《岱史》Vol. 6

The sixth volume of The History of Mount Tai records the important institution of ancient emperors' inspection tours, while also documenting related details of the Fengshan sacrifices (grand ceremonies where emperors worshiped heaven and earth). The inclusion of Fengshan here serves to reveal how later emperors gradually deviated from the original intent of inspection tours, as well as to warn against the corrupt practices of extravagant rulers and sycophantic ministers.

According to the Book of Yu, ancient emperors conducted inspection tours every five years; the Zhou dynasty established a twelve-year cycle. The tours were scheduled for mid-spring, the second month—a time when all things flourish—and took place at Mount Tai, symbolizing the life-giving eastern direction. In the Mingtang (the ceremonial hall of antiquity), the emperor received feudal lords and reviewed governance, all fundamentally for the welfare of the people. How different this was from later rulers, who carved boastful inscriptions on mountains, sought blessings from deities with gold-sealed jade tablets, exhausted the people’s strength with grand processions of thousands of chariots and horsemen, and falsely claimed to follow the precedents of seventy-two ancient sage-kings. Since the Qin and Han dynasties, even so-called enlightened rulers could not escape these bad customs.

Notable is the Yongle Emperor (Zhu Di) of the Ming dynasty, who recognized these abuses and resolutely abolished them, setting an example for posterity—a truly visionary act surpassing the ages. In recording historical Fengshan documents, I have deliberately selected several representative examples, appending them with the critiques of past sages so that readers may reflect on the contrast.

Specific records: During the eras of Yao and Shun, annual inspection tours proceeded eastward to Mount Tai (Dongyue) in the second month, where the "Chaiwang" ceremony (burning firewood to worship heaven) was held, systematically honoring mountains and rivers and receiving the eastern feudal lords. They standardized calendars, musical pitch, weights and measures, and revised the five ritual systems. The Xia dynasty continued this tradition. The Zhou dynasty changed the cycle to twelve years, still arriving at Mount Tai in the second month to receive feudal lords in the Mingtang.

In the twenty-eighth year of Qin Shi Huang's reign (219 BCE), during his eastern tour, he first erected a stele at Mount Zouyi, summoning Confucian scholars from Lu to discuss engraving inscriptions extolling Qin’s virtues and deliberating on Fengshan rites. Later, he ascended Mount Tai to erect a stele and perform the Feng sacrifice, but encountered a violent storm during descent. Taking shelter under a tree, he ennobled it with the title "Fifth-Rank Grandee." He then conducted the Shan sacrifice at Mount Liangfu and inscribed the erected stele (engraved by Li Si in seal script, with twenty-nine characters surviving today). The philosopher Wang Tong (Zhongyan) argued that Fengshan was not an ancient institution but originated in the Qin and Han periods, hence the historical record of Fengshan begins with the Qin dynasty.

This passage records the historical events surrounding Emperor Wu of Han (the seventh emperor of the Western Han Dynasty) performing the Fengshan sacrifices at Mount Tai. The Fengshan ceremony represented the highest ritual of ancient Chinese emperors for worshiping heaven and earth—the sacrifice to heaven at Mount Tai was called "Feng," while the sacrifice to earth at Mount Liangfu was called "Shan."

In the first year of the Yuanfeng era (110 BCE), Emperor Wu traveled east to the seashore and ascended Mount Tai in April to conduct the grand Fengshan ceremony. At the Mingtang (an ancient imperial hall for proclaiming governance), he issued an edict stating: "I, of humble virtue, have inherited the imperial throne, constantly fearing my inadequacy in virtue and incomplete understanding of ritual and music systems. During the performance of the eight sacrificial rites to heaven and earth, various celestial omens appeared, filling me with awe. Though I considered suspending the ceremony, I ultimately completed both the Feng sacrifice at Mount Tai and the Shan sacrifice at Mount Liangfu. Through this ritual, I hope to renew myself and join my ministers in forging a new era."

The edict further proclaimed: changing the era name to "Yuanfeng 1"; exempting commoners in the counties traversed during the imperial tour (Bo, Fenggao, Sheqiu, Licheng, and Liangfu) from outstanding land taxes; bestowing two bolts of silk each to those over seventy years old and to widows/orphans; waiving the poll tax for these four counties that year; granting commoners nationwide one rank of nobility; and presenting each hundred households with an ox and wine.

Additional decrees stipulated: "In ancient times, the Son of Heaven would tour every five years to perform sacrifices at Mount Tai, with regional lords preparing accommodations in advance. Now I command all regional lords to construct their temporary palaces at the foot of Mount Tai."

Subsequent records detail Emperor Wu's later visits to Mount Tai: constructing the Mingtang at Mount Tai in autumn of Yuanfeng 2 (109 BCE); visiting Mount Tai again in October of Taichu 1 (104 BCE); performing sacrifices at Mount Tai in March of Taishi 4 (93 BCE)—on the Renwu day worshiping Emperor Gaozu (Liu Bang) alongside the Supreme Deity at the Mingtang, on the Guiwei day honoring Emperor Xiaojing (Emperor Jing of Han), on the Jiashen day conducting the Fengshan ceremony, and on the Bingxu day performing the Shan ritual at Mount Shilü.

In the third month of the fourth year of the Zhenghe era (during Emperor Wu of Han's reign), after performing the ceremonial plowing ritual at Juding (present-day Shouguang, Shandong), the emperor ascended Mount Tai to conduct sacrifices on his return journey.

Sima Qian records in the "Treatise on the Feng and Shan Sacrifices": Since ancient times, no ruler who received the Mandate of Heaven failed to perform the Fengshan ceremony. However, there were two exceptions: those who forcibly conducted the ritual without heavenly omens, and those who witnessed auspicious signs yet refrained from ascending Mount Tai for the ceremony.

When Duke Huan of Qi dominated the feudal lords and convened the Kuiqiu assembly, he wished to perform the Fengshan rites. Guan Zhong dissuaded him, saying: "Of the seventy-two sovereigns in antiquity who offered sacrifices to Heaven on Mount Tai (Feng) and to Earth on Mount Liangfu (Shan), I can recall only twelve—from Wuhuai, Fuxi, Shennong, the Flame Emperor, the Yellow Emperor (who performed Shan on Mount Tingting), Zhuanxu, Emperor Ku, Yao, Shun, Yu (who performed Shan on Mount Kuaiji), Tang of Shang, down to King Cheng of Zhou (who performed Shan on Mount Sheshou). All of them dared conduct the rites only after receiving the Mandate of Heaven."

Duke Huan retorted indignantly: "I marched north against the Shanrong, crossing Guzhu; campaigned west to the Great Xia, traversing the Flowing Sands; scaled sheer cliffs with my chariots to subdue Mount Bei'er; advanced south to Zhaoling and ascended Mount Xiong'er to gaze upon the Yangtze and Han rivers. I have presided over nine assemblies of feudal lords and unified the realm. How does this differ from the Mandate of Heaven held by the Three Dynasties?" Seeing rational arguments fail, Guan Zhong cited tangible evidence: "In ancient times, the Fengshan required millet from Hao, abundant harvests from Beili, triple-ridged thatch from the Jianghuai region to carpet the ground, flatfish tribute from the Eastern Sea, and legendary birds from the Western Sea—with fifteen auspicious omens arriving unsummoned. But now phoenixes and qilin are absent, bountiful grains do not grow, weeds flourish, and owls appear frequently. To perform Fengshan under such circumstances would be unwise." Only then did Duke Huan relent.

Over a century later, when Confucius compiled the Six Classics, he noted that among dynastic founders, more than seventy had conducted Fengshan on Mount Tai and Liangfu, though the precise ceremonial details were already obscure. Later, in the third year of his reign (219 BCE), the First Emperor of Qin also performed the Fengshan rites.

After unifying the empire, Qin Shi Huang toured the eastern commanderies and had stone inscriptions extolling Qin's achievements carved on Mount Zouyi (in present-day Zoucheng, Shandong). He summoned seventy Confucian scholars and erudites from the Qi-Lu region (modern Shandong) to the foot of Mount Tai to prepare for the Fengshan sacrifices (the highest imperial ceremony for worshiping Heaven and Earth in ancient times).

These Confucian scholars debated: "In ancient times, the Fengshan rites required wrapping chariot wheels with cattail leaves to avoid damaging the mountain's soil, rocks, plants, and trees. For the sacrificial ground, they swept the area clean and used straw mats to signify simplicity and practicality." Finding their divergent opinions impractical to implement, Qin Shi Huang dismissed the scholars, ordered the construction of a carriage road, and ascended via the southern route. At the summit, he erected a stone stele extolling his virtues to demonstrate his qualification for performing Fengshan. Descending via the northern route, he conducted the Shan ritual (Earth-worship ceremony) on Mount Liangfu (a smaller peak near Mount Tai). Most ceremonial protocols followed those used by the Grand Invocator (ritual officials) for imperial sacrifices to the Supreme Deity at Yong (modern Fengxiang, Shaanxi), though specific details remained secret and unknown to the public.

During the ascent, Qin Shi Huang encountered a violent storm and took shelter under a large tree. The excluded Confucian scholars, hearing of this incident, mocked him. Twelve years after the Fengshan ceremony, the Qin dynasty collapsed. The scholars resented Qin Shi Huang's book burnings and persecution of Confucians, while the people hated the harsh Qin laws—the entire empire rebelled. Thus rumors spread: "Qin Shi Huang was assaulted by storms on Mount Tai and failed to complete the Fengshan rites," satirizing his lack of virtue (De) in performing the grand ceremony.

Later, when Emperor Wu of Han obtained the precious Ding vessel (an auspicious symbol), he consulted ministers about reviving Fengshan. As the ritual had long been discontinued, no one knew its exact procedures. Confucian scholars pieced together ceremonies like "gazing sacrifices and shooting oxen" from ancient texts like the Book of Documents, Zhou Rites, and Royal Regulations. A nonagenarian from Qi named Ding Gong remarked: "Fengshan was actually an ancient rite for seeking immortality." Emperor Wu then had scholars study ox-shooting rituals and draft Fengshan protocols, preparing for several years.

Influenced by fangshi (Daoist magicians) like Gongsun Qing, Emperor Wu believed pre-Huangdi Fengshan rituals could summon marvels and commune with spirits. He sought to emulate Huangdi's interactions with Penglai immortals while incorporating Confucian elements for legitimacy. Yet the Confucians, unable to clarify Fengshan specifics and constrained by classical texts, proved inflexible. After Emperor Wu showed them the prepared ritual vessels, he ultimately dismissed them. During his eastern tour in March when Mount Tai's vegetation hadn't sprouted, he ordered stones carried up to erect a stele. Troubled by the scholars' and fangshis' contradictory, outlandish theories about Fengshan, Emperor Wu found the entire affair deeply perplexing.

Emperor Wu of Han (the "Son of Heaven" refers to Emperor Wu) journeyed to Mount Liangfu to perform sacrifices to the Earth Deity (Dizhu). On the yimao day, he ordered his palace attendants (imperial aides) and Confucian scholars to don ceremonial robes and conduct the ritual of shooting an ox. An altar was erected east of Mount Tai's base, following the same ceremonial protocols as those for sacrificing to the Supreme Unity Deity (Taiyi). The altar measured twelve feet in width and nine feet in height, with a jade tablet (inscribed with prayers) buried beneath it—its contents kept secret. After the ceremony, only the palace attendant and Huo Zihou, the Commandant of the Imperial Chariots (Fengche Zi Hou), accompanied the emperor to Mount Tai for the fengshan rites, the entire process strictly concealed from outsiders.

The following day, they descended via the northern route. On the bingchen day, sacrifices were offered to the Earth Deity (Houtu) at Mount Souran on the northeastern slope of Mount Tai. That night, a numinous glow seemed to appear, and auspicious clouds hovered above the altar during the day. After completing the shan rites, Emperor Wu returned to the Bright Hall (Mingtang), where his ministers took turns offering toasts in celebration. The following summer brought a severe drought, to which the fangshi (Daoist magician) Gongsun Qing explained: "When the Yellow Emperor performed the fengshan, he too encountered drought—it was called 'dry sacrifice' (qian feng), lasting three years." Emperor Wu thus issued an edict: "Could this drought signify that we must perform the dry sacrifice?" He then repeated the quinquennial fengshan ceremony, adding sacrifices at Mount Shilü—a peak on Mount Tai's southern slope that fangshi called the "Gate of Immortals" (Xianren zhi Lü), prompting the emperor to worship there personally.

The Grand Historian Sima Qian (Taishigong) recorded: I accompanied these ceremonies honoring Heaven, Earth, various deities, sacred mountains, and great rivers, observing the rituals conducted by fangshi and sacrificial officers (Ciguan) at the Hall of Longevity (Shougong). Thus I compiled records of past spirit worship to help posterity understand their profound significance. As for the specific forms of sacrificial vessels (zudou), jade and silk offerings (guibi), and ceremonial procedures, these fall to the relevant officials.

Ban Gu explained in the White Tiger Discussions (Baihu Tongyi): Why must a new dynasty perform fengshan on Mount Tai? To announce the Mandate change to Heaven. At a dynasty's founding, institutions are reformed to accord with Heaven's will; when peace reigns, fengshan reports these achievements to Heaven and Earth. Mount Tai was chosen as the place where all things undergo transformation, and its height best expresses reverence. "Feng" means elevating the altar, while "shan" is performed at Mount Liangfu for its broad base. Stone inscriptions record virtuous governance. Heaven esteems height; Earth values thickness—thus the summit is heightened to honor Heaven, and Liangfu's base widened to thank Earth, demonstrating alignment with the Mandate. A ruler of perfect virtue should make Heaven higher and Earth thicker. Another interpretation holds that "feng" refers to sealing the jade tablet with golden clay and silver cords.

This passage primarily discusses the ancient tradition of emperors performing the Fengshan (封禅) ceremony at Mount Tai, with particular focus on Emperor Guangwu of the Eastern Han Dynasty's ritual.

Regarding the significance of Fengshan: The ancients considered Mount Tai (岱宗, Daizong) a sacred site where emperors reported their governance achievements to Heaven. Confucius once remarked, "Ascending Mount Tai, one can perceive the rulers who ushered in dynastic transitions." Historical records document over seventy emperors performing Fengshan here. "Feng" (封) signifies the widespread proclamation of merits, while "shan" (禅) represents the transmission of success to posterity. The Three Sovereigns performed the abdication ritual at Mount Yiyi, symbolizing boundless achievements; the Five Emperors conducted theirs at Mount Tingting, demonstrating illustrious virtue; and the Three Kings held theirs at Mount Liangfu—where "liang" (梁) denotes sincerity and "fu" (甫) signifies assistance, indicating their support of Heaven and Earth's principles.

In October of the 20th year of Jianwu (44 CE), Emperor Guangwu toured eastward to Mount Tai. By the 30th year of Jianwu (54 CE), ministers petitioned for the Fengshan ceremony, but the emperor refused, citing that "after thirty years of reign, the people still voice grievances." He referenced Duke Huan of Qi, who was dissuaded by Guan Zhong from performing Fengshan, and decreed that any local officials fabricating achievements to curry favor would face punishment by head-shaving and exile. The ministers subsequently dropped the matter.

It wasn't until the 32nd year of Jianwu (56 CE) that Emperor Guangwu, while reading the Hetu Huichang Fu (河图会昌符) at night, encountered the prophecy stating "the ninth descendant of Liu the Red (赤刘之九) should receive the Mandate at Daizong" (referring to the ninth-generation descendant of Emperor Gaozu of Han being destined to perform Fengshan at Mount Tai). He then ordered Liang Song to consult apocryphal texts, ultimately deciding to proceed with the ceremony. Officials proposed constructing an altar with square stones, using jade tablets and golden clay seals, but due to the massive scale, the emperor opted to reuse the sealed stones from Emperor Wu of Han's Yuanfeng era, merely adding another layer to the existing structure.

In the first month of the following year, the emperor arrived at Fenggao County (modern Tai'an, Shandong), dispatching officials to inscribe the mountain in advance. On the Xīn-Mǎo day (辛卯日), he performed the Feng rites at Mount Tai, followed by the Shan rites at Mount Liangfu on the Jiǎ-Wǔ day (甲午日). On the Jǐ-Mǎo day (己卯日) of the fourth month, he issued a general amnesty and changed the era name to "Middle Yuan of Jianwu" (建武中元元年). The passage concludes with a mention of the emperor's inscribed stone proclamation (contents omitted).

In the second month of the 32nd year of Emperor Guangwu's Jianwu reign (Eastern Han Dynasty), Emperor Liu Xiu conducted an eastern inspection tour to Mount Tai (reverently called Daizong), where he performed the grand Chaiwang sacrifice ceremony (an ancient imperial ritual of burning offerings to heaven). According to traditional rites, he also sacrificed to the mountain and river deities. Subsequently, he received the eastern feudal lords, accompanied by high-ranking officials including Grand Commandant Zhao Xi (acting as Minister over the Masses) and Deng Yu, Marquis of Gaomi with the special title Tejin. Among the participants were also two descendants of previous dynasties enfeoffed by the Han court, the Marquis Baocheng (a descendant of Confucius), and twelve regional kings.

Contemporary apocryphal texts like the Hetu (River Chart) recorded prophecies: "Liu Xiu raises troops to capture the unprincipled, while barbarians gather like clouds and dragons battle in the wilderness; during the four-seven juncture, fire shall reign supreme." Another text, the Hetu Huichangfu, prophesied: "The Red Emperor's ninth generation tours and attains centrality; Emperor Liu's ninth descendant shall meet destiny at Daizong," hinting that Liu Xiu, as the ninth-generation descendant of Liu Bang, should perform the Fengshan sacrifices at Mount Tai. These prophecies were all regarded as omens of the Han dynasty's restoration.

The text recounts Wang Mang's usurpation: As a maternal relative, Wang Mang seized power under the pretense of assisting governance like the Duke of Zhou, eventually usurping the throne. This led to eighteen years of destruction of Han ancestral temples and collapse of state altars. During this period, rebellions erupted in Yangzhou, Xuzhou, Qingzhou and elsewhere, spreading warfare to Jingzhou, while local warlords established separatist regimes and northern barbarians invaded, leaving vast regions desolate.

Heaven's favor enabled the commoner-born Liu Xiu to receive the Mandate and restore the Han dynasty. Beginning his uprising at age twenty-eight, he spent over a decade conquering the chaotic realm, enabling people to return to farming and restoring unified writing systems, axle standards, and ethical norms. He rebuilt ritual structures like the Mingtang (Hall of Enlightenment), Biyong (imperial academy), and Lingtai (astronomical observatory), standardized weights and measures, perfected ceremonial systems, and reinstated Han institutions with officials performing their proper functions. Now in his thirty-third year of reign at age sixty-one, the Emperor still diligently governs, fearlessly inspecting local conditions, revering deities, caring for elders, and ruling according to ancient principles.

(Note: The "four-seven juncture" refers to 280 years after Liu Bang founded the Han; "Red Emperor" symbolizes the Han's favored Fire Virtue; "ninth generation" indicates Liu Xiu was Liu Bang's ninth-generation descendant)

This passage documents the sacrificial ceremonies performed by successive emperors at Mount Tai (known as Dai Zong), showcasing the evolution of the ancient Fengshan tradition—the highest imperial ritual for worshiping heaven and earth.

During Emperor Zhang of Han's eastern inspection tour in the first month of the second year of the Yuanhe era (85 CE), he conducted the Chai sacrifice (burning firewood to worship heaven) at Mount Tai and proceeded to worship the Five Directional Heavenly Emperors at the Bright Hall by the Wen River in Fenggao County (near present-day Tai'an). Emperor An of Han performed a similar Chai sacrifice at Mount Tai in the second month of the third year of the Yanguang era (124 CE).

In the Three Kingdoms period, Emperor Ming of Wei made three eastern inspection tours to Mount Tai, during which he comforted local elders and provided relief to impoverished commoners, sometimes distributing grain and cloth as rewards. In the ninth year of the Kaihuang era (589 CE) under Emperor Wen of Sui, although both court officials and commoners petitioned him to perform the Fengshan rites, he modestly declined, claiming his virtue (De) was insufficient, and issued an order forbidding discussion of the matter. Later, as officials persisted in their requests, he eventually agreed only to conduct sacrifices at Mount Tai without performing the full Fengshan ceremony.

During Emperor Taizong of Tang's reign, court officials repeatedly petitioned for the Fengshan rites. Wei Zheng opposed the idea, arguing that as long as the empire was peaceful and the people prosperous, the emperor could rival the legendary sage-kings Yao and Shun even without performing Fengshan. Emperor Taizong agreed, pointing out that while Qin Shi Huang had performed Fengshan, he was a tyrant, whereas Emperor Wen of Han, who abstained from the ritual, was a wise ruler. Although he ultimately followed Wei Zheng's advice, regional officials continued submitting memorials requesting the ceremony. The plan was eventually abandoned due to the appearance of a comet, considered an inauspicious celestial omen.

In the second year of the Linde era (665 CE), Emperor Gaozong of Tang formally performed the Fengshan rites at Mount Tai. He conducted the Shan ceremony (earth-worship ritual) at Mount Sheshou and broke with tradition by allowing Empress Wu Zetian to serve as the secondary officiant (Ya Xian), with the Lady of Yue State also participating in the rites. This reflected the elevated status of women in ceremonial practices during that period.

This passage documents scenes and texts related to the Tang Dynasty Fengshan sacrificial ceremony. During the grand ritual, Imperial Consort Yan (a royal lady) participated in the final offerings dressed in extravagant brocade, drawing suppressed laughter from court officials.

The jade register (imperial sacrificial document) contained this prayer: "The Son of Heaven of Great Tang reports to the Supreme Deity of the Vast Heaven (highest Daoist divinity): During the Sui Dynasty's collapse when chaos reigned and people suffered, Emperor Gaozu (Li Yuan) wielded the yellow battle-axe (symbol of military authority) to save the populace. Emperor Taizong's (Li Li Shimin) achievements rivaled Nüwa's mending of heaven, pacifying all under heaven. Now with the state firmly established, We come to Mount Tai for the Fengshan ceremony (imperial heaven-worship ritual) to announce these accomplishments to Heaven."

In the petition drafted by Luo Binwang on behalf of Qi Province elders, it states: "The Son of Heaven follows celestial will to conduct the eastern inspection and Fengshan rites, continuing ancient sage-kings' traditions. With universal peace and frequent auspicious signs, we should restore the ancient ceremony at Mount Tai. We people of Qi-Lu lands, nurtured for generations by Zhou rituals, dwelling in the homeland of sages (Confucius' birthplace), how could we miss participating in this grand event? We humbly request permission for local elders to witness the ceremony, allowing us mortals nearing life's end to behold this immortal mountain's splendor."

The text's "refining stones" alludes to Nüwa's heaven-mending myth, while "severed Ao" references the legend of cutting the giant turtle's limbs to prop up the sky—both metaphors for emperors pacifying the realm. "Below Ji" denotes Qi's academic center, and "flooded middle" indicates Lu's ritual music heritage, highlighting Qi-Lu region's cultural traditions.

This passage documents Emperor Xuanzong of Tang's performance of the Fengshan Sacrifice on Mount Tai, including the ceremonial text. The event took place in the 13th year of the Kaiyuan era (725 CE), when court officials repeatedly petitioned for the grand ritual. Chief Minister Zhang Yue persistently advocated for it, prompting the emperor to approve this magnificent ceremony at the sacred mountain.

The sacrificial text states: The Tang dynasty received the Mandate of Heaven, with the imperial Li family aligning with Earth Virtue (corresponding to the Earth phase in the Five Phases system). From Emperors Gaozong and Taizong to Zhongzong, successive rulers enjoyed celestial favor. Now in his thirteenth year of reign, with peace prevailing throughout the realm, Xuanzong would perform the Fengshan rites to express gratitude for Heaven's blessings, pray for descendants' prosperity, and seek the people's welfare.

At Mount Tai's summit, the emperor erected the famous "Cliffside Stele." The inscription humbly declares: During fourteen years of rule, his Virtue (De) remains insufficient, his understanding of the supreme Dao incomplete, while bearing heavy responsibilities. Fortunately through celestial protection, ancestral blessings, and ministerial assistance, the empire enjoys stability with perfected institutions. When all officials unanimously recommended the Fengshan ceremony—considering filial piety's highest expression as honoring ancestors, and ritual's ultimate form as communicating with Heaven—he repeatedly declined before finally consenting to follow ancient precedents set by Emperor Shun of antiquity and Han dynasty rulers. After military preparations, the procession solemnly ascended Mount Tai.

The text explains "Daizong" (another name for Mount Tai): The Erya classic identifies it as the Eastern Sacred Peak; the Zhou Rituals designate it as Zhen Mountain of Yanzhou—abode of the Heavenly Emperor's descendants and myriad spirits. Called "Dai" (meaning "origin") for its position where all things begin, and "Zong" ("ancestor") as foremost among the Five Sacred Peaks. Historically, new dynasties receiving the Mandate would announce their virtue here to Heaven and Earth. Xuanzong emphasizes he merely follows ancient royal precedents to repay celestial favor and bless the people, never presuming to equal sage-kings of antiquity.

Finally, an altar was constructed at the mountain's base to receive tributary offerings from regional representatives. This comprehensive record reveals the Fengshan ceremony's origins, preparations, and philosophical significance during the Tang dynasty, embodying the traditional political concept of the "Divine Right of Kings" and the sacred duty to venerate Heaven and emulate ancestors.

This passage records the ancient imperial ceremony of Fengshan (sacred mountain rituals) performed by emperors at Mount Tai (Eastern Peak). On the Gengyin day of midwinter, the emperor ascended Mount Tai to conduct sacrifices to the Heavenly August God (Haotian Shangdi), simultaneously honoring the founding ancestors as secondary recipients, while praying for divine blessings. The following day on Sheshou Mountain, the Chan sacrifice was performed to honor the Earth Deity (Huangqi), summoning all terrestrial spirits to participate.

By the Renchen day, during the court audience, the senior minister presented congratulatory addresses proclaiming the Son of Heaven's divine mandate and heavenly favor, while all officials knelt and proclaimed "ten thousand years" of longevity. The text emphasizes governing through De (Virtue): only when the ruler's virtue becomes vast can it harmonize heaven and earth's principles, and only when officials fulfill their duties can all things follow proper order and the people multiply. It particularly highlights how fraternal harmony and filial piety can bless all nations, and how properly instituted rites and music create cosmic harmony that attracts tribute from distant barbarians.

The emperor modestly responds that these achievements stem from accumulated sagely governance through generations, and that he merely happens to preside during this prosperous age. Moving forward, he vows to reform official systems, perfect legal codes, simplify governance, eliminate harsh policies, and establish proper human relationships in accordance with heavenly patterns. The ruler should emulate heaven's nourishment of all things and earth's bearing of myriad beings—only by comprehending the Dao of heaven and earth can one commune with spiritual beings.

Finally, ancestral spirits pronounce their admonition from above, charging descendants to perpetuate the civil and martial traditions to eternally preserve the royal enterprise. The emperor pledges to uphold the heavenly mandate, cooperate with officials to pacify the people, and achieve greater merits. The text particularly stresses the governing principle that "if even one person fails to find their proper place, it constitutes the ruler's failure." Three royal virtues are emphasized: benevolence (which brings boundless blessings), frugality (the strategy for enduring governance), and humility (whereas complacency invites loss while modesty gains heaven's support). By practicing these, the foundation becomes easy to maintain. The emperor orders the achievements inscribed on stone steles as perpetual admonition for posterity.

This passage documents the historical Fengshan (sacred mountain) ceremonies performed by multiple emperors at Mount Tai (the foremost of China's Five Sacred Mountains, considered by ancient people as the place closest to heaven). Mount Tai served as a crucial symbolic site where rulers received the Mandate of Heaven.

The text first recounts the achievements of virtuous monarchs throughout history: Emperor Gaozu and Emperor Taizong overthrew the Sui dynasty to establish a new regime, Emperor Gaozong followed ancient institutions to widely implement benevolent governance, while Emperor Zhongzong and Emperor Ruizong inherited the throne and won popular support. These rulers all conducted the Fengshan ceremony at Mount Tai (the highest ritual where ancient emperors reported to Heaven and Earth) to demonstrate their legitimate authority.

It then mentions that in the 8th year of Taiping Xingguo era (983 CE) under Emperor Taizong of Song, over a thousand local elders from Mount Tai petitioned the emperor to perform Fengshan, though the emperor modestly declined. In the 1st year of Yongxi era (984 CE), officials repeatedly submitted memorials requesting the ceremony, but it was ultimately canceled due to a palace fire.

By the 1st year of Dazhong Xiangfu era (1008 CE) under Emperor Zhenzong of Song, 1,278 petitioners led by elder Lü Liang from Yanzhou renewed their appeal. Prefect Shao Ye submitted memorials with local officials and Confucian scholars, while Chief Councillor Wang Dan led a collective petition of 24,070 people including civil/military officials, regional administrators, ethnic minority representatives, Buddhist/Taoist clergy (sengdao), and community elders. After five formal petitions, the emperor finally issued an edict to conduct the Fengshan ceremony at Mount Tai in October that year.

This passage reflects the ancient political concept of "the Mandate of Heaven," where collective petitions from local populations and officials reinforced the legitimacy and sanctity of imperial rule. As the highest state ritual, Fengshan required the qualification of "virtue (De) matching Heaven and Earth" for its performance.

This account describes the historic Mount Tai Fengshan ceremony (the highest imperial ritual worshiping Heaven and Earth) during Emperor Zhenzong's reign of the Song Dynasty. Initially, Palace Censor Zhao Xiang proposed holding the grand Fengshan ceremony, but Chancellor Wang Dan and others argued that such rituals had long been abandoned and should only be performed during times of great peace. Later, minister Wang Qinruo—who had previously slandered the famous statesman Kou Zhun over the Chanyuan Treaty (Song-Liao peace agreement)—perceiving the emperor's war-weariness, suggested using the Fengshan ceremony to awe neighboring regions and demonstrate imperial prestige to foreign tribes. When Zhenzong expressed concern about Wang Dan's opposition, Wang Qinruo personally persuaded him until he reluctantly consented.

In October, Emperor Zhenzong departed the capital and arrived at Fenggao County (near present-day Tai'an), ascending Mount Tai on foot. At the Circular Altar (the Heaven-worshiping platform), he made offerings to Haotian Shangdi (the supreme Daoist deity), while the Vice Director of the Secretariat read aloud the jade tablet inscriptions (ritual texts carved on jade tablets). That day, multicolored auspicious clouds appeared in the sky, prompting the emperor to order the release of rare animals—tributes from across the realm—at the mountain's base. Later, at the Court Audience Altar, he issued a general amnesty, renamed Qianfeng County as Fengfu County, and redesignated Mount Tai's summit as "Taiping Peak" (Peak of Great Peace).

The jade tablet prayer roughly conveyed: The Song emperor reverently reports to Haotian Shangdi that since Taizu established the dynasty and Taizong carried forward its legacy, the realm now enjoys peace with tributary states paying homage. This Fengshan ceremony is held to repay Heaven's grace and beseech continued divine protection for national prosperity and the people's wellbeing.

In his personally composed preface, Zhenzong wrote: Unifying the realm through virtuous governance to achieve universal tranquility constitutes the state's foundational undertaking. Following ancient rites to sincerely ascend Mount Tai in gratitude to Heaven embodies the solemn duty of sovereigns. Since the earliest times of knotted-cord records, only through sincere worship of Heaven and emulation of sage-kings could blessings and divine favor be perpetuated.

(Note: This passage references the significant "Eastern Fengshan and Western Sacrifices" event of the Song Dynasty, reflecting the political context of using religious ceremonies to consolidate rule. Fengshan required conditions like "universal peace" and "auspicious omens," serving as a crucial ritual for ancient emperors to legitimize their mandate.)

This passage documents the historical origins of the ancient imperial Fengshan ceremonies (grand rituals where emperors worshiped Heaven and Earth) and details the decision-making process of the current emperor (Emperor Zhenzong of Song) to conduct this grand ceremony.

It first traces historical precedents: King Wu of Zhou's eastern inspection tour of Mount Tai after pacifying the realm, and Emperor Wu of Han's Fengshan ceremony following the founding of the Han dynasty. The text notes how the Five Dynasties and Ten Kingdoms period brought division and suffering to the land, until Emperor Taizu (Zhao Kuangyin) unified the realm with divine martial prowess, ushering in an era of peace. Phrases like "accumulating virtue from the beginning to receive boundless heavenly mandate" extol Taizu's achievements—overcoming hardships to ascend the throne, awing the four directions with his majesty, spreading benevolence widely, and bringing all states to submission, comparable to sage-kings like Tang of Shang and King Wen of Zhou.

The passage then praises Emperor Taizong (Zhao Kuangyi) for inheriting the throne like the sun illuminating the earth or Heaven sheltering all beings. Through benevolent governance and perfected rituals, he civilized the people, attracted barbarian tribes to submit, and established comprehensive institutions. Heaven favored this Shun-like ruler of gentle reverence, creating an era where people enjoyed greater peace than in the age of Emperor Yao.

Turning to the current emperor's humble self-assessment, he claims insufficient virtue to continue his ancestors' great work. Yet during this spring season, auspicious signs have appeared—elders by the Yellow River and Confucian scholars from Zou and Lu have petitioned for the Fengshan ceremony, traveling thousands of miles to the capital. Nobles, ministers, and local officials have submitted five consecutive memorials, with tens of thousands kneeling at the palace gates, declaring this the will of Heaven. With frequent auspicious omens, they argue one cannot defy Heaven's will nor oppose the people's hearts—to resist Heaven would violate the Dao (the Way), to suppress popular sentiment would betray proper governance. Thus the decision was made to ascend Mount Tai for the ceremony, and though the emperor repeatedly declined, he ultimately acquiesced.

Employing abundant classical allusions and parallel constructions, the text constructs legitimacy for the upcoming Fengshan ceremony by comparing past sage-rulers with the current dynasty's ancestors. In both Daoist and Confucian traditions, Fengshan represents the most solemn state ritual, symbolizing the emperor's heavenly mandate and virtuous governance.

This passage is the celestial proclamation from an ancient emperor's Fengshan ceremony at Mount Tai, expressing gratitude and reverence toward the heavenly and earthly deities. The main content can be understood as follows:

The emperor devoutly prays for the blessings of Heaven and Earth (Qian-Kun) to ensure the eternal continuation of the ancestral temples and the peace of the realm. With humility, he declares that the current peace, cessation of war, favorable weather, bountiful harvests, and the contentment of the people are all gifts from Heaven, not his own merit. Though tradition dictates the performance of the Fengshan ceremony (the ancient imperial rite of worshiping Heaven) to record achievements, he acknowledges his shallow virtue and dares not claim this glory for himself.

Mount Tai (Daizong), as the foremost of the Five Sacred Peaks and the origin of all things, has since antiquity been the sacred site for emperors to worship Heaven. The emperor strictly adheres to ancient rituals, ordering ministers to prepare the ceremony and summoning scholars to deliberate on the rites. He personally oversees the jade vessels and sacrificial animals but keeps his own carriage and attire deliberately simple. With sincere devotion day and night, he indeed witnesses auspicious omens of divine presence (the "cloud chariots" signify the arrival of celestial beings).

In late autumn, he first offers sacrifices at the ancestral temple to inform his forebears, then ascends Mount Tai in early winter. He places the precious register (a document recording achievements) to the left of the divine altar, inviting the ancestral spirits to partake in the offerings—a practice that embodies both orthodox ritual and filial piety. At Sheshou Hill (a small hill south of Mount Tai), he performs the Shan ceremony (the Earth-worshiping rite), during which he seems to witness the deities of Heaven and Earth descending to receive the sacrifices. Though he deems himself unworthy, his utmost sincerity truly moves Heaven and Earth.

The emperor also draws upon the governance wisdom of ancient rulers like King Wen of Zhou (Feng Palace) and Emperor Wu of Han (Ganquan), ordering officials (the "hundred ministers") to wear jade ornaments and feudal lords (the "five ranks") to hold jade tablets, implementing benevolent policies and assessing the people's welfare. All this is to honor the legacy of his ancestors and ensure the prosperity of the people. He concludes by emphasizing that the nation's flourishing and the people's well-being are blessings bestowed by Heaven, Earth, and the ancestors of the Seven Temples. Only through constant vigilance and diligent governance can he repay Heaven's favor. He orders this proclamation carved into the cliffs of Mount Tai (Dai) as an eternal reminder.

The closing phrase "节彼岱" (jie bi dai) marks the beginning of the inscription, meaning "O lofty Mount Tai," likely followed by praises of the mountain's sacred status (the full text is incomplete). The entire passage reflects the ancient imperial philosophy of "revering Heaven and emulating the ancestors," as well as the tradition of legitimizing political authority through the Fengshan ceremony.

This passage from The History of Mount Tai documents controversies surrounding the ancient Fengshan sacrifices (imperial heaven-worship ceremonies performed on Mount Tai):

The majestic Mount Tai stands resplendent in the east, revered as the sacred origin of all creation, embodying profound celestial resonance with the Dao. Historical records mention seventy-six ancient rulers performing the "burning firewood" sacrifice (a ritual of offering burnt sacrifices to Heaven) upon its slopes. Though my virtue is meager, I reverently inherit this grand tradition, maintaining constant vigilance lest auspicious signs breed complacency. With Heaven's talismanic blessings manifesting gloriously and its grace spreading widely, the Fengshan ceremony was completed amid popular acclaim. While former emperors displayed the Mandate of Heaven through such rites, and though this month's grand ceremony has concluded, I—young and lacking in virtue—remain eternally grateful, responding to celestial will with devout sincerity through solemn sacrifices. As auspicious omens multiply and tribute flows from all regions, the perfected liturgy invites divine presence. May these inscribed prayers, sealed within mountain stones, grant eternal peace and enduring blessings to the people.

Sun Shi's remonstrance exposed contemporary malpractices: "Your Majesty has just concluded the eastern Fengshan at Mount Tai, yet already discusses western tours—this contravenes the ancient sage-kings' tradition of cautious five-year inspection cycles. For years, massive construction projects have coincided with floods, droughts, and widespread famine. How can deities accept offerings extracted through exhausting the people?" He further exposed: "Today, treacherous ministers cite previous emperors' Fengshan performances to urge continuation of ancestral intentions. Yet when former rulers sought to reclaim lost territories or pacify Western Xia, these same men proposed no strategies—instead advocating humiliating treaties with the Khitans and appeasing Li Jiqian (Western Xia leader) through territorial concessions. Treating 'a sovereign's humiliation demands ministers' deaths' as empty rhetoric, they specialize in deceiving superiors and exploiting subordinates, transforming Your Majesty's ancestral heritage into tools for private gain—this is truly heartbreaking."

During the fourth year of Emperor Huizong's Zhenghe era (1114 CE), numerous regional officials petitioned for Fengshan ceremonies at popular request, but received imperial rejection. With Cai Jing in power, preparations were made to use Fengshan as political theater—golden cords, jade tablets (ritual implements for Fengshan), and full ceremonial regalia were assembled, alongside 4,000 specially constructed vessels and 100,000 rain gear sets. This extravagant expenditure ultimately yielded no actual ceremony.

In the Yongle era of Ming dynasty, Taichang Temple officials presented eulogies urging Fengshan at Mount Tai, which Emperor Chengzu refused. Scholar Wang Zhi later annotated Hu Guang's (posthumously titled Wenmu) draft Ode Rejecting Fengshan, noting how Taichang officials during Emperor Taizong's reign had invoked ancient sage-kings to petition for Fengshan ceremonies.

This passage primarily discusses the controversy surrounding the ancient imperial practice of "Fengshan" (the emperor's heaven-worship ceremony performed on Mount Tai). Throughout history, emperors believed that when their governance achieved remarkable accomplishments, they should conduct the grand Fengshan ceremony to report their merits to the deities and ensure their names would be remembered by posterity. However, the text records that one emperor (referred to as "Your Majesty") held the view that truly enlightened rulers earned their place in history through virtue (De) rather than ceremonial rituals, and thus rejected his ministers' proposal to perform Fengshan.

At the time, some officials secretly supported holding the ceremony. A wise minister (referred to as "the Duke"), concerned that the emperor might be misled, composed a memorial arguing that "Fengshan was not an ancient institution." He cited examples of later wise rulers and virtuous ministers who opposed the practice. After reading it, the emperor fully agreed, and the Fengshan ceremony was ultimately abandoned. This demonstrates that truly loyal ministers should guide their sovereign to follow the right path (Dao), rather than encouraging them—like Emperor Qin Shi Huang or Emperor Wu of Han—to exhaust the people's resources for personal glorification through lavish ceremonies.

The latter part quotes the Han dynasty scholar Sima Hu's discourse: From high antiquity to the Zhou dynasty, seventy-two rulers performed Fengshan on Mount Tai, yet each dynastic transition required renewing the ceremony to signify a new era's beginning. The Fengshan ceremonies of Qin Shi Huang and Emperor Wu of Han stemmed from personal desires to seek immortality and mystical powers, violating heaven's principle (Tian Dao) which values simplicity and purity (original sacrifices used only calves and earthenware). Historical rulers like Shaokang of Xia and King Xuan of Zhou, who restored their kingdoms, never renewed the Fengshan ceremony. When Emperor Guangwu of Eastern Han sought to imitate Emperor Wu's Fengshan ritual, his minister Liang Song vehemently opposed it, insisting modifications were necessary to align with heaven's will. Liang Song later died after being convicted of crimes—perhaps retribution for attempting to deceive the spirits.

The passage ultimately emphasizes that emperors achieve lasting fame fundamentally through benevolent governance that benefits the people, not through grandiose ceremonial performances. This text embodies Confucian ideals of "governing through virtue" while critiquing wasteful, formalistic sacrificial practices that burden the populace.

This passage discusses the origins and significance of the ancient imperial Fengshan ceremonies (grand rituals worshiping heaven and earth performed on Mount Tai). Cui Ling'en held that before the Zhou dynasty, earthen altars were used, and it wasn't until the Qin Shi Huang and Emperor Wu of Han that stone ritual vessels were introduced. Yuan Hong further explained that when emperors received the Mandate of Heaven, only those with supreme virtue (De) and monumental achievements could perform Fengshan—this grand ceremony served to report their accomplishments to the divine.

The east was regarded as where all things originate, and mountains were where spiritual energy (Qi) gathers, hence Fengshan was conducted on Mount Tai. Building an altar to worship heaven was called "Feng," while proclaiming the transfer of political authority was called "Shan." However, Fengshan wasn't to be performed arbitrarily—it required perfect virtue and extraordinary merit. From the Yellow Emperor, Yao and Shun to the Three Dynasties (Xia, Shang, Zhou), each enlightened ruler performed Fengshan only once. Later monarchs, even if accomplished, merely followed established conventions and couldn't compare with founding emperors.

Authentic sacrifices should be simple and unadorned—spreading white reeds on the ground and using earthenware vessels for offerings were sufficient. Practices like jade caskets and golden cords for sealing didn't align with the true nature of heaven and earth. Xu Mao of the Liang dynasty criticized Zheng Xuan's citation of apocryphal texts (Han dynasty prophetic works that allegorized classics), arguing that in the era of Suirenshi, people were simple and honest—how could there have been stone inscriptions recording achievements? The Fengshan ceremonies of Qin Shi Huang and Sun Hao of Wu were results of rulers' vainglory and ministers' flattery, unworthy of emulation.

Hu Zhitang of the Song dynasty pointed out that while apocryphal texts originated from the Five Classics, they had deviated from the Dao (Way), particularly distorting principles about spirits, Yin-Yang, and the Five Phases. Truly sage emperors didn't need Fengshan to prove themselves, and mediocre rulers were even less qualified to perform it. These discussions reflect ancient thinkers' contemplation on the essence of sacrifice: authentic worship should prioritize substance over form, with sincerity being key rather than pomp.

This scripture describes an elaborate Daoist ritual ceremony, conveying several layers of meaning:

First, devotees reverently pay homage to the deities of Lingji Palace. Two important Daoist perfected lords are mentioned: the Great Immortal of Golden Tower in Nine Heavens who Illuminates the Dao and Attains De (Virtue), and the Superior Immortal of Jade Tower in Nine Heavens who Propagates Transformation and Supports Teachings. These are high-ranking deities possessing vast spiritual powers to protect the nation and its people. During the ritual, followers light the Seven Regulators Divine Lamps (representing the sun, moon and five planets), creating an astral configuration mirroring the sun's path.

The text then expounds on the profound nature of the Dao: existing since the primordial beginnings of the universe, though subtle and hard to perceive, it illuminates all things like the sun. Historical figures Zhao Dun (a powerful Jin state minister during Spring and Autumn period) and Duke of Zhou (founding statesman of Zhou dynasty) are invoked as metaphors, illustrating how divine majesty and radiance shine as brilliantly as the sun.

The ceremony petitions the deities' blessings for all beings: may merchants gain wealth, farmers live in peace, artisans master their crafts, scholars compose elegant writings, and officials enjoy smooth careers. The scripture maintains that by following the true Dao (the Way), the nation will remain as intact and secure as a golden vessel (metaphor for an unbroken state).

Finally, it cites Zhang Junqing's critique of the fengshan sacrifices (ancient imperial heaven-worship ceremonies): pointing out these rituals aren't recorded in Confucian classics, having originated with Guan Zhong before being popularized by Sima Qian, Ji Zhong, Zhang Yue and others. This passage actually reflects on the historical origins of certain religious practices.

Note: Terms like "Palace of Flourishing Radiance," "Hall of Cave Yang," "Crow Chariot" (referring to the sun), and "Xi's Carriage" (sun god's chariot) are all Daoist honorific names for the sun.

This passage examines the historical controversies surrounding the ancient Chinese Fengshan (封禅) sacrificial ceremonies. It notes that since the First Emperor of Qin, successive rulers like Emperor Wu of Han, Emperor Yang of Sui, and Emperor Xuanzong of Tang enthusiastically performed these grand rituals, though in reality they served primarily as displays of power and personal vanity.

Considerable debate exists regarding the actual locations of these ceremonies: For Mount Yunyun, some claim it was Mount Tai (Eastern Mountain) while others insist it was Mengyin; the Tingting site is variously placed at Mouyin or Juping by different accounts; similar discrepancies surround the Sheshou location. Ancient scholars like Fu Qian, Jin Zhuo, and Ying Shao all provide conflicting records.

The text raises pointed questions: If the legendary Three Sovereigns and Five Emperors had truly conducted Fengshan ceremonies, why do classical texts like the Six Classics (六经) contain no definitive records? Ma Duanlin cites the Wen Zhongzi to argue that Fengshan wasn't an ancient tradition at all, but rather an extravagant practice originating during the Qin-Han period. Sima Qian's Records of the Grand Historian (史记) quotes Guan Zhong's claim about seventy-two ancient monarchs performing Fengshan—but this merely reflects unreliable assertions by Confucian scholars from the Qi-Lu region.

The discussion concludes with poetic evidence from Tang dynasty poet Dou Xiang and Sima Xiangru's deathbed memorial about Fengshan recorded in the Records of the Grand Historian, both underscoring how these ceremonies functioned as vanity projects for Qin-Han emperors. Sima Xiangru's peculiar final act of submitting a Fengshan memorial while dying particularly reveals the ceremony's unorthodox nature.

This passage examines the authenticity and significance of the ancient imperial "Fengshan" ceremony (grand rituals where emperors worshipped heaven and earth atop Mount Tai). Drawing from multiple scholarly perspectives, the author notes that Fengshan ceremonies receive surprisingly scant mention in Confucian classics.

The text begins by critiquing those who emulate Sima Xiangru (a renowned Han dynasty literatus) in advocating Fengshan rituals, pointing out that even Confucian masters like Han Yu (courtesy name Tuizhi, a Tang dynasty Confucian giant) once memorialized the throne to propose such ceremonies—demonstrating how pervasive this practice became. Ming dynasty scholar Qiu Jun directly questioned: If Fengshan truly symbolized sage-kings' golden ages, why did virtuous rulers like Yao, Shun, Yu, Tang, King Wen and King Wu of Zhou never perform it? As for the legendary seventy-two monarchs said to have conducted Fengshan—who exactly were they?

The core argument emerges: While pursuing immortality and praying for enduring state prosperity make logical sense, true fulfillment lies in daily self-cultivation rather than relying on elixirs or spirits. For enlightened rulers seeking longevity, the best method is tempering desires; for lasting state fortune, the foundation lies in cherishing the people. Understanding this principle reveals through introspection that imploring spirits proves futile, and historical evidence demonstrates Fengshan's uselessness—naturally eliminating wasteful expenditures on such ceremonies.

The author concludes by lamenting how successive emperors squandered vast resources on Fengshan due to hidden wish-fulfillment psychology. Had they truly grasped these truths, such fruitless endeavors would never have occurred.