yu sat on an elder’s lap. They all discussed learning together. At that moment, a celestial sign appeared in the sky known as the “gathering of Virtue Stars.” The Grand Astrologer reported, “Within five hundred li, worthy people have gathered.”

The Hongdao lu comments: “I observe that in the Eastern Han, a guest star appeared at the beginning, and the dynasty rose; at its end, a Virtue Star appeared, yet the Han house was moving toward decline. Can celestial signs, then, truly be trusted? The ruler is the model of an age, while worthy people carry the hopes of the multitude. Heaven does not dim the radiance of the Virtue Star because the air is veiled in mist. Likewise, the world does not prevent the birth of sages and worthies because a comet appears and calamities and anomalies occur in succession. Therefore, when we recite the line in the Book of Songs, ‘The spirits have heard; in the end there will be harmony and peace…’”

 平之詩則知姬德之所由昌觀掩涕反袂  吾已矣夫之言則知周道之所以亡不獨  漢之末世而已然也 晋書嵇紹康之子也十歲而孤事母孝謹以 父得罪靖居私門山濤啓武帝以紹賢侔卻 缺宜加旌命乃徵之始入洛或謂王戎曰昨 扵稠人中見嵇紹昻昻然如野鶴之在群戎 曰君復未見其父耳僕射裴頠亦器之時侍 中賈𧨨以外戚年少居位潘岳杜斌等皆附 焉𧨨求友扵紹紹距而不答及𧨨誅詔以不 阿封戈陽子遷散騎常侍初反正上䟽願陛 下無忘金墉大司馬無忘頴上大將軍無忘 黄橋則禍亂之萌無由兆矣及河間王顒成 都王頴舉兵向京都以討長沙王乂大駕次 扵城東乂宣言於衆曰今日西討誰爲都督 六軍皆曰願嵇侍中紹以天子蒙塵承詔詣 行在所值王師敗績扵蕩陰百官及侍衛莫 不散潰唯紹儼然端冕以身捍衛兵交御輦 飛箭雨集紹遂被害扵帝側血濺御服天子 深衰嘆之及事定左右欲浣衣帝曰此嵇侍 中血勿去初紹之行也侍中秦準謂曰今日 向難有佳馬否紹正色曰若使王輿失守臣 節有在駿馬何爲聞者莫不嘆息  録曰按晉史侍中忠眞之首而録扵父子  之仁何也易曰幹父之蠱厲終吉中散者  萬世名教之罪人也侍中者一代忠貞之  巨擘也昔之死不惟輕扵鴻毛而且穢扵
Interpretation

From the “Poem of the Marquis of Pingling” (the title may differ in some versions), we can see why the Ji clan’s virtue flourished. Lines such as “covering the face with tears” and “wearing the sleeves inside out” also convey the grief within the poem.

The words “I am finished” reveal the reason for the Zhou dynasty’s decline. Such circumstances did not occur only in the final years of the Han dynasty.

The Book of Jin records that Ji Shao was the son of Ji Kang, a celebrated figure of the Wei-Jin period. His father died when he was ten. Ji Shao served his mother with filial devotion and care. Because his father had been convicted of a crime, Ji Shao lived in seclusion for many years. Shan Tao recommended him to Emperor Wu of Jin, saying that his worth matched that of Que Que and that he should be summoned and honored. The court accordingly summoned Ji Shao.

When Ji Shao first arrived in Luoyang, someone said to Wang Rong, “Yesterday I saw Ji Shao among a crowd. He stood out with such bearing that he seemed like a wild crane among chickens.” Wang Rong replied, “You have not yet seen his father.” Pei Wei, the Deputy Director of the Secretariat, also held Ji Shao in high regard.

At the time, Jia Mi, a young imperial attendant who had risen to high office through his maternal relatives, was surrounded by followers such as Pan Yue and Du Bin. Jia Mi hoped to befriend Ji Shao, but Ji Shao refused to associate with him. Later, Jia Mi was executed. The emperor issued an edict praising Ji Shao for refusing to attach himself to the powerful, enfeoffed him as the Viscount of Yiyang, and promoted him to Attendant Cavalier.

When the political situation had first begun to settle, Ji Shao submitted a memorial: “I hope Your Majesty will not forget the calamity at Jinyong, when the emperor was imprisoned in Jinyong Fortress; that the Grand Marshal will not forget what happened at Ying Shang; and that the Great General will not forget what happened at Huangqiao. If these lessons are kept in mind, the seeds of disorder will not take root.” Later, Sima Yong, Prince of Hejian, and Sima Ying, Prince of Chengdu, raised troops and advanced on the capital, claiming that they meant to punish Sima Ai, Prince of Changsha. The emperor’s entourage camped east of the city, and Sima Ai announced to the assembly, “Today we march west to punish the rebels. Who will command the Six Armies?” The troops all replied, “We want Attendant Ji Shao to lead them.”

At that time, the emperor was in danger, and Ji Shao obeyed the summons to go to his side. The imperial forces were defeated at Dangyin. Officials and guards scattered in flight, but Ji Shao alone remained composed, wearing his ceremonial cap, and stood to protect the emperor. As the opposing armies fought, arrows fell like rain. Ji Shao was killed beside the emperor, and his blood splashed onto the emperor’s clothes. The emperor was deeply grieved. Once the crisis had passed, attendants wanted to wash the blood from the clothes. The emperor said, “This is the blood of Attendant Ji. Do not wash it away.”

As Ji Shao was setting out, Attendant Qin Zhun asked him, “You are going to face danger today. Do you have a good horse?” Ji Shao answered gravely, “If the emperor’s carriage falls into enemy hands, a minister’s duty is clear. What would I need a fine horse for?” Everyone who heard this admired him.

The Hongdao lu comments: “According to the Jin History, Ji Shao stands as an exemplar of loyalty and integrity. Why, then, is he placed here in a section on the benevolence and righteousness of fathers and sons? The Book of Changes says, ‘Carrying on a father’s unfinished work: though there is danger, the end is auspicious.’ Ji Kang, the Central Secretariat official, was a criminal who corrupted the moral teachings meant to endure for ten thousand generations. Ji Shao, the Attendant, was an outstanding loyal and steadfast man of his age. The deaths of those people in former times were not only as light as a feather; they were also so vile that…”

 青史今之死不惟重扵泰山而且光扵日  月昔之稱揚不過曰賢侔郤缺今之褒顯  將必曰世篤忠貞矧乃十歲而孤事母孝  謹出扵天性乎放曰求忠臣扵孝子之門  君臣父子同一道也 卞壺勤扵吏事榦實當官欲執正督世不肯 苟同明帝器之扵諸大臣而最任職阮孚每 謂其恒無閑泰壺曰諸君以道德恢弘風流 相尚執鄙吝者非壺而誰時貴逰子弟多慕 王澄謝鯤爲達壺厲色曰悖禮傷教罪莫斯 甚中朝傾覆實由扵此時庾亮將徵蘇峻壺 固爭謂亮曰峻擁疆兵多藏無賴且逼京邑 一旦有變易爲蹉跌宜深思遠慮未可倉卒 亮不納峻果稱兵詔壺都督軍事與峻戰扵 陵西力疾厲衆苦戰遂死二子眕盱相随赴 賊同時見害峻平尚書弘訥議曰夫事親莫 大扵孝事君莫尚扵忠唯孝也故能盡敬竭 誠唯忠也故能見危授命此在三之大節臣 子之極行也壺委質三朝盡規翼亮遭世儉 難存亡以之賊峻造逆戮力致討身當矢澮 再對賊鋒父子并命可謂破家爲國守死勤 事上準許穆下同嵇紹扵是改贈侍中驃騎 將軍開府儀同三司謚曰忠貞祠以太牢贈 胗散騎侍郞盱奉車都尉妻裴氏撫尸哭曰 父爲忠臣子爲孝子夫何恨乎徵士翟湯亦 曰父死於君子死於父忠孝之道萃于一門  録曰愚觀兩晋之間而有卞壺之父子可
Interpretation

The histories record: Today, Bian Hu’s death is considered not only weighty as Mount Tai, but radiant as the sun and moon. In the past, people praised him merely as a worthy man comparable to Xi Que. Now, however, they would surely praise his whole family as generations of loyal and steadfast servants. He had lost his father in childhood and served his mother with filial devotion and care; this was simply his nature. An old saying goes, “Seek loyal ministers in the households of filial sons.” The duty between ruler and minister and the affection between father and son are grounded in the same principle.

Bian Hu applied himself diligently to government affairs and handled them with ability. In office, he upheld fairness, sought to correct public conduct, and refused to agree with others merely for the sake of convenience. Emperor Ming valued him and relied on him more than on any other minister. Ruan Fu often remarked that Bian Hu was always tense and solemn, never at ease. Bian Hu replied, “You gentlemen prize lofty virtue and elegant freedom. If anyone is stubborn and uncouth, who could it be but me, Bian Hu?” At the time, many young men from powerful families admired Wang Cheng and Xie Kun, considering them broad-minded and unconstrained. Bian Hu said gravely, “Nothing is more grievous than violating the rites and corrupting instruction. The collapse of the court was caused precisely by this.”

At the time, Yu Liang was preparing to campaign against Su Jun. Bian Hu firmly urged him not to, saying, “Su Jun has troops and holds his position. Many lawless men are hidden among his followers, and he is close to the capital. If anything goes wrong, we could easily be forced into a disadvantageous position. We must think carefully and plan for the long term; we must not act rashly.” Yu Liang did not heed him. Later, Su Jun did indeed raise an army in rebellion. An imperial edict ordered Bian Hu to lead troops against him. Though ill, Bian Hu did his utmost to rally his soldiers. He fought fiercely west of the Ling River and ultimately died in battle. His two sons, Zhen and Xu, also went with their father to fight the rebels, and they were killed alongside him.

After Su Jun’s rebellion was put down, the Minister of the Secretariat Hong Ne submitted a memorial: “In serving one’s parents, the highest virtue is filial devotion; in serving one’s ruler, the highest principle is loyalty. Only through filial devotion can one give one’s full respect, love, and sincerity; only through loyalty can one give one’s life in times of peril. These are the foremost principles governing human relationships, such as those between ruler and minister and parent and child, and the highest duties a subject must fulfill. Bian Hu served three rulers in succession, assisting them wholeheartedly and offering advice with all his strength. In an age of hardship, the state’s survival or ruin depended on him. When Su Jun rebelled, he exerted himself to suppress the uprising, personally braving a hail of arrows and facing the enemy’s front several times. In the end, he and his sons gave their lives for the state. He may be said to have sacrificed his household for the country, holding fast to his principles and fulfilling his duty to the end. Above, he may be compared to Xu Mu; below, to Ji Shao.”

The court then appointed Bian Hu posthumously to the offices of Attendant-in-Ordinary, General of the Agile Cavalry, and Grand Marshal with the same ceremonial rank as the Three Ministers. It granted him the posthumous title “Loyal and Steadfast” and offered him a grand sacrifice with a bull, a ram, and a boar. Zhen was posthumously appointed Attendant Gentleman of the Palace, and Xu, Commandant of the Imperial Carriage. Bian Hu’s wife, Lady Pei, held his body and wept: “The father was a loyal minister, and the sons were filial children. What regret could I have?” The recluse Zhai Tang also said, “The father died for his ruler, and the sons died for their father. The ways of loyalty and filial devotion came together in this family.”

The Hongdao lu comments: “When I consider the period between the two Jin dynasties, there were indeed men like Bian Hu and his sons…”

 謂出乎其類拔乎其萃者也夫峻之亂亮  召之亮死之可也壺的然知其不可而猶  死之何耶蓋務名之與任眞二者去相懸  絶王謝之踵尚名也望之之自負具也務  名者矜其威儀脩其談論言合則蜉蝣焉  事至則莫須焉以清虚爲高致人亦不異  其常而已安扵其可也務實者執性堅剛  持論篤實遇事而坐視有如□讎臨難而  苟免若將凂已以必蹈爲素志人以是推  之而彼莫知其不可以故不至扵死亡不  己也然能殺身成仁益彰完節子復求仁  得仁忠孝全名將與天地同其久日月並  其明其視風流人物何啻千百嗚呼可謂  仁矣 陶潜與儼等踈曰告儼俟份俟佟天地賦命 生必有死自古賢聖誰能獨免子夏有言死 生有命富貴在天四友之人親受音㫖𤼵斯 談者將非窮達不可妄求壽天永無外請故 耶吾年過五十少而窮苦每以家敝東西㳺 走性剛才拙與物多忤自量爲己必貽俗患 僶倖辭世使汝等幼而飢寒余嘗感孺仲賢 妻之言敗絮自擁何慙兒子此既一事矣但 恨憐靡二仲室無萊婦抱兹苦心良獨内愧 少學琴書偶愛閑靜開卷有得便欣然忘食 見樹木交陰時烏變聲亦復歡然有喜常言 五六月中北窻下卧遇涼風暫至自謂是羲 皇上人意淺識罕謂斯言可保日月暫徃機 巧好踈緬求在昔眇然如何病患以來漸就
Interpretation

To “rise above one’s peers” is to surpass those of one’s generation and outdo the crowd. When Huan Xuan rebelled, Zhuge Liang (the original text says “Liang”; the person meant depends on the context) was summoned to serve; he could have died. Hu De (a personal name, as given in the original) knew this course was impossible, yet went to his death all the same. Why? Perhaps because seeking fame and following one’s nature while remaining true to oneself are two paths separated by a vast distance.

The younger generations of the Wang and Xie families (eminent aristocratic clans) prized fame. Wang Zhi (a personal name) took pride in his own abilities. Those who seek fame care about bearing and decorum, and polish their speech. When their words happen to suit the moment, they are as frivolous as mayflies; when events demand action, they refuse to take responsibility, treating tranquility and emptiness as the highest state. They are no different from ordinary people, except that they settle for doing what they themselves consider appropriate.

Practical people, by contrast, are resolute in temperament and steadfast in their views. When circumstances arise, they can stand by and look on, as though their enemy were right before them; when danger comes, however, they flee to save themselves, as if they had been tainted by something filthy. In ordinary times, they make it their wish to carry out their resolve without fail. Others therefore esteem them, while they themselves do not realize what consequences this may bring. Thus, in the end, they often avoid death because they cannot think only of themselves.

Yet when they can give up their lives to fulfill benevolence, they make the integrity of their principles all the more evident. Zifu (a personal name) sought benevolence and attained it, preserving his reputation for loyalty and filial devotion. His name will endure as long as Heaven and Earth and shine as brightly as the sun and moon. Compared with them, how many times over do those celebrated for their elegance and style fall short? Ah, they may truly be called benevolent.

Tao Qian (Tao Yuanming) wrote in a letter to Yan and the others:

“To Yan, Si, Fen, and Sitong: Heaven and Earth grant life to human beings, and whoever is born must one day die. Since ancient times, which sage or worthy has escaped death? Zixia once said, ‘Life and death are decreed by fate; wealth and honor depend on Heaven.’ The four companions of Confucius heard their teacher say this with their own ears. Was he not saying that poverty and success cannot be forced, and that the length of one’s life cannot be sought from outside oneself?

“I am past fifty. I was poor from my youth and often had to hurry from place to place because my household lacked the means to get by. My temperament is blunt and my abilities meager, so I have often been at odds with worldly ways. I judged that, if I were to seek my own advantage, I would inevitably bring trouble upon the world. I have now left this life against my will, leaving you to suffer hunger and cold from childhood. I once recalled the words of the worthy wife of Ru Zhong: ‘Wrapping oneself in worn-out batting—what wrong is there in that toward one’s son?’ That, too, is something to consider.

“My only regret is that I did not have a wife like the two Zhong brothers’ wives, and that our household had no Lai woman (a wife said to be renowned for her filial conduct). With this concern in my heart, I truly feel ashamed, alone. In my youth I studied music, chess, calligraphy, and painting, and sometimes delighted in a quiet, peaceful life. When I grasped something in a book, I would joyfully forget to eat. Seeing trees whose interlaced branches cast deep shade, or hearing birdsong change with the seasons, also made me glad.

“I often say that in the fifth or sixth month, when I lie beneath the north-facing window and a cool breeze happens to blow, I feel as though I were living in the age of Fuxi (the legendary sage king of high antiquity). My thoughts are shallow and my understanding limited, so people consider this claim unconvincing. The days and months pass swiftly, and worldly intrigues are hard to put aside. To seek out the distant past is a futile, uncertain endeavor! Since falling ill, my body has gradually…”

衰損親舊不遺每以藥石見救自恐大分將 有限也汝輩稚小家貧每役柴水之勞何時 可免念之在心若何可言然汝等雖曰同生 當思四海皆兄弟之義鮑叔管仲分財無猜 歸生伍舉班荆道舊逐能以敗爲成因䘮立 功他人尚爾况同父之人哉頴州韓元長漢 末名士身處卿佐八十而終兄弟同居至于 没齒濟北汜稚春晉時操行人也七世同財 家人無怨色詩曰高山仰止景行行止雖不 能爾至心尚之汝其愼哉吾復何言  録曰夫人之道三綱爲首靖節一身舉無  媿焉忘言扵眞意委運扵大化幾扵同道  者矣或疑此老規規遺訓似過爲身後慮  者是大不然父子之道天性也何可廢乎  斯一自書契以來性衷眞切千古之下可  以想見其慈愛周密仁道篤厚非但榮辱  之遠苦樂之甘而已視彼素隱行怪徒潔  身而亂大倫者可同日語哉 哭隱之弱冠介立有清操年十餘父喪每號 泣涕人爲之流涕事母孝謹及執喪哀毁過 禮嘗之馘菹以其味㫖掇而棄之與太常韓 康伯苦居康伯母殷浩之妹賢明婦人也每 聞隱之哭聲輟飱投筯爲之悲泣既而謂康 伯曰汝若居銓衡當舉如此輩人及康伯爲 吏部尚書隱之遂階清級  録曰夫所以酌貪泉而不易其心者固將  立身行道揚名扵後世以顯父母而非謂
Interpretation

Though I am now frail, I have not grown distant from my relatives and friends. Whenever they try to help me with advice and support, I worry that my life may soon be over. You are still young and your family is poor; you often have to toil at cutting wood and carrying water. When will you be free of such hardship? I keep these thoughts in my heart, but do not know how to speak of them.

Though you are brothers born of the same parents, you should also remember the principle that “within the four seas, all are brothers.” Bao Shuya and Guan Zhong shared their wealth without the slightest suspicion of one another. Gui Sheng and Wu Ju spread out a mat of reeds in the land of Jing and spoke of their old friendship. They were both able to turn setbacks into success and establish accomplishments through failure. Others could do this—how much more should you, brothers of the same father, be able to do so?

Han Yuanzhang of Yingzhou was a celebrated man of the late Han dynasty. He held high office and lived to the age of eighty. He and his brothers lived together until the end of their lives. Si Zhichun of Jibei was a man of noble character in the Jin dynasty. Seven generations shared the family property, and no one in the household harbored resentment. The Book of Songs says, “The high mountain inspires our gaze; the great road invites our steps.” I may not be able to equal these men, but I admire them deeply. You should act with care. Beyond this, I have nothing more to say.

The Record says: In conducting oneself as a person, the Three Bonds—the ethical principles governing ruler and subject, father and son, and husband and wife—should come first. Tao Yuanming, whose courtesy name was Yuanliang and whose title was Jingjie, lived without anything in his conduct to be ashamed of. He grasped what was genuine without relying on words to express it, and followed the transformations of nature without forcing them; he could almost be said to have been in accord with the Dao. Some may wonder whether this old man, in leaving such admonitions, was overly concerned with what would happen after his death. In truth, nothing could be further from the case. The bond of affection between father and son arises from nature itself; how could it be cast aside? This letter is sincere and heartfelt from beginning to end. Even a thousand years later, we can still imagine his loving care, generosity, and earnest kindness. His concern was not only for honor or disgrace after death, nor only for hardship or comfort in the present. How could those who feign obscurity and strangeness, seeking only to keep themselves pure while disrupting the vital bonds of human relationships, be compared with him?

Wu Yin-zhi was upright and incorruptible from a young age. His father died when he was in his teens. He often wept until tears streamed down his face, moving those around him to tears as well. He served his mother with filial devotion and care. During the mourning period for his father, his grief went beyond the customary rites. Once, after tasting salted meat and finding it delicious, he immediately picked it up and threw it away.

He observed mourning alongside Han Kangbo, the Grand Master of Ceremonies. Han Kangbo’s mother was Yin Hao’s sister, a virtuous woman. Whenever she heard Wu Yin-zhi weeping, she would stop eating and set down her chopsticks, grieving and shedding tears for him. Later she said to Han Kangbo, “If you are ever in charge of selecting officials, you should recommend a man like this.” Han Kangbo later became Minister of Personnel, and Wu Yin-zhi gradually rose to positions of distinction and trust.

The Record says: Wu Yin-zhi drank from the Spring of Greed without allowing his resolve to change. He did so in order to establish himself in the Way and pass his reputation down to later generations, thereby bringing honor to his parents. This does not mean that—

 一己之身也苟非自少介立哀慕其親安  能卓然不變乎其毁傷過禮有由然也而  康伯之秉鑑韓母之知人不寧同心且同  里閈古人卜鄰之美有如是哉録之以貽  後世之尚德也 魏書光録大夫咸陽公高允歷事五帝出入 三省五十餘年未嘗有譴仁恕簡靜處雖貴 重情同寒素執書吟覽晝夜不去乎誨人以 善恂恂不倦篤新念故無所遺棄任鎮東將 將軍懷州刺史秋月巡境問民疾苦至召縣 見召公廟廢毁不立曰召公之德闕而不禮 爲善者何望乃表聞脩葺之扵時年將九十 勸民學業風化頗行後正光中中書含人常 景追思允帥郡中故老爲立祠扵野王之南 樹碑記德焉顯祖平青齊徒其族望扵代時 諸士人流移遠至率皆飢寒中多姻媾允散 財竭産以相贍賑慰問周至無不感其仁厚 允母高年謂人曰吾兒在中書時有陰德濟 救民命若陽報不差吾壽應饗百年矣卒時 果年九十八  録曰死生亦大矣高伯恭以無貳無惑而  母子卒獲壽考知命者奚必營營然哉雖  然一命之士苟存心扵愛物扵人必有所  濟矧中書之地乎其歷事五帝出入三省  五十餘年又非長樂老之比君子所以不  之拒也 唐書貞觀二十年十二月上謂長孫無忌等 曰今日吾生日世俗皆爲樂在勝數成傷感
Interpretation

If someone can remain independent and steadfast from childhood, and deeply mourn and miss their own family, how could they easily change their resolve? That grief might damage their health, even beyond the limits prescribed by ritual, had its reasons. Kang Bo possessed clear judgment—that is, insight into people—and Han’s mother was skilled at recognizing character. They shared not only the same interests and aspirations but also the same native place. Such a fine story of the ancients choosing their neighbors!

Let these events be recorded and passed down to later generations who esteem virtue.

The Book of Wei records: Gao Yun, Duke of Xianyang and Grandee of Imperial Splendor, served five emperors in succession and spent more than fifty years entering and leaving the three central government offices—the Secretariat, Chancellery, and Department of State Affairs—without ever being reprimanded. He was kind, forgiving, plain, and composed. Though he held high office, he treated others as he would ordinary people. He always had a book in his hands and read day and night. When teaching others to do good, he was gentle, patient, and tireless. He valued new acquaintances, remembered old friends, and never lightly cast anyone aside.

He once served as General Who Stabilizes the East and governor of Huaizhou. One autumn, while inspecting his jurisdiction and asking about the people’s hardships, he came to a county and saw that the shrine to the Duke of Shao had fallen into ruin. He said, “The Duke of Shao was virtuous, yet his shrine is dilapidated and neglected. If he is not honored in this way, what hope can people who do good have?” He then submitted a memorial to the court requesting that the shrine be repaired. Though he was nearly ninety at the time, he still urged the people to read and study, and his efforts to improve local customs met with considerable success.

Later, during the Zhengguang era, Chang Jing, a Secretariat Drafter, commemorated Gao Yun. He led the elders of the region in building a shrine and erecting a stele for him south of the city of Yewang, recording his virtue. After Emperor Xianzong pacified the Qing and Qi regions, he moved Gao Yun’s clanspeople to Dai. At that time, many scholars had been driven far from home, most of them suffering hunger and cold; many were also related to Gao Yun by marriage. Gao gave away all his family’s wealth to support them and attended to their needs with great care. Everyone was grateful for his benevolence.

Gao Yun’s mother was advanced in years. She once said to someone, “When my son served in the Secretariat, he accumulated hidden merit by doing good and saving people’s lives. If good deeds are rewarded, I should live to a hundred.” When she died, she had indeed reached the age of ninety-eight.

The Record comments: Life and death are great matters in human life. Gao Bogong (Gao Yun) held fast to his original resolve without doubt, and in the end both mother and son lived long lives. Those who understand Heaven’s mandate need not be forever rushing about in pursuit of things. Yet even an official of low rank, if he cherishes people and all things, will surely be of help to others. How much more so when he holds an important post such as one in the Secretariat! Gao Yun served five emperors in succession and spent more than fifty years in the three central offices; he was not like the “Old Man of Longle,” Feng Dao, who earned that name by serving many dynasties. For this reason, gentlemen did not reject him.

The Book of Tang records: In the twelfth month of the twentieth year of the Zhenguan era, Emperor Taizong said to Changsun Wuji and the others, “Today is my birthday. People commonly celebrate such occasions with music. But when I think that even celebrating may…”

今君臨天下富有四海而承歡膝下永不可 得此子路所以有負米之恨也詩云哀哀父 母生我劬勞奈何以劬勞之日更爲宴樂乎 因泣數行下左右皆悲  録曰太宗斯言達者之見也夫萬壽無疆  雖古今頌禱之詞然行之臣子自盡之情  可也若以己處之豈以虚文之樂而且之  情之悲乎此可見太宗天資之羙苟充之  以聖賢之學何堯舜之不可及哉 狄仁傑從容言于天后曰姑姪之與母子孰 親陛下立子則千秋萬歲後配食太廟承繼 無窮立姪則未聞姪爲天子而祔姑扵廟者 也太后意稍寤召還廬陵王詣行在九月立 廬陵王爲皇太子  録曰梁公之倫肫肫乎天理人倫之極至  又非但因其所明通其所蔽而已夫子之  扵父天性之一本也姑之與姪異姓之懸  絶也虎狼獰矣猶能知父子之親者淫未  極也人惟縱慾之性而後本心閉塞本心  閉塞而後異性乘之雖然后亦若人爾敦  無利害之心哉此祔姑于廟之說眞有以  感動其未厭之仁心而論事有回天之力  其斯公之謂乎 初梁公爲并州法曹叅軍時親在河陽梁公 登太行山反顧見白雲孤飛謂左右曰吾親 舍其下瞻悵久之雲移乃得去左右爲之感 動  録曰公之賢範人知之也而其賢孝人不  知之也傳曰事親孝故忠可移扵君以是
Interpretation

A ruler may govern all beneath Heaven and possess the four seas, yet be unable to serve his parents at his side and bring them joy through filial devotion. The chance to do so will never come again. This is why Zilu, Confucius’s disciple, carried rice to support his parents and still felt regret. The Book of Songs says, “Alas, alas, my parents, who bore me with such toil.” After parents have labored so hard to raise their children, how can those children, once their parents have spent a lifetime in hardship, simply indulge in feasting and pleasure?” At this, he shed several tears, and those around him were moved to sorrow.

The Hongdao lu comments: These words of Emperor Taizong of Tang show the insight of someone who understands how things truly are. Wishing a ruler boundless longevity has long been a conventional expression of reverence among subjects and children. A subject may use it to express a heartfelt wish to serve faithfully, and that is understandable. But if one puts oneself in the parents’ place, how could the pleasure brought by empty words of blessing cover the sorrow bound up in family affection? This shows that Emperor Taizong was endowed with fine qualities. Had he further enriched himself with the learning of the sages, what would have kept him from becoming a sage ruler like Yao or Shun?

Di Renjie, a Tang official, calmly said to Wu Zetian, “Between an aunt and her nephew, and between a mother and her son, which bond is closer? If Your Majesty names your son as heir, then after your long life he will be enshrined alongside you in the ancestral temple, and the imperial line can continue from generation to generation. If you name your nephew as heir, I have never heard of a nephew who became emperor later enshrining his aunt in the ancestral temple.” Wu Zetian was somewhat moved by his words. She recalled Li Xian, Prince of Luling, and ordered him to come to the imperial residence while she was on tour. In the ninth month, she made Li Xian crown prince.

The Hongdao lu comments: The words of Duke Liang, Di Renjie’s title, were truly sincere and steadfast, expressing the fullest measure of natural principle and human relationships. He saw not only what was plain to view, but also the principle concealed beneath it. The bond between son and father arises from nature and is of one bloodline; the bond between aunt and nephew crosses different surnames, and the degree of closeness is far apart. Though tigers and wolves are fierce, they still know the affection between parent and child, for their desires have not yet grown excessive. When people give free rein to desire, their original heart becomes obscured. Once it is obscured, ties to relatives of another surname may come to outweigh the natural bond of family affection. Yet even such a person remains human in the end; how could they be entirely without concern for their own interests? Di Renjie’s proposal that Wu Zetian be enshrined in the ancestral temple as an aunt truly stirred the benevolence that had not yet died out in her. His counsel on affairs of state had the power to turn the tide. Was it not people like Duke Di who gave rise to that saying?

At the beginning of his career, when Duke Liang served as a judicial officer in Bingzhou, his parents lived in Heyang. He climbed Mount Taihang and looked back to see a lone white cloud drifting in the distance. He said to those beside him, “My parents live beneath that cloud.” He gazed toward it wistfully for a long time, and did not continue on until the cloud had drifted away. Those with him were all moved.

The Hongdao lu comments: Everyone knows Duke Di was wise, but few know that he was also virtuous and filial. An ancient book says, “Because one serves one’s parents with filial devotion, one can transfer that same loyalty to serving one’s ruler.” It was precisely for this reason…

 知人臣不患諫之不行惟患行之不立  患事之難成惟患誠之未至李敬業乃以  厥父撾殺之軀徒以一杯之土未乾六尺  之孤安在爭之幾何其不遄亡已乎 李晟數歲而孤事母孝謹雄烈有才每戰必 衣錦裘繡帽前行指導以示異朱泚㩀京師 李懷光圖爲反噬晟乃大陳三軍令之曰國 家多難亂逆繼興車駕西幸關中無主子代 受國恩見危死節臣子之分况當此時不能 誅滅兇渠非人豪也渭橋横跨大川斷賊首 尾吾與公等戮力擇利而進興復大業建不 世之功何如三軍泣曰唯公所使及引軍抵 通化門圖曰若先收坊市巷陌隘狹間以居 人賊設伏格鬥百姓囂潰非計也且賊重兵 皆在苑中若自苑繫其心腹彼將圖走不暇 如此則宫闕保安市不易肆計之上也諸將 曰善乃率騎步夜使人開苑墻二百餘步分 道並入鼓譟雷動乘勝驅蹙至于白華朱泚 姚令言相率遁走晟軍入京城屯扵含元殿 前號令曰長安士庶久䧟賊庭若小有震驚 則非伐罪吊民之義告喻百姓居人安堵秋 毫無所犯士庶無不感悅遠方居人亦有經 宿方知者露布至上曰古之樹勳力復都邑 徃徃有之至扵不驚宗廟不易市肆長安人 不識旗鼓三代以來未之有也天生李晟爲 社稷兆人不爲朕也及子愬復爲帥嘗乘雪
Interpretation

A minister need not worry that his remonstrances will go unheeded; he should worry only that he has not truly carried out what he ought to do. When a task is difficult, he need only worry that his sincerity is insufficient. Li Jingye, relying on his father Li Ji’s reputation, raised an army in rebellion before even a handful of earth had dried on his father’s grave. Where, then, was his young son? How could such a struggle fail to end in swift defeat?

Li Sheng, a renowned Tang general, lost his father when he was still a child. He served his mother with filial devotion and care. Brave and resolute, he was exceptionally gifted. Whenever he went into battle, he wore a brocade robe, embroidered garments, and a hat, and rode at the head of his troops, directing and leading the soldiers to display his distinction. Zhu Ci seized the capital, while Li Huaiguang was also plotting rebellion. Li Sheng therefore undertook a major reorganization of the army and said to his officers and soldiers: “The state is beset by calamities, and rebellions follow one after another. The emperor’s entourage has gone west toward the Guanzhong region, and the capital has no ruler. You who are young have received the state’s favor; when danger comes, you should be ready to die for honor and duty. That is a minister’s proper role. At a time like this, if we cannot destroy the treacherous rebel leaders, we are no heroes. Weishui Bridge spans the great river and can sever the enemy’s forces from one another. Let us join our strength, choose the right moment to advance, restore the state, and accomplish a feat without precedent. What do you say?” The soldiers of all three armies answered through their tears: “We will follow your command in all things.”

When Li Sheng reached Tonghua Gate with his army, he considered the plan: “If we first seize the wards and streets, the lanes will be narrow and full of residents. Should the enemy lie in ambush and fight, the people will panic and flee. This is no good plan. The rebel forces’ main body is stationed in the imperial park. If we attack directly through the park and strike at their vital point, they will be too busy fleeing to resist. The palaces can then be preserved, and the city streets left undisturbed. This is the best strategy.” All the generals agreed. Li Sheng then led cavalry and infantry and, under cover of night, had men break through more than two hundred paces of the park’s outer wall. His forces entered by several routes at once. Drums thundered through the army, and morale soared. Pressing their advantage, they pursued the enemy all the way to Baihua. Zhu Ci and Yao Lingyan fled with their troops. Li Sheng’s army entered the capital and took up position before Hanyuan Hall. He issued an order: “The people of Chang’an have long been under rebel control. If they suffer even the slightest disturbance, that would violate the principles of punishing the guilty and comforting the people. Tell them that everyone should remain in their homes and that no one may be harmed or intruded upon. Not even the smallest thing may be taken.” The people in the city were all grateful and delighted. Some who lived in remote districts did not learn until the next day that the imperial army had entered the capital.

When the victory report reached the emperor, he said: “In ancient times, people often performed great deeds and recovered capitals. But never, since the Three Dynasties, has anyone managed to leave the ancestral temples undisturbed and the city’s everyday life unchanged, so that the people of Chang’an did not even see the banners or hear the war drums. Heaven brought Li Sheng into the world for the state and its people, not for me.” Later, Li Sheng’s son Li Su also became a commander. On one occasion, he set out in the midst of a heavy snow.

夜破吴元濟止其外宅蔡吏告城䧟矣元濟 不信俄聞愬軍號令將士乃曰何常侍得至 此遂驅率左右承子城拒捍元濟城上請罪 梯而下之檻送京師其申光二州及諸鎮兵 二萬餘人相次來降自元濟就擒不戮一人 其執事帳不厨厩之間者皆復其職屯兵鞠 場以待裴度與晟曩日同聲並美父子大勳 無以比論  録曰成湯之征葛以無敵之師行王者之  政其民不知兵者順而易也晟父子之於  唐以罅漏之功遏滔天之䧟其市不易肆  者逆而難也使晟而聴諸將之議徒擾市  里未必能成廓清之功愬復信軍吏之言  徒殺李祐必無以效坎墉之績故曰惟西  平有子惟我有臣父子之間其利溥哉 史臣賛李光弼生戎虜之緒沈鷙有守遭世 變㧞任兵柄策敵制勝賞信罰明士卒爭奮 毅然有古良將風本夫終父䘮不入妻室事 繼母至孝異夫庸人武夫者又世稱段太尉 大抵以爲武人一時奮不慮死以取名非也 秀實爲人姁姁常低頭拱手行步言氣卑弱 未嘗以色待物人視之儒者也六歲母疾病 不勺飲至七日病間乃肯食時號孝童又李 遜弟建與兄俱客荆州母憐其孝每曰建子 勸吾食吾輙飽進藥吾意其瘳鄉人化之有 爭鬥不詣府而詣建德宗擢右拾遺翰林學 士至澧州刺史召拜刑部侍郞贈工部尚書
Interpretation

At night, Li Su broke into Wu Yuanji’s residence outside the inner city. Officials from Caizhou came to report, “The city has fallen!” Wu Yuanji refused to believe them. Soon he heard the orders of Li Su’s troops and only then asked his officers, “How has Attendant He come here?” He then hurried with his attendants to the inner citadel to resist. From atop the city wall, Wu Yuanji asked to surrender. The soldiers set up a ladder for him to climb down and sent him to the capital in a prison cart.

More than twenty thousand troops from Shenzhou and Guangzhou, along with forces from various commands, came over to surrender one after another. After capturing Wu Yuanji, Li Su did not kill a single person. Those under Wu Yuanji who had managed affairs, as well as those who worked in the accounts office, kitchen, stables, and other places, were all restored to their former posts. Li Su had his troops camp on the polo grounds while awaiting Pei Du and Li Sheng. Li Sheng and his son Li Su were both renowned and distinguished for their achievements, and it is difficult to compare one with the other.

The Record comments: When Tang of Cheng conquered Ge, he used an invincible army to bring about the kingly way. The people of Ge had never experienced war, so they were easily brought to submission. Li Sheng and his son put down a rebellion for the Tang court with limited forces, stemming a calamity that was spreading like a flood. They faced cities already plunged into warfare: the tide had turned, and the task was arduous. Had Li Sheng heeded the other generals’ advice and allowed the troops to prey upon the people, he might not have achieved the work of purging the rebellion. Had Li Su believed the military officials and killed only Li You, he could not have won the victory of breaching the city walls. Thus it was said, “The Prince of Xiping has such a son, and I have such a minister.” The benefits of father and son joining forces in service to the state were far-reaching.

The court historian praised Li Guangbi: He came from a family of Rong people and was composed, resolute, and principled. Born into troubled times, he was entrusted with military command beyond the usual rank. He excelled at planning and securing victory, and his rewards and punishments were clear. His officers and soldiers competed to fight, and he truly had the bearing of a great general of antiquity. When mourning his father, he did not enter his wife’s room; he also served his stepmother with great filial devotion. In these respects, he was unlike ordinary people and common soldiers.

People often say that Duan Taiwei (Duan Xiushi) was probably just a military man, thinking that he merely showed courage in a moment of danger, feared no death, and sought fame through it. This view is mistaken. Duan Xiushi was gentle and modest. He often lowered his head and clasped his hands, and his walk and speech were humble and mild. He never treated others with disdain in his expression and looked like a scholar. When he was six, his mother fell ill. For seven days he refused food and drink, and would not eat until her condition improved. People at the time called him “the filial child.”

Li Xun’s younger brother, Li Jian, once lived away from home in Jingzhou with his elder brother. Their mother cherished his filial care and often said, “When Jian’er urges me to eat, I feel full at once; when he brings me medicine, I feel that I am nearly well.” The people of their hometown were moved by his example: when disputes arose, they did not go to the authorities, but sought Li Jian’s help in settling them. Emperor Dezong promoted Li Jian to Left Reminder and Hanlin Academician. Later, he served as governor of Lizhou, was summoned back to court, and appointed Vice Minister of Punishments. After his death, he was posthumously awarded the title of Minister of Works.

 録曰薛放有言人能孝慈則氣感和樂故  以外則戎虜之緒以末則武夫之品以賤  則羈旅之裔而立功立節立名莫不根抵  扵此何况貴如王公尊如中國賢如士大  夫豈待論說而後知哉此作史有功世教  不可以無録也
Interpretation

Xue Fang once said: If people can honor their parents and show kindness to others, their vital energy will resonate with theirs and bring harmony and peace. Thus, even those born among foreign peoples, those of lowly status such as soldiers, and those living as sojourners in another land may establish worthy achievements, uphold their integrity, and earn a good name. All these accomplishments have filial devotion and kindness as their foundation.

How much more should this principle be understood by those as distinguished as princes and nobles, as highly placed as the people of the Central Plain—here meaning the central region of China—and as accomplished in virtue and learning as scholar-officials. Surely they need no further argument to grasp it. This record benefits both the writing of history and the moral instruction of the world; it must not be omitted.

With this, the Hongdao lu comes to an end.

弘道録(終)

Source text: Kanripo 漢籍リポジトリ(KR5h0033); Licence: CC BY-SA 4.0 · Report an error / feedback

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