《弘道錄》Vol. 9

The Great Duty Between Sovereign and Minister

In 1131, the first year of the Shaoxing era under Emperor Gaozong of the Song, Li Gang was summoned to serve as Right Vice Director of the Department of State Affairs, a position equivalent to chief minister. Li Gang submitted this memorial:

A ruler who can reverse decline and bring turmoil to an end must be wise and discerning; otherwise, he is not equal to such a weighty responsibility. Because he is wise, his resolve is firm and he can take charge of great affairs without being swayed by trivial matters. Because he is discerning, he can distinguish good from evil and appoint worthy men, without allowing petty men to sow discord.

Among rulers of the past who achieved this were Emperor Gaozu of Han, Emperor Guangwu of Han, and Emperor Taizong of Tang, as well as the founding Emperor Taizu and Emperor Taizong of our own dynasty. I hope Your Majesty will take them as your models.

The Record of Broadening the Way comments: Was there no basis for Li Gang’s words about being “wise and discerning”? Consider Emperor Gaozong’s conduct at the beginning of his reign. As Jin forces advanced, he boldly proposed leading the troops in person; this may be called heroic spirit. When danger was imminent, he made decisive choices that steadied the situation and sustained the imperiled state; this may be called discernment. Sadly, the ruler’s abilities were only middling, and he was easily drawn into a life of ease. Those who ingratiated themselves with him sought only to muddle through. A worthy man like Li Gang was not allowed to put his abilities fully to use, and generals such as Zhang, Han, Liu, and Yue were unable to accomplish the great task of recovering lost territory. Later, petty men such as Wang Boyan, Huang Qianshan, and Qin Hui concealed their true intentions and acted recklessly, doing whatever they pleased, unaware that Emperor Gaozu of Han, Emperor Guangwu of Han, and the others were already laughing at them from beneath the earth. Who could say Li Gang lacked foresight?

After arriving at the temporary imperial residence, Li Gang submitted another memorial: “The Jin people act without regard for what is right and rely entirely on deception to prevail. The Central Plain has failed to see through this and has fallen into their traps at every turn. Fortunately, Heaven’s Mandate has not yet changed. Your Majesty leads the armies from outside the capital and has the support of the people throughout the realm. Restoring order within the court, resisting the enemy beyond our borders, bringing back the two emperors Huizong and Qinzong, and comforting the people all depend on Your Majesty and the chief ministers. I consider myself unequal to the task and unable to fulfill Your Majesty’s great trust. I ask that my appointment be withdrawn.”

The emperor said, “I have long known your loyalty, righteousness, and strategic ability. Do not decline.” Li Gang bowed, wept, and thanked him. He then said, “When Emperor Xuanzong of Tang wished to appoint Yao Chong as chief minister, Yao Chong set out ten conditions, all addressing the abuses of the time. I too have ten matters to present to Your Majesty. Please consider which can be carried out and order them put into effect. Only then will I dare accept the appointment.”

The ten matters were: first, deliberating on the state’s major policies; second, deliberating on the arrangements for the emperor’s travels; third, deliberating on amnesties; fourth, deliberating on acts of usurpation and rebellion; fifth, deliberating on forged government orders; sixth, deliberating on military campaigns; seventh, deliberating on defense; and eighth, deliberating on the state’s foundational affairs.

Ninth, the memorial discussed the problem of officials holding office for too long; tenth, it discussed the cultivation of virtue. The next day, the court officials took their places in order and deliberated at court. Only the two items concerning “usurpation and rebellion” and “false imperial decrees” remained within the palace and were not made public.

The Hongdao lu comments: “Emperor Gaozong of Song was truly not a ruler capable of accomplishing anything. One had to make clear first that the Jin were an enemy state before one could convince people. When the Han founder plotted to restore order to the realm, he executed Xiang Yu and beheaded the defenders of the passes into Guanzhong. Emperor Xuanzong of Tang, too, had once been a bold and capable ruler. The enmity between the Song and the Jin could not perhaps be avenged at once, but why not say that Zhang Bangchang—whom the Jin had installed as a puppet emperor—was like meat on a chopping block, there for anyone to cut apart? Zhang’s crimes reached up to Heaven. He defiled the imperial throne and brought a stench of corruption to the court. His evil and treasonous conduct was so intolerable that even the lowliest pig or dog would not have been spared; why, then, begrudge him a single stroke of the knife? Of the ten proposals, this one was the most important, for it concerned the distinction between ruler and subject as well as the principles that bound the people together. The emperor withheld the memorial instead of issuing it. What was he waiting for? This shows how timid and fearful he was—hardly a ruler at all. Even though Li Gang argued his case with reason, the outcome was merely that Zhang Bangchang was handed over for punishment. In the end, the court still did not publicly denounce his crimes before the realm. Before long, Liu Yu—later installed by the Jin as the puppet emperor of Qi—followed Zhang Bangchang’s path, calmly took the imperial title, and even ordered his son to lead troops against the Song. This was entirely unlike executing Xiang Yu and destroying his power. The Southern Song never truly recovered its resolve, and this was the reason.

“Li Gang also said: ‘The state’s position today is no worse than it was during the Jingkang era, around the time at the end of the Northern Song when the Jin forces captured Bianjing. There is still a chance to act: if Your Majesty makes wise and decisive judgments above, and the ministers below work together in harmony, we may be able to eliminate the failings of the Jingkang era and seek the revival of the state. But without an overall plan, and without knowing how to set priorities and order tasks, success is impossible. Repel powerful enemies abroad and suppress bandits at home; put military and civil administration in order and reform the habits of the official class; replenish the treasury and ease the people’s burdens; reform harmful policies and reduce the number of redundant officials; win people’s hearts through sincere edicts, and raise morale through fair and trustworthy rewards and punishments; select commanders to oversee military and civil affairs in each region, and choose circuit commissioners and prefects to carry out the new policies. Only after we have put ourselves in order and set our government right can we call the Jin to account and bring back the two emperors, Huizong and Qinzong. This is the overall plan.

“‘As for what must be taken up first, it is the administration of Hebei and Hedong. These two regions are the state’s shield. If we gradually bring them under sound administration, the Central Plain will be protected and the southeast can be kept secure. In Hedong, the places already lost are Hengzhou, Daizhou, Taiyuan, Zezhou, and Luzhou; the other prefectures, including Fenzhou and Jinzhou, remain under Song control. In Hebei, the only places lost are the four prefectures of Zhending, Huaizhou, Weizhou, and Junzhou.’”

The remaining twenty-odd commanderies were jointly defended by the court’s garrison troops, the people of the two circuits of Hebei and Hedong, and their military officers and soldiers.

These people supported the Song dynasty with unwavering resolve, and chose outstanding men as their leaders. The larger groups numbered tens of thousands; even the smaller ones had at least ten thousand. If the court does not take this opportunity to establish offices for pacification and recruitment, send envoys to reassure them, and dispatch troops to aid places in danger, I fear their provisions will run out and their strength will fail, leaving them trapped under the Jurchen siege. Though they are loyal and righteous at heart, if reinforcements are delayed and they face danger with nowhere to turn for help, they will inevitably resent the court. The Jurchens will then be able to win them over and use them; these men are all elite fighting forces.

It would be better to establish a Pacification Office in Hebei, and a Military Administration Office in Hedong, appointing capable and strategic people to lead them. Let these officials proclaim the emperor’s benevolence and explain that the court cannot bear to abandon the two regions north of the Yellow River—Hebei and Hedong—to an enemy state. Anyone who can preserve a prefecture or recover a commandery should be appointed as a military commissioner, defense commissioner, or military training commissioner. Following the Tang dynasty’s system of regional military commands, they could use their own forces to defend their local territories. This would not only cut off any thought of their defecting to the enemy, but also enlist their strength to resist it. This is the most urgent matter at present.”

The emperor agreed that the proposal was sound and asked who could fill these posts. Li Gang recommended Zhang Suo and Fu Liang.

The Hongdao lu says: “In my view, Li Gang’s proposals concerning the two regions north of the Yellow River, and his recommendations to establish Military Administration and Pacification Offices, had already laid out the path to the Song dynasty’s revival. Though Li Gang was a southerner, he put forward such principled and upright proposals, rising above the constraints of the prevailing climate. Was this not a great opportunity? Before long, Huang Qianshan and Wang Boyan worked relentlessly to push Li Gang out of the court. The Pacification and Military Administration Offices were then abolished. The emperor’s entourage fled farther east, and the prefectures of the two regions fell one after another. All the military and administrative measures Li Gang had planned were discarded. The Jurchen forces grew ever stronger, the Guanzhong region was ravaged, and banditry spread throughout the Central Plain. From that point on, the state was beyond saving.”

Zong Ze submitted a memorial: “The realm is the realm of Taizu. Your Majesty works diligently and cautiously, devoting yourself to its welfare, and hopes to pass it down for ten thousand generations. Why, then, have you so rashly discussed ceding the lands east and west of the Yellow River, and handing the areas of He, Pu, and Xie over to the Jurchens? Since the Jurchens’ second invasion south, the court has never ordered a single general to lead an army on campaign. All we have heard is treacherous ministers proposing peace in the morning and a different course in the evening, asking to conclude an alliance. In the end, the two emperors Huizong and Qinzong were captured and taken north, and the ancestral temples and altars of state were disgraced. I believe Your Majesty should rise up in righteous anger, make rewards and punishments and appointments and dismissals clear, and once again restore the royal house…”

Since the present emperor ascended the throne, no important edicts have been issued. I have seen only the Ministry of Punishments impose a ban on publicly announcing pardons for the people east and west of the Yellow River and in the Pujie region of Shaanxi. This strikes at the resolve of loyal and righteous people throughout the realm and cuts the people off from the court. Though I am foolish and timid, I am willing to charge at the front, facing arrows and stones, and serve as the vanguard for all the generals. If I can give my life for the state, I will be content.

The emperor read these words and praised his courage and insight. The office of prefect of Kaifeng was then vacant. Li Gang said that granting favor and bringing relief were essential to pacifying the people and recovering the old territories. The court therefore appointed Zong Ze as administrator of the Eastern Capital and prefect of Kaifeng. Zong Ze submitted another memorial, saying, “Prices and markets in Kaifeng are gradually returning to normal. Among the soldiers, farmers, merchants, travelers, and scholar-officials, all those who are loyal and righteous hope that Your Majesty will return to the capital as soon as possible and settle the people’s hearts. Those who argue against this are not truly planning for Your Majesty’s benefit; they are merely plotting in secret for Zhang Bangchang and others, and for the Jin.”

At the time, enemy forces were strong around Zhending, Huaizhou, and Weizhou. They were secretly building weapons and equipment in preparation for an attack. Zong Ze therefore crossed the Yellow River, gathered the generals to discuss military affairs, and laid plans to recover lost territory. He appointed an officer to command the recruited troops at each of the capital’s four gates. He also had twelve hundred war chariots built and, taking advantage of the terrain, established twenty-four fortified camps outside the city, where tens of thousands of troops were stationed. Zong Ze rode among them, inspecting and reviewing the forces. Along the Yellow River, he arranged camps like fish scales, building connected defenses known as “linked-bead forts.” These joined the mountain and river strongholds of Hedong and Hebei with the loyalist militia. The soldiers and people of the Shaanxi, Jingdong, and Jingxi circuits all came to hope that Zong Ze would command them. He repeatedly petitioned the emperor to return to the capital, but the emperor followed Huang Qianshan’s advice and resolved to go southeast.

The Hongdao lu comments: “The central argument of these two memorials by Zong Ze was the same as Li Gang’s. The realm’s situation could only move forward or fall back. Advancing would not only preserve the old territories but also recover lost lands and avenge past humiliations. Retreating would not only make Hebei and Hedong impossible to hold; Henan, too, would eventually be lost. Once Henan fell, the region around the Huai River would again be thrown into turmoil. Further retreat—to cross the Yangtze, board ships, and flee to the sea—would then be inevitable. This was why Zong Ze was so consumed by grief and anger that he would not rest until his death. Alas, how can the crimes of Wang and Huang (Wang Boyan and Huang Qianshan) ever be fully recounted? This was one of the mistakes made at the beginning of Gaozong’s reign.”

In the winter of the fourth year of the Jianyan era, in the tenth month, the court issued an edict ordering Han Shizhong to advance to Yangzhou.

After hearing this, De Ming was moved to tears. “My lord is burdened with such worries,” he said. “As a minister, how can I cling to life for my own sake?” He personally led the cavalry to meet the enemy, then cut down trees and fashioned them into a barricade, cutting off his own retreat.

While the army was on the march, the court sent Wei Liangchen on a mission to the Jin forces. Han Shizhong, a Southern Song general, handed him an imperial edict ordering him to move the army and garrison the Yangtze River. After Wei Liangchen departed, Han Shizhong immediately mounted his horse and ordered the troops, “Wherever my whip points, that is where the army will strike!” He then moved his forces to Dayi, formed them into five lines, and set more than twenty ambushes in various places.

When Wei Liangchen reached the Jin camp, the Jin asked about the Song army’s movements. He truthfully replied that the Song had already moved camp and taken up a defensive position. The Jin general Nie’er Bojin was delighted to hear this. He led his troops to the river mouth, five li from Dayi. Another general, Ta Buye, led his armored cavalry past the eastern flank of the Song army’s five lines.

Han Shizhong passed the signal flags and beat the war drums. The ambush troops emerged from every direction at once. Song and Jin banners appeared intermingled, throwing the Jin forces into confusion, and the Song troops attacked in successive waves. Han Shizhong ordered the elite Beiwai Guard to carry long axes: thrust upward at the enemy’s chests and hack downward at the horses’ legs. The enemy, clad in armor and mired in the mud, was then attacked from all sides by Han Shizhong’s elite cavalry. Men and horses alike were killed, and more than two hundred Jin troops, including Ta Buye, were captured.

Dong Min, whom Han Shizhong had dispatched, also defeated the Jin at Yako Bridge in Tianchang. When Jie Yuan encountered the enemy at the north gate of Gaoyou, he laid an ambush and positioned the navy on both banks of the river. The two sides fought thirteen engagements that day, with neither gaining the upper hand. Han Shizhong sent Cheng Min with cavalry reinforcements. The armies clashed fiercely again, and the Song captured many enemy troops. Han Shizhong then pursued the Jin in person as far as the Huai River. The Jin panicked and fled in disorder, trampling one another; many fell into the water and drowned.

When news of the victory arrived, the officials entered the palace to offer congratulations. The emperor said, “Han Shizhong is loyal and brave. I knew long ago that he would surely distinguish himself.” Shen Yuqiu said, “Since the Jianyan era began, our soldiers have never before met the Jin in open battle and won. Han Shizhong has now won one victory after another; his achievements are considerable.” Commentators of the time therefore ranked this campaign among the greatest military victories since the restoration.

Later, the emperor personally led the army to resist the Jin and stationed himself at Pingjiang Prefecture. As the Jin forces drew closer, the officials urged him to seek refuge elsewhere. Zhang Jun said, “Where could we flee? Only by advancing to resist them can we hope to escape danger.” Zhao Ding said, “Let us fight first. If we fail to win, we can still withdraw afterward.” The emperor then said, “For the sake of the two sages far away in exile, I once humbled myself and sought peace talks. Yet the other side has again acted with wanton violence and violated our state. I should personally lead the Six Armies to the riverbank and fight a decisive battle.” Shen Yuqiu…

Zhao Ding strongly supported Zhang Jun’s taking command of the troops. When he heard the news, he said happily, “For years we have repeatedly retreated, and the enemy’s fighting spirit has grown ever more arrogant as a result. Now the emperor has decided to lead an expedition in person. Our officers and soldiers will surely fight with courage, and victory will be within reach. I am willing to contribute what little I can and devise plans to serve the state.”

Later, Zhang Jun went to Zhenjiang to inspect the army and met Zhao Ding. Taking Zhao by the hand, he said, “The arrangements for this campaign accord with the people’s wishes.” Zhao smiled and replied, “That is all thanks to you, Ziyicai”—Zhang Jun’s courtesy name. The emperor issued an edict appointing Zhang Jun as Director of the Bureau of Military Affairs, an office responsible for military intelligence. After receiving the appointment, Zhang went that very day to the riverbank to inspect the troops. At the time, the Jin generals Talan and Wuzhu were leading an army of one hundred thousand and had agreed on a date to cross the river and fight a decisive battle. Zhang Jun hurried to the riverbank and summoned Liu Guangshi, Han Shizhong, and Zhang Jun to discuss military affairs. Seeing Zhang Jun’s courage and resolve, the soldiers’ morale rose greatly. After assigning the various commanders to their positions, Zhang remained in Zhenjiang to coordinate the campaign.

Yue Fei stayed in Jiankang, present-day Nanjing, and met with the emperor several times to discuss plans for recovering lost territory. He also said, “The Jin established Liu Yu in Henan so that he would ravage the people of the Central Plain and set Chinese against Chinese. This allows the Jin to rest their forces and wait for an opportunity to act. I hope Your Majesty will grant me a period of discretionary authority, allowing me to make decisions according to the military situation, so that I may lead the army straight to Jing and Luo, then take Heyang, Shanzhou, and Tong Pass, and persuade the rebel generals of the five routes to submit. Once they have returned to our side, the imperial forces can advance, and the Jin will surely abandon Bianjing and flee. In this way, Hebei, the capital region, and western Shaanxi can all be recovered. We can then dispatch forces to establish control around Junzhou and Huazhou and plan to recover both sides of the Yellow River. Then Liu Yu can be captured and the Jin destroyed. This is the fundamental strategy for bringing lasting stability to the state.”

The emperor said, “With a minister like you, what have I to worry about? I will not constrain you in deciding when to advance or withdraw and how to deploy the troops.” He then summoned Yue Fei to his private quarters and said, “The great enterprise of restoring the state is entrusted entirely to you.” Yue Fei thereupon began planning a large-scale northern expedition.

The Hongdao Lu comments: In my view, Yue Fei’s words were a plan he truly intended to carry out, not empty boasts meant to deceive. In the past, he used the navy to attack the pirate Yang Yao and quickly succeeded. Now, if he used rebel generals to attack a rebel minister, would that not be even more likely to succeed? Had the emperor truly entrusted Yue Fei with full authority over the great enterprise of restoring the state, his plans would soon have shown results. But the treacherous minister Qin Hui obstructed this. When Qin Hui asked Zhang Jun to go to the commander-in-chief’s headquarters, could he not have known of the estrangement between Zhang Jun and Yue Fei? The matter ultimately provoked resentment and was exploited to sow discord, leaving Yue Fei anxious and dispirited. When he later made his request again, it was already too late. Zhang Jun’s jealousy was certainly detestable, but was the failure of this great enterprise not also Heaven’s will? This was Gaozong’s second time mishandling affairs.

At that time, Liang Xing, a leader of the volunteer forces resisting the Jin, joined with the Loyal and Righteous Society in the Taihang Mountains and local leaders from the areas around the Yellow and Huai Rivers. He led them all in submitting to Yue Fei. From then on, Yue Fei had accurate intelligence about the Jin army’s movements and the strategic terrain of the mountains and rivers.

In the Central Plains, the people of Cizhou, Xiangzhou, Zezhou, Luzhou, Jinzhou, Fenzhou, Xizhou, Weizhou, and other places agreed on a date to rise up and join the government forces. Their banners all bore the character “Yue.” Elders and ordinary people competed to bring carts and lead oxen, loading them with provisions to supply the volunteer forces. Many people held roof tiles above their heads, burned incense, and crowded the roads to welcome them. South of Yan, the Jin could no longer enforce their commands.

Wuzhu (Wanyan Zongbi, a Jin general) wanted to raise troops to resist Yue Fei, but no one in Hebei answered his call. He sighed, “Since I raised an army in the north, I have never suffered a setback like this.” The Jin generals Wang Zhen, Cui Qing, Li Ji, Cui Hu, Hua Wang, and others all led their troops in surrendering to Yue Fei. General Yicha and others under the Jin Kingdom’s Dragon and Tiger Prince also secretly received Yue Fei’s proclamations and banners, then left Jin territory to submit to him. Han Chang, too, was planning to lead fifty thousand men in joining the Song.

Yue Fei was overjoyed. He told his officers, “We’ll march straight to Huanglong Prefecture, an important town deep in Jin territory, and then celebrate with a great drink alongside the armies from every route!” He then reported to the throne that after Liang Xing and the others crossed the Yellow River, the people were eager to submit to the court. The Jin forces had been defeated repeatedly, and Wuzhu and the others had ordered people, young and old, to move north. This was an excellent opportunity to restore the country. Qin Hui, however, was intent on ceding the lands north of the Huai River to the Jin in order to secure peace. He privately prompted officials of the Censorate to ask the generals to withdraw. Knowing that Yue Fei was resolute and would be difficult to sway, he reported to the throne that Yue Fei could not remain for long with his isolated force, and urged that he be recalled at once.

Yue Fei therefore received twelve imperial edicts bearing gold insignia in a single day. In grief and anger, he wept, turned east, and bowed twice, saying, “Ten years of effort have been destroyed in a single day.”

The Hongdao lu comments: In my view, during Emperor Gaozong’s reign there were times when the court could have achieved great things. The first such opportunity came in the early Jianyan years: the lands north of the Yellow River had not yet broken away, the people’s loyalty had not yet scattered, Li Gang served at court, and Zong Ze was in the field. At that time, both defense and offense were possible; the court could have held its ground and recovered lost territory.

Later, the generals won victory after victory, and the emperor himself went to the banks of the Yangtze to inspect the troops. Zhao Ding and Zhang Jun directed affairs of state, reporting and putting into practice, item by item, the order in which matters should be handled and the talented people who ought to be summoned and appointed. As a result, many of the day’s prominent figures gathered in the court’s most important posts. People of the time called this period “Little Yuanyou.”

In the later years, the Jin were defeated at Yancheng, and then at Zhuxian Town and Shunchang. South of Yan, the Jin could no longer enforce their commands. Wuzhu then sighed, “Since I raised an army in the north, I have never…”

He too was overjoyed and said, “We’ll drive straight to Huanglong Prefecture and have a grand drinking bout with all of you!”

What a magnificent and heroic spirit! Sadly, the emperor did not truly wish for the two emperors, Huizong and Qinzong, to return home. He feared their return would threaten his own throne, so he entrusted the matter to treacherous ministers and was misled by them. Before the time came when “the crafty hare is dead and the hounds are cooked; the birds are gone and the fine bows are put away,” the emperor began plotting in advance, eliminating meritorious officials and taking back their military authority. From then on, the affairs of the realm began to decline. I have therefore first recorded the deeds of the various generals in detail, then added an overall judgment afterward, as an everlasting warning to later generations.

Yue Fei set himself an ardent goal: to recover the Central Plain and capture and destroy the enemy he hated. He was very frugal in his own upkeep. In his youth, he could drink several dou of wine, but the emperor warned him, “You may drink once you reach the lands north of the Yellow River.” Yue Fei then gave up alcohol and never drank again.

Wu Jie wished to befriend Yue Fei, so he carefully selected a beautiful woman and sent her to him. Yue Fei said, “The emperor labors day and night, deeply concerned with affairs of state. How could this be a time for a general to enjoy himself?” He declined the gift, and Wu Jie respected him all the more. When the emperor wanted to build a residence for Yue Fei, he also declined, saying, “The enemy forces of Jin have not yet been defeated. How can we speak of settling down?”

Someone asked when peace would finally come to the realm. Yue Fei replied, “When civil officials do not love money and military officers are unafraid to die, the realm will be at peace.”

If any of Yue Fei’s subordinates took so much as a strand of silk or a bundle of fodder from the people, he had the offender beheaded at once in public. When the army lodged in people’s homes at night, the people would open their doors and invite them in, yet no one dared enter. The soldiers would rather shiver with cold than tear down a house for firewood, and would rather starve to death than plunder. When soldiers fell ill, Yue Fei personally prepared medicine for them. When generals were sent to garrison distant places, he sent his wife to visit their families and offer them comfort. He personally wept and made offerings for fallen soldiers, and cared for their orphaned children; at times, he even married his own sons to the daughters of fallen soldiers. Any rewards granted by the court, he distributed fairly among the officers and men, keeping nothing for himself.

Yue Fei was skilled at defeating larger forces with smaller ones. Whenever he prepared to send out troops, he gathered the various commanders to discuss the matter, and only went to war once they had settled on a plan. As a result, he won many battles and was never defeated. Even when he encountered enemy forces unexpectedly, he remained calm and unmoved. His enemies therefore said, “It is easy to shake a mountain, but hard to shake the Yue Family Army.”

Zhang Jun once asked him about the essentials of military command. Yue Fei replied, “Benevolence, trustworthiness, wisdom, courage, and strictness: none can be missing.” He respected the able and treated scholars with courtesy. He read the classics and histories, enjoyed singing refined songs and playing pitch-pot, and was ordinarily gentle and modest, like a scholar. Whenever he declined an official post, he always said, “The soldiers and officers do the hard work. What merit is there in me, Yue Fei?”

His loyalty burned with indignation, and his arguments were forthright. He would not yield when others opposed him, and in the end this brought disaster upon him. Yue Fei and Qin Hui’s faction could never coexist.

The compiler of the Hongdao lu says: “In my view, Yue Wumu (Yue Fei’s posthumous title) was indeed an extraordinary man, rare among his kind. Why is this so? …”

Among the famous generals of antiquity, from Sun Wu, Wu Qi, Han Xin, Peng Yue, Ying Bu, Wei Qing, and Li Guang to Guo Ziyi and others, there were many renowned commanders. Yet Sun Wu betrayed a friend, Wu Qi killed his wife, Han Xin was once given the title of a “provisional king,” Ying Bu betrayed his former lord, and Wei Qing lived extravagantly. There is little need to say more about the others.

Among generals of more recent times, Zhang Wei Gong (Zhang Jun) suffered defeat at Fuping, and Han Jun Wang (Han Shizhong) once retreated on the river. Zhang Boying, by contrast, was entirely different in his intentions. Liu Pingshu (Liu Guangshi) commanded his troops without discipline. Only Yue Wumu (Yue Fei) never forgot his old friends Zhou Tong and Zhang Suo, and so could be called faithful and trustworthy toward his friends. His refusal of Wu Jie’s younger sister also showed that he kept himself distant from women. When his mother suffered a long illness, he personally attended to her medicines and meals; this was filial devotion to his parents. The emperor bestowed on him a banner bearing the words “Jingzhong” (“Utmost Loyalty”), and he always kept in mind the duty of serving his country; this was the trust he had earned from his sovereign. Loyalty and filial devotion came naturally to him. Because he never forgot them in his conduct, he was able to cultivate himself.

When Yue Fei led his army, he fulfilled all five requirements and won every battle. He also cared for the people and never harmed or troubled them in the slightest. Compared with the famous generals of antiquity, he could almost be ranked alongside Fang Shu and Ji Fu. He simply did not achieve the accomplishments of King Xuan of Zhou; this was because Heaven did not protect the Song. There is no need, on that account, to blame too harshly the ruler and his ministers of the time.

Hu Quan memorialized the throne, saying: “As I see it, Wang Lun is nothing but a wicked and contemptible man, a street-corner rogue. He was recommended to serve as envoy to the Jin only because the chief minister was foolish and undiscerning. He has done nothing but make up lies and deceive and mislead Your Majesty. Now the Jin envoy has come for no reason, claiming that he is here to proclaim an edict to the lands south of the Yangtze. In truth, they intend to make us submit to them and become their subjects, as Liu Yu did.

“The realm was handed down by our ancestors, and the throne on which Your Majesty sits was also handed down by them. How can you turn our ancestors’ realm into the realm of the Quanrong—that is, the Jin—and our ancestors’ throne into the throne of the Quanrong? If Your Majesty bends the knee and becomes their subject, the spirits of the ancestral temples and state altars will be subjected to the humiliation of the barbarians. The people will all have to wear their clothes fastened on the left, the court officials will become their subjects, and the scholars of the realm will have to remove their caps and dress in the garments of the northern peoples. Even if we could make peace with the Jin now, what kind of ruler would Your Majesty be in the eyes of the generations to come?

“What is more, the Jin are treacherous and unpredictable, and Wang Lun’s wicked schemes only encourage their designs. The late emperor’s coffin will certainly not be brought back; the Empress Dowager will certainly not regain her freedom; the Sage of the Abyss (Emperor Qinzong) will certainly not return; and the Central Plain will certainly not be recovered. Once we bend the knee and become their subjects, we will never again be able to stand upright. This is truly enough to make one weep bitterly and sigh aloud. Previously, Your Majesty was driven from place to place on the sea…” The source ends with “sea”; the sentence is incomplete. The text at “□□” is missing and cannot be translated with certainty.

The state was in such grave danger that it resembled a stack of eggs on the verge of toppling, yet it still refused to submit to the northern power and become its captive. How much less should it do so now, when the state has somewhat recovered its strength and has only just defeated the enemy at Xiangyang, along the Huai, and at the Wo River crossing—leaving its position utterly changed from what it once was? Yet now, for no reason, it would turn around and submit to the enemy, making the Son of Heaven lower his dignity and kneel in homage to a rival state like the Xiongnu. This is precisely why Lu Zhonglian would rather uphold righteousness than allow Qin to proclaim itself emperor. He was not attached to empty fame in the world; he understood that, in the course of events, some things must never be done.

Now, throughout the court and beyond it, from officials to soldiers and common people, everyone speaks with one voice: they would gladly eat Wang Lun’s flesh. In my private judgment, unless Wang Lun is put to death, it is uncertain whether the state can be preserved. Still, Wang Lun is not worth dwelling on. Qin Hui, a trusted and powerful minister of the emperor, also took part in this affair. Your Majesty has the qualities of Yao and Shun, yet Qin Hui cannot assist you in bringing about the age of peace and good government of Tang Yao and Yu Shun. Instead, he would lead you to become a ruler like Shi Jingtang of Later Jin. Sun Jin echoed Qin Hui’s position, and so was able to take part in government. Qin Hui said that peace could be negotiated, and Sun Jin said so too; Qin Hui said that a kneeling ceremony should be performed, and Sun Jin said so too. I believe both Qin Hui and Sun Jin deserve death.

I am unworthy to serve among the officials of the Privy Council, which oversees military affairs. In righteousness, I cannot share the same sky with these men. My humble loyalty has but one wish: to cut off the heads of these three men and hang them on Gao Street, where the heads of foreign envoys are displayed to the public. Then we should detain the enemy’s envoys, rebuke them for their insolence, and calmly send out troops to punish them. In that case, even if the three armies did not fight, their morale would be greatly strengthened. Otherwise, I would rather cast myself into the Eastern Sea and die. How could I remain in this petty court and cling to life?

The Hongdao lu comments: “This memorial is like hard frost and a blazing sun; it embodies the upright integrity that stands between Heaven and Earth. Even a hundred generations later, whenever we read it, its dignity still stands before our eyes, as if we had seen Master Dan’an (Hu Quan) in person. How much more, at the time, must it have shaken the courage and stirred the hearts of the treacherous and the vile enemy? We can see from this that the words of a gentleman who speaks out shine alongside the sun and moon and endure as long as Heaven and Earth. How could his achievement be merely a small contribution? His words turned back a million Jin troops and made people marvel that China still had such a man. Though he suffered every kind of setback and humiliation, that vast, steadfast uprightness, filling the space between Heaven and Earth, could not be destroyed. Was this not one of the most heartening events in the two hundred years of the Southern Song?”

In the seventh year of the Longxing era under Emperor Lizong, the court appointed Liu Gong as Military Commissioner for Jing and Xiang. He declined the appointment and submitted a memorial saying:

“Jing and Xiang are the limbs of the state; the court is its heart; and the vital energy is the state’s foundation. When the vital energy is strong, the limbs are robust. Only when the court governs well and the foundation is firm and strong can Jing and Xiang be secure and prosperous…”

To remove calamities step by step, we must first discuss the nation’s great undertaking, then the foundations of governing the state.

What is the nation’s great undertaking? It is the recovery of lost territory. In my view, at present we have only the name of recovery, without the practical conditions needed to achieve it. In general, when preparations are made in earnest but kept out of sight, plans can be settled, undertakings are easier to bring to success, and the enemy remains unaware. When there is only a show of strength without real preparation, calamity and enemy forces will soon be drawn upon us, and by then we will have no means to respond. King Zhao of Yan and Zhuge Liang of the Han are examples of making real preparations without revealing them.

The enemy cannot forget us, just as we cannot forget the enemy. Yet in recent years, no alarms have come from the frontier. This is because the enemy, too, has learned from the rash campaigns of Ni Liang and is now devising a careful, comprehensive strategy. Our troops have not yet set out, yet the news of our force has already spread; our actions have not yet begun, yet our intentions have already been exposed. This only leads the enemy to plan against us more deeply and guard against us more closely. I feel profound sorrow about this.

What does practical preparation mean? It means improving ourselves, seeking out worthy and capable people, showing care for the people, appointing generals, and training the army. King Xuan of Zhou appointed the worthy and cared for orphans and widows. The “Cai Qi” describes the appointment of generals, while the “Che Gong” describes the selection and training of soldiers. The essentials of governing the state cannot be separated from these four tasks.

The foundation of peaceful governance lies not in rewards and commands, but in the ruler himself. Whether one’s own conduct is good or bad depends on a single thought. As thoughts accumulate and settle quietly in the heart, one can distinguish good from evil and right from wrong. Your Majesty has been on the throne for nine years. Some things that were once right have now become wrong; some people who were capable at first have since ceased to be worthy. I hope Your Majesty will set aside personal opinions and take the views of all under Heaven as your own; set aside personal cleverness and make the wisdom of the people your wisdom.

If you wish to attract truly worthy people of this age, you must first make room for the forthright spirit of upright ministers. Unless the wicked and sycophantic are completely removed, the right way cannot be put into practice. Those who are upright will leave and withdraw into the mountains and forests, never to be employed again.

The growing shallowness of the scholar-officials’ conduct is especially lamentable. Some make outrageous claims to cater to the ruler’s wishes. Those of high rank thereby win extraordinary favor, while those of lower rank seize the chance to steal some of that favor as well. Some even rely on hidden forces to exclude those who disagree with them, obstructing loyal and upright people and preventing the truth about the benefits and harms of policy from reaching the throne. This shows that the search for worthy people has not yet been carried out in earnest.

Although there are now officials responsible for governing the people, they cannot fulfill that responsibility. Driven by matters of taxes and levies and pressured by their superiors, they seek only to evade punishment. As a result, they do little more than invent pretexts to collect money and issue documents and notices to compel people to appear…

In attracting the people, bringing stability to the region, enabling the people to live in peace, and easing their burdens, no one has yet truly succeeded. This shows that the work of caring for the people has not been done properly. Those who exploit the people to enrich themselves at others’ expense and curry favor with their superiors deserve to be dismissed.

Most of the newly selected and appointed generals are sons of wealthy and powerful families who have never experienced battle. In an emergency, they may be unable to face the enemy. This shows that the work of appointing generals has not been done properly either. The ancients cared for their soldiers with the warm hospitality of pushing a cart to serve them and straining wine for them, and with the courage to hurl stones and leap over barriers. So the soldiers dared to fight for the public good, and charged bravely as soon as they heard the enemy was attacking. A commander showed his men the kindness of sharing wine with them and the deep affection of sucking poison from their wounds: he cherished them like his own children and protected them like his own brothers. Today, however, things are different. Soldiers are subjected to endless exploitation and forced labor. The court has repeatedly called for recruits, yet no one has volunteered. Recently, I heard that the cavalry was being moved to Jiankang. Along the route, people were full of sorrow and lamentation, and their words spread everywhere. This has bred resentment among the soldiers and undermined the courage of the Three Armies. Clearly, the work of providing for the military has not been done properly either.

If things continue this way, the people will suffer and the state’s resources will be depleted; the soldiers will be resentful and the generals arrogant. Bandits will surely seize the opportunity to rebel within the realm, yet the court still wishes to send its sword north of Yiwu, an ancient place in the region of modern Xinjiang. This is something I cannot understand.

The Hongdao lu comments: In my view, these words of Duke Zhong-su identify the common ills of the late Southern Song, as well as the entrenched habits of an inattentive ruler and a decaying political climate. They were not written solely to warn Emperor Xiaozong. If the state’s vitality was not firmly rooted at the time, any collapse in the situation would affect every quarter, and the dynasty’s fortunes would soon perish with it. As for the practice of granting official posts during wartime, it was often used by prime ministers and senior ministers to favor their own people, seek high office, and cling to power. Who, apart from an upright and loyal minister blessed by the spirits, could receive an imperial summons seven times and decline it seven times? I have therefore included these words here to make clear the resolve to avenge past humiliation and strike down the enemy. Beyond that, there is only endless lamentation. How sorrowful!

As a child, Wen Tianxiang saw the local worthies Ouyang Xiu, Yang Bangyi, and Hu Quan honored in the school’s shrine. Knowing that they were renowned for their loyalty and integrity, he admired them and said with delight, “If I am not worshipped in their shrine after my death, I will not have been a true man.” At the age of twenty, he passed the presented scholar examination and answered the questions in the palace examination. Emperor Lizong had then been on the throne for many years, and the administration was gradually growing lax. Taking “following the Way of Heaven, which moves without ceasing” as the central theme of his answer, Wen Tianxiang wrote more than ten thousand characters in a single, effortless flow. The emperor promoted him to first place. The examiner Wang Yinglin submitted a memorial saying, “His ancient sense of righteousness is worthy of serving as a model, and his loyal heart is as steadfast as iron and stone. I venture to congratulate the court on obtaining such a talent.”

In the ninth year of the Xianchun era (1273), Wen Tianxiang was appointed Surveillance Commissioner of Hunan, an official responsible for judicial and criminal matters. There he met the former prime minister Jiang…

Wanli, whose courtesy name was Wanli, was upright in character, resolute, and principled. Speaking of the affairs of the state, he said sorrowfully:

“I am old now. The duty of saving the world from its troubles will probably fall to you.”

At the beginning of the Deyou era, the court issued an edict calling on people throughout the realm to raise troops and come to the rescue. Wen Tianxiang held the edict and wept. He sent Chen Jizhou to gather the local heroes, then joined forces with the minority peoples of the Xidong region, assembling more than ten thousand men. His friends urged him not to do this. Wen Tianxiang said:

“I know that this may well be of no use. But for more than two hundred years, the state has cared for its subjects. Now, when it faces danger, it calls on armies throughout the realm, yet not one man or horse enters the passes to come to its aid. This fills me with deep indignation. So, though I know my own limits, I will still risk my life in the crisis. I hope that when loyal ministers and righteous men throughout the realm hear the news, they will all step forward. When righteousness prevails, plans can succeed; when many respond, there is hope of accomplishing great deeds. If this can be done, perhaps the state can still be saved.”

The Prince of Yi summoned Wen Tianxiang to Fuzhou in his capacity as Academician of the Hall for the Observation of Culture and appointed him Right Chancellor. After the Prince of Wei took the throne, Wen was further granted the titles of Junior Guardian and Duke of Xinguo. After Yashan fell, Wen Tianxiang was taken under guard to the capital. At the time, Emperor Shizu of Yuan was seeking talented men. Wang Jiweng, an official from the south, said that no one among the southerners could match Wen Tianxiang. The emperor therefore sent Wang Jiweng to convey his decree. Wen Tianxiang said:

“The state has already perished. I ought to die for it.”

The emperor summoned him to an audience and urged him to submit. Wen Tianxiang replied:

“I received the Song dynasty’s favor and served as its chancellor. How could I serve two dynasties? I ask only to be granted death.”

As he was led to execution, he remained composed and said, “My work is done.” When his wife, Lady Ouyang, gathered his remains, she found an encomium tucked into his sash:

“Confucius spoke of fulfilling benevolence; Mencius spoke of giving up life for righteousness. Only by carrying righteousness through to the end can benevolence truly be attained. What, after all, does one learn from reading the books of the sages? From this day on, I believe I can be free of shame in my own heart.”

The Critical Remarks on the History of the Song comments: When the Song dynasty fell, besides Wen Tianxiang, ministers who upheld their integrity and fulfilled their duty included Li Fu, pacification commissioner of Hunan; Zhao Angfa, assistant prefect of Chizhou; Jiang Cai, commander-in-chief of Yangzhou; Miao Zaicheng, prefect of Zhenzhou; Wang Anjie, military commander of Changzhou; Zhang Qiyan, judicial commissioner of Hubei; Zhao Liangchun, prefect of Anji; Zhao Huai, governor of Wuwei; Li Tingzhi, commissioner for military affairs in Huainan East; the provincial governor Zhao Meng□; Yao Yin, prefect of Changzhou; Zhao Yuju, an investigating official; Chen Zan, governor of Xinghua; Zhang Rizhong, assistant prefect; Ma Fa, governor of Chaozhou; Xie Fangde, commissioner for military affairs in Jiangdong; Tang Zhen, governor of Xinzhou; as well as Zhang Shijie, Lu Xiufu, Chen Wenlong, and others. These are among those whose deeds were especially notable; there were many more.

The Hongdao lu records a saying from Yuzhang: “The intention of the Duke of Zhou and Confucius was to help people understand the Dao (the Way).”

If people can truly understand the Dao, they can deeply appreciate the intentions of the Duke of Zhou and Confucius. The people of the Three Dynasties were the ones who truly grasped those intentions. They regarded life and death, entering government service and withdrawing from it, as naturally as the changing seasons and the cycle of day and night. For this reason, it was also easier for them to uphold loyalty and righteousness.

By the Han and Tang dynasties, people revered the study of the classics and ancient prose, yet had lost the intentions of the Duke of Zhou and Confucius. The study of the classics was promoted by figures such as Chao Cuo, Dong Zhongshu, and Gongsun Hong, while ancient prose was pioneered by Han Yu and Liu Zongyuan. As a result, fewer people truly understood the Dao. They regarded life and death, entering government service and withdrawing from it, as though faced with a weight of ten thousand jun or the weight of the Nine Tripods; upholding loyalty and righteousness had become difficult.

Looking at the matter now, Wang Anshi’s revisions to the Six Classics in the Northern Song weakened the way of integrity and shame. When the Northern Song fell, few people stood by their principles and died for what was right. But after Zhou Dunyi, Cheng Hao, Cheng Yi, Zhang Zai, and Zhu Xi had explained the principles of Dao learning, many more died for what was right when the Southern Song fell. The results are clear and striking, and suffice to prove the point.

So when I set my resolve and strive without letup, do I truly enjoy arguing? I do so only because I have no choice. Those who read this should consider it carefully.

Zhang Shijie began his career as a junior officer and rose through the ranks on the strength of his military achievements, eventually becoming commander of the Wuding forces at Huangzhou. The situation was then critical, and the court summoned troops from all quarters to come to its aid. Most did not respond, but Zhang Shijie alone led his troops to the capital to defend the court, astonishing everyone there. Within a few months, he was promoted in succession from Defense Commissioner of Hezhou and ultimately became Pacification Commissioner of the Baokang Army, commanding the forces of the Grand Commandery.

When Yuan forces approached Lin’an, Zhang Shijie asked to escort the Three Palaces—the emperor, empress, empress dowager, and other members of the imperial household—out to sea. He proposed joining forces with Wen Tianxiang and making a final stand with the city at their backs. Chen Yizhong sent an envoy to seek peace, but Zhang Shijie refused. After the Song had submitted to the Yuan and paid tribute, Zhang Shijie angrily led his troops out of Lin’an and stationed them at Dinghai. The Yuan sent their commander Bian Biao to urge him to surrender. Zhang Shijie cut out Bian Biao’s tongue and had him executed, making clear that he would rather die than submit.

Afterward, Zhang Shijie accompanied the two princes to Fuzhou. When Emperor Duanzong ascended the throne, he appointed Zhang Shijie vice commissioner of the Privy Council. When Emperor Bing ascended the throne, Zhang Shijie was made Junior Guardian and enfeoffed as Duke of Yue. Because Gangzhou was unsuitable for residence, the court moved to Yashan in Xinhui. When Zhang Hongfan attacked Yashan, someone said to Zhang Shijie, “If the Yuan forces use their fleet to block the sea entrance, we will be unable to advance or retreat. Why not seize the entrance first? If we win, it will be a blessing for the state; even if we are defeated, we can still withdraw westward.”

Zhang Shijie feared that acting on the proposal would unsettle the troops and cause them to scatter. He said, “For years we have drifted about at sea. When will it ever end…?”

The final battle had to be fought, so they burned down the temporary court and the entire market town, gathered more than a thousand large ships, and formed a floating encampment, ready to defend it to the death. The Yuan general Hongfan sent Shijie’s nephew, Han, three times with official orders demanding surrender. Zhang Shijie recounted the deeds of loyal ministers from antiquity and said, “I know that surrender would let me survive and enjoy wealth and honor. But I would rather die for my sovereign. I will never change my resolve.”

Not long afterward, a hurricane rose. Those aboard wanted to bring the ships to shore. Zhang Shijie said, “There is no way out now. Bring me a stick of incense.” Looking up to the sky, he cried, “I have done everything I could for the Zhao house: when one sovereign died, I raised another to the throne; now he too has died. I am still alive because I hoped that, after the enemy forces withdrew, I could establish another member of the Zhao imperial clan and continue the Zhao family’s ancestral rites. Now things have come to this. Could it be Heaven’s will? If Heaven does not wish the Zhao ancestral line to continue, let this great wind overturn my ship.” The ship was indeed overturned, and Zhang Shijie drowned.

When Lu Xiufu was three, he studied under Master Meng, a teacher from his village. Master Meng singled him out and said he was no ordinary child. As an adult, Lu Xiufu passed the jinshi examination. When Li Tingzhi was stationed in Huainan, he recruited Lu into his staff and promoted him to the post of adviser. At the time, fighting on the frontier was fierce and many people fled, but Lu Xiufu alone stayed. Li Tingzhi recommended him to the court, and he was appointed Assistant Director of Agriculture, later rising through the ranks to Junior Vice Director of the Imperial Clan Court.

After the Yuan forces invaded Song territory, two Song princes fled to Wenzhou. Lu Xiufu followed them and sent for Chen Yizhong, Zhang Shijie, and the others. Together they raised Prince Yi to the throne. Chen Yizhong knew that Lu Xiufu had long served with the army and was well versed in military affairs, so he consulted him on everything before taking action. Lu Xiufu served with all his heart and arranged every matter with care.

At the time, ruler and ministers alike were constantly fleeing from place to place, and every affair was handled in haste. Yet whenever court assemblies were held, Lu Xiufu still stood properly with his tablet in hand and observed the court ceremonies to the letter. Sometimes, while on the march, grief overwhelmed him. He would wipe away his tears with his court robes, soaking the front of his garment. Everyone around him was moved to tears.

After Emperor Duanzong died, the ministers all wanted to disperse. Lu Xiufu said, “Emperor Duzong had another son. How can we leave him without a place? In ancient times, people revived their states with just one army and one city. Today, the officials of all the departments are still here, and we have tens of thousands of soldiers. If Heaven does not yet wish the Song to perish, can we not continue to maintain the state?” So he and the others once again raised the Prince of Wei to the throne. Lu Xiufu became Left Chancellor and took charge of state affairs.

At the time, Zhang Shijie was stationed with his troops at Yashan. Lu Xiufu planned military affairs for the state and, within the court, directed construction and labor. He personally oversaw many of the projects. Even amid the haste and hardship of their flight, he copied passages from the Daxue Zhangju every day, explaining and exhorting others, and never once stopped. After Yashan fell, Lu Xiufu fled with the Prince of Wei…

The king’s ship was enormous, surrounded and linked to other vessels, leaving no way to escape. He took up his sword and drove his wife and children into the sea. Then, carrying the king on his back, he threw himself into the sea and died.

The Hongdao lu records: “When I read that Shijie [the Southern Song general Zhang Shijie] drowned himself, and that Xiufu [the Southern Song official Lu Xiufu] carried the emperor into the sea, I could not help but feel grief and sigh at length. Ah, Confucius once lamented that he might have to put out to sea on a wooden raft; he grieved over the times in which he lived. Have I truly now seen men like those he imagined?”

By then, all of Shu had fallen, Xiangyang had been lost, and there was nowhere within the four seas where one could find safety. Only a handful of gentlemen still held fast to their loyalty and righteousness; they would never give in unless things had reached this point. In the end, they died for their cause and preserved their moral integrity. Was this not different from Qu Yuan’s drowning in the Miluo River, or from Wu Zixu’s body being stuffed into a leather sack and cast into the river?

Chen Wenlong, whose courtesy name was Junqing, was a descendant of Chen Junqing. He was skilled in writing and steadfast in principle. In the fifth year of the Xianchun era (1269), he ranked first in the palace examination. He later served as an administrative judge in the Zhen Dong Army and was appointed Investigating Censor.

While Xiangyang was under siege, Jia Sidao spent his days indulging in pleasure. Chen Wenlong outwardly requested command of the troops and a campaign against the enemy, but was secretly assigned to remain in office. Xiangyang eventually fell. Chen Wenlong submitted a memorial urging the court in the strongest terms to reconsider. At the time, Wang Yue and Chen Yizhong could neither agree on a strategy nor offer a plan. Instead, they sat in court each day, arguing for their own interests. Chen Wenlong submitted another letter, saying: “The three chief ministers should work together with one heart and follow the right path. The northern troops are capturing cities and building forts, while we defer to one another in our words and distrust one another in our actions. This is like someone trying to rescue a drowning person or put out a fire while we affect the air of people strolling at ease.” He asked that the ministers be summoned to deliberate together on how to govern the country, and that they stop wasting time in empty debate.

Later, Wang Yue and Chen Yizhong could never work together, and both eventually left office. The court did not begin to address the matter until October, by which time the situation could no longer be turned around. That winter, Chen Wenlong was repeatedly promoted, rising to the post of Vice Grand Councilor. After Prince Yi ascended the throne, he appointed Chen Wenlong Commissioner for Pacification of Fujian and Guangdong. Before long, the surrendered general Wang Shiqiang led a large army into Guangdong, and Jianning, Quanzhou, and Fuzhou all surrendered.

Wang Gangzhong, the prefect of Fuzhou, sent an envoy to Xinghua to demand its surrender. Chen Wenlong beheaded the envoy and sent a letter rebuking Wang Shiqiang and Wang Gangzhong for betraying their country. He then gathered local militia to defend the city. There were fewer than a thousand soldiers inside. When the large army arrived to besiege the city, it sent a letter urging surrender through Chen Wenlong’s relative by marriage. Chen Wenlong burned the letter and killed the messenger, saying: “You are only afraid of dying. But do you know whether you can escape death in this life?” He then sent his subordinate Lin Hua to scout the frontier. Lin Hua instead went over to the enemy and brought troops back to the city walls. The Assistant Prefect Cao Chengsun opened the gates and surrendered, then had Chen Wenlong taken to the army, hoping to persuade him to submit. Chen Wenlong refused to yield and pointed to his abdomen, saying: “Inside here are nothing but integrity and words…”

Could they really force him like this? The authorities then sent Wen Tianxiang to Hangzhou in shackles. Wen Long of Xinghua refused food, and by the time he reached Hangzhou he had starved to the point of death.

The Hongdao lu comments: Wen Tianxiang and Wen Long both placed first in the palace examinations, so were they alone in hearing of righteousness and holding fast to it? The men in power at the time were attached to the pleasures of life and lacked the resolve to die for what is right. Fortunately, one or two gentlemen devoted themselves wholeheartedly to serving the state, and through their writings and their integrity they became models for their generation.

In such circumstances, they had already resolved in their hearts to die, and outwardly they took no pleasure in clinging to life. For this reason they could give up their lives to accomplish benevolence and righteousness without regret. Moreover, aspirations formed in youth become one's nature, and continued learning in adulthood allows them to grow naturally. The text says that one of them, from a young age, resolved to devote himself to the cultivation of ritual and music, though he did not live to see it realized. The other mocked those who feared death and therefore clung to life, pointing out that such people neither understood how to truly live nor could avoid dying for the sake of righteousness. The two men upheld the same principle, and so they met the same fate.

Hongdao lu, Scroll 16