《青羊宮碑記》

This stele inscription, composed by Zhang Dedi, the Qing Dynasty Governor of Sichuan, documents the rationale and significance behind the restoration of Qingyang Palace.

The text begins by tracing the principles of governance, asserting that the most enlightened approach was the "tranquil Wuwei (non-action)" philosophy practiced during the reigns of the Yellow Emperor and Emperor Shun, when peace prevailed naturally. During the Han Dynasty, Emperor Wen's devotion to Huang-Lao Daoist thought gave rise to the prosperous "Wen-Jing Reign." Emperor Guangwu of the Eastern Han similarly governed with "gentle methods," following Emperor Wen's example.

The author critiques how contemporary discussions of Laozi's teachings often focus solely on esoteric practices like Neidan (internal alchemy), Fulu (talismans), and ascension, while neglecting their profound wisdom for statecraft. After the Qing unification, benevolent policies brought stability to the people. Sichuan, having endured twenty years of war, particularly required such recuperative governance.

The text cites the historical precedent of Chancellor Cao Can of Han: advised by Master Gai to practice "tranquil Wuwei (non-action)" in governing Qi, Cao later extended this approach nationwide, bringing peace to the populace. The author suggests Sichuan's current administration should emulate this model.

Qingyang Palace in southwestern Chengdu is traditionally identified as the site where Laozi (founder of Daoism) told Yin Xi, the Guardian of the Pass: "After a thousand days, meet me at the Qingyang marketplace in Shu." Once boasting magnificent halls, its steles now lie fragmented. The author argues such historic landmarks—especially this key Daoist complex (housing the Qingyang Hall, Sanqing (Three Pure Ones) Hall, Five Phoenix Tower, etc.)—deserve preservation through restoration.

The concluding section frames the renovation as an act of imperial benevolence, praying for national prosperity while continuing ancient traditions. Through clearing overgrowth and rediscovering original foundations, this restoration revives the palace's enduring legacy as a sacred Daoist site.

This stele inscription documents the historical origins and restoration of Qingyang Palace in Sichuan:

The name Qingyang Palace derives from a Daoist legend: During King Zhao of Zhou's reign, Laozi (the founder of Daoism) journeyed west to Hangu Pass, where he transmitted the Dao De Jing (Classic of the Way and Virtue) to Yin Xi, the pass keeper. Before departing, Laozi told Yin Xi: "After a thousand days, meet me at the Qingyang Market in Chengdu." When Yin Xi later arrived in Chengdu searching in vain, he encountered a boy leading a goat who said, "The Sacred Master is here." As Yin Xi approached to inquire, both the boy and goat suddenly vanished—revealing that Laozi had already manifested through rebirth in a nearby Li family to fulfill his promise. Later generations built a shrine to commemorate this event, marking the origin of Qingyang Palace.

The inscription's author, An Hongde (then prefect of Yazhou), describes the palace's surroundings: the Tuo River winding before it, Phoenix Mountain at its back, with elevated land on both east and west sides embracing the site like wings—a serene and expansive landscape that became a renowned scenic spot in southwestern China.

From autumn 1667 to spring 1671, local officials and gentry jointly funded Qingyang Palace's restoration. They repaired structures including the Purple Gold Platform, the Eight Trigrams (Bagua) Birth-Speech Hall, and the Three Officials Hall dedicated to Zhenwu and Chunyang, along with side chambers and perimeter walls—largely preserving the original layout. Participants included over ten officials such as Governor-General of Sichuan and Huguang Cai Yurong and Provincial Commander Zheng Jiaolin.

After completion, Daoist priest Tao Laiyu was appointed to oversee temple affairs. The inscription concludes by noting Qingyang Palace's location south of Mount Min and beside the Jin River—a sacred site where the "Valley Spirit" (referring to Laozi) manifested, ensuring perpetual veneration. The author humbly states this represents merely a small step in reviving Daoism, not presuming to attain the supreme Daoist ideal of "tranquil purity and unified stillness."

(Notes: The term "humble grain" is the author's self-deprecating reference; "Dragon at the Pillar" alludes to Laozi's historical role as Zhou dynasty archivist and his honorific title "Resembling a Dragon"; "Passkeeper Yin" refers to Yin Xi of Hangu Pass.)

This stele inscription documents the reconstruction history of Qingyang Palace (an important Daoist temple) after wartime devastation. During the early Qing dynasty, Sichuan Governor Zhang Dedi oversaw its initial restoration. However, after over a century of weathering, the temple buildings were on the verge of collapse. Coinciding with an imperial decree ordering repairs to famous sites nationwide, local officials discovered the temple treasury held barely nine taels of silver, with all its lands mortgaged away by previous abbots.

The authorities reclaimed some farmland for lease, generating over two hundred dan of grain annually, yet struggled to find suitable management. Later, while visiting Wuhou Shrine in the southern city, they met the recluse Zhang Qingye (originally a renowned scholar from Jiangnan) who had renovated the shrine impeccably. They invited him to administer Qingyang Palace. Zhang initially declined due to age, but after persistent requests from Prefect Wang Taizun, he dispatched his disciple Wang Yicui to take charge in 1683 (22nd year of Kangxi reign), while personally providing regular guidance.

Through frugality and extensive fundraising, they formally hung the temple's "bell and board" (Daoist monastic timekeeping instruments) on Laozi's birthday in 1685, attracting Daoists from across the land to revive the temple's disciplines. Subsequently, they constructed the Jade Emperor Tower, Purple Gold Terrace, Santai Hall, and Hunyuan Hall in sequence. After Wang Yicui's passing, his disciple Wang Yangqi continued the project, spending three more years to complete the Bagua Pavilion, Three Officials Hall, and Patriarch Hall. The final achievement was the Wuji (Supreme Ultimate) Main Hall, with its gilded statues and ornamented pillars—a decades-long endeavor ultimately fulfilled.

This stele inscription documents the reconstruction of Qingyang Temple (a renowned Daoist monastery) during the Qianlong reign of the Qing dynasty, along with the author's insights into Daoist philosophy. It comprises two main sections:

Details of Qingyang Temple's reconstruction:

• The project spanned seventeen years, costing over four thousand taels of silver, resulting in a temple ten times more magnificent than before
• Peripheral walls, pathways, and other facilities were completely renewed
• Liu Yuan (a native of Shuangliu, Sichuan), then 84 years old, expressed profound joy upon seeing the temple's completion
• The stele was erected in the eighth month of the 24th year of Qianlong's reign (1759)

Exposition of Daoist thought:

1. Cites the classical anecdote of Confucius meeting Laozi, describing Laozi as mysteriously unfathomable like a dragon

2. Explains the virtue of sages: possessing "dragon virtue" (appearing and disappearing at will), capable of bending and stretching, adapting to circumstances

3. Critiques common misconceptions about "immortals":

• True divinity refers to the state of "utmost sincerity" (from the Doctrine of the Mean), not supernatural transformations
• The Yellow Emperor and Laozi were originally sages, later mythologized by posterity
• After the Qin and Han dynasties, the authentic teachings of sages were lost, giving rise to immortality legends

4. Traces Qingyang Temple's origins:

• Traditionally regarded as the site where Laozi met Zhang Daoling (founder of Daoism) to expound scriptures
• A major Daoist sacred site since the Tang dynasty
• Venerated as an ancestral temple by Daoist practitioners through the ages

The inscription particularly emphasizes correctly understanding Daoist philosophy, opposing the tendency to deify the Yellow Emperor and Laozi, reflecting the author's intellectual stance of returning to the original teachings of pre-Qin Daoism.

This stele inscription recounts the historical origins of Qingyang Palace and the philosophical significance of the Daoist "Three Pure Ones" (Sanqing) belief. The text explains:

The so-called Three Pure Ones (Yuanshi Tianzun, Lingbao Tianzun, and Daode Tianzun) along with the Twelve Golden Immortals are not actual historical figures, but symbolic representations ancient sages used to explain cosmic origins. The Dao gives birth to the One (Taiji, the Supreme Ultimate), which divides into Two (Yin-Yang), then combines into Three (Heaven-Earth-Humanity), thereby generating all things. The Three Pure Ones respectively represent three stages of cosmic creation: Yuanshi symbolizes initial differentiation, Lingbao embodies the nurturing of vital energy (Qi), while Daode represents the dissemination of teachings. The Twelve Golden Immortals correspond to the twelve earthly branches, illustrating how Daoist practitioners use imagery to convey principles without becoming attached to superficial forms.

Qingyang Palace existed as early as the Han dynasty, though later generations conflated the Three Pure Ones with Laozi—a common practice of attributing teachings in Daoist tradition. Those who fail to understand the true meaning of the Three Pure Ones risk straying into heterodoxy, even distorting the sage Laozi's original teachings.

The inscription documents the reconstruction of Qingyang Palace's Sanyuan Hall between 1808 and 1817 under Daoist master Qin Fuming's leadership, costing approximately six thousand taels of silver. Liu Yuan (a scholar from Shuangliu, Sichuan) meticulously recorded the restoration process, urging future generations not to dismiss these accounts as fanciful tales, thereby preserving the authentic Daoist transmission.

Ultimately, the text clarifies that Dao's essence is the cosmic principle (Tianli)—present within all things yet transcending them. For humans it manifests as innate nature; for the cosmos it appears as Taiji. This Supreme Ultimate's true meaning corresponds to what the Doctrine of the Mean describes as "the workings of Heaven"—the fundamental source of all existence.

This inscription expounds the Daoist philosophy of "principle and Qi" while documenting the restoration of the Three Originals Hall at Qingyang Palace (a sacred Daoist site traditionally regarded as Laozi's teaching ground). The core teachings can be understood as follows:

All things originated from the primordial state of "One Origin" where universal principles (Li) and vital energy (Qi) were undifferentiated—a formless condition beyond physical description. This later manifested as the Three Originals (Sanqing, the Celestial Worthies representing Heaven, Earth and Water), which are essentially condensations of principle and Qi.

As a historic site connected to Laozi, Qingyang Palace's Three Originals Hall underwent restoration in 1814 (Jiaqing reign) at a cost exceeding four hundred silver taels. The author emphasizes that true divinity resides not in heaven but within human hearts—yet these hearts must align with cosmic principles to commune with the sacred. Laozi's original intent was moral edification rather than pursuit of supernatural marvels. By venerating the Three Originals to investigate the source of principle-Qi and cultivate ethical virtues, one may achieve harmony between body-mind and cosmos.

The latter section observes that while rulers bear responsibility for public education, remote regions often remain beyond reach. Among Daoist practitioners (clad in black robes or feathered garb), the advanced attain enlightenment through serene cultivation, while ordinary adepts still comfort the bereaved and reform the wayward—embodying heaven's virtue of nurturing life. The current dynasty honors Confucianism, Buddhism and Daoism equally, with the Celestial Master (Tianshi) of Dragon-Tiger Mountain (Zhengyi Daoism's leader) revered alongside Confucius and Buddha. Qingyang Palace, as a foundational Daoist sanctuary, holds particular significance as the site where Celestial Master Zhang Daoling transmitted scriptures during the Han dynasty.

(Note: The "Three Originals" refer to the Daoist triad of Celestial, Earthly and Water Officials; "black-robed and feathered practitioners" denote Daoist clergy; "Dragon-Tiger Realized Being" indicates the lineage of Celestial Masters based at Longhu Mountain.)

This stele inscription documents the historical transformations and reconstruction of Chengdu's Qingyang Palace:

Since the Han dynasty, this site housed temples for religious worship. During the Tang dynasty when Emperor Yuan Yuan (Laozi) was venerated, the architectural complex reached its grandest scale. The natural scenery here remains majestically beautiful after millennia, with the temple compounds preserving their serene yet imposing character. The Daoist temple was destroyed by warfare in the late Ming dynasty.

In the eighth year of the Kangxi reign (1669), Sichuan Governor Zhang Dedi organized fundraising for reconstruction. Further repairs occurred during the Qianlong and Jiaqing eras, but constrained by the need to preserve original structures, newly built sections soon deteriorated. Decades later, the Sanqing Hall (dedicated to the Three Pure Ones) and Bagua Pavilion (featuring the Eight Trigrams) showed particularly severe decay.

In spring of the twelfth year of the Tongzhi reign (1873), while Daoist priests were chanting scriptures in the Sanqing Hall, a roof beam suddenly collapsed, smashing a hole in the floor. Miraculously, the incense table and scriptures just two feet away remained completely unharmed. Abbot Chen Jiaozhong, deeply concerned about the enormous reconstruction costs, initiated extensive fundraising. With devotees' support, they used the sturdiest timber and stone, not only rebuilding the Sanqing Hall and Bagua Pavilion but also expanding structures like the Purple Gold Platform, Nativity Platform, and Dharma Platform with leftover materials. Simultaneously, they renovated the previously dilapidated Cloud-Water Meditation Hall, Ancestral Hall, and monastic quarters.

The project lasted from 1873 to the eighth year of the Guangxu reign (1882), costing over thirty thousand taels of silver—a prolonged and arduous undertaking. To honor donors' virtuous deeds (De), the abbot specially erected this inscribed stele. The text notes that discussions about Laozi being Confucius' teacher and the Twelve Immortals of the Three Pure Ones (Daoism's highest deities) were already thoroughly examined in Jiaqing-era reconstruction records, thus omitted here.

(Closing attribution identifies the Laozi research as composed by Liu Yuan of Shuangliu County)

This stele inscription discusses the debates surrounding the identity and image of Laozi, the founder of Daoism. The text systematically examines various historical records about Laozi:

Laozi was a recluse who assumed different names across dynasties. Ge Hong's Zhengao records that during the Yellow Emperor's era, he was called Guangchengzi; in Emperor Yao's time, Wuguangzi; during the Shang dynasty, he served as the Keeper of Archives (national librarian); and in the Zhou dynasty, he held the post of Historian at the Pillar (court archivist).

When Sima Qian wrote the Records of the Grand Historian, though chronologically closer to Laozi's era, he could no longer ascertain Laozi's true identity, listing various theories including Grand Historian Dan of Zhou and Lao Laizi, ultimately sighing that "Laozi was truly unfathomable."

Confucius once sought Laozi's advice on rituals. In The School Sayings of Confucius, Confucius praised Laozi as "mysterious like a dragon." The Zhuangzi records Laozi telling Confucius: "Ultimate Yin is cold enough to freeze bones; Ultimate Yang burns like fire. The cold originates from Heaven, the heat from Earth"—a statement illustrating the mutual generation of Yin-Yang.

The author refutes certain misunderstandings: Laozi wasn't merely teaching rituals. If it were just about ritual propriety, Confucius could have consulted Zhou dynasty archives without such profound admiration. The "dragon" metaphor compares Laozi to the hidden dragon in the Book of Changes, representing the virtue of reclusion.

Criticism is directed at later generations who increasingly mystified Laozi: Starting with Zhuangzi and Liezi's ambiguous descriptions, through the Jin dynasty's "pure conversation" trend, to later alchemical, magical, and sexual practices falsely attributed to Laozi—all representing misinterpretations of the Daode Jing.

Finally, the text rehabilitates Laozi's reputation: While other sages praised by Confucius gained universal recognition, only Laozi faced scholarly doubts. Zhu Xi initially believed "Lao Peng" in the Analects referred to Laozi, but fearing association with heterodoxy, later claimed it meant the Shang dynasty worthy minister Jian Keng (who was actually Laozi during his archival period—the same person). Confucius valued everyday ethics—knowing meant doing.

This inscription primarily discusses the historical fact of Confucius studying under Laozi and refutes later misunderstandings about Laozi. The text states:

According to records in the Book of Rites and Records of the Grand Historian, the young Confucius indeed sought instruction in rites from Laozi (Lao Dan). At age 23, Confucius traveled to the Zhou capital to study under Laozi, returning at 25. Confucius explicitly told Nangong Jingshu: "I hear there is a Lao Dan in Zhou who comprehends past and present—I shall go learn from him." This clearly proves Laozi was Confucius's teacher.

The greatness of sages lies precisely in their willingness to learn from others. Acknowledging Laozi as Confucius's teacher neither elevates Laozi unduly nor diminishes Confucius. Just as the seven-year-old Xiang Tuo once taught Confucius without compromising Confucius's stature, so too this master-disciple relationship has been consistently affirmed in texts from Han Dynasty's Han Shi Waizhuan to Southern Dynasties' The Literary Mind and the Carving of Dragons.

The inscription criticizes Tang Dynasty figures like Han Yu for questioning this lineage, attributing such doubts to later heterodox influences. Bai Juyi's poetry already noted that the Dao De Jing originally contained no alchemical immortality doctrines, yet later generations falsely attributed sexual cultivation and elixir-making practices to Laozi's name—complete distortions of orthodox Dao (the Way). These heresies violate both cosmic principles and human ethics, being intolerable to Confucian orthodoxy; were Laozi's spirit aware, it would never condone them.

The conclusion emphasizes there is but one cosmic principle, and the sages' teachings on mind-nature and ethics are fundamentally unified. It implies we must not deny the authentic teacher-student relationship between Laozi and Confucius simply to oppose certain later Daoist heterodoxies.

Interpretation of the Qingyang Palace Stele Inscriptions

On Daoist Practice and Social Ethics:

Laozi (founder of Daoism) had a son named Li Zong, who served as a general in the State of Wei and was enfeoffed at Duan’gan. This demonstrates that Daoism does not reject human relationships and social ethics. The prohibition of marriage for Daoist priests only began during the reign of Emperor Taizu of the Song Dynasty—in ancient times, cultivation did not require renouncing household life. If Laozi had truly denied human morality, why would Confucius have praised him? While one may critique monks and Daoists, one should not dismiss Buddhism and Daoism (Fola), as both uphold human ethics. To regard them as mere mystical abstractions would deviate from the path of sages and lead to absurdity.

(Inscribed by Yan Kai in autumn of the 31st year of the Guangxu reign [1905])

On the Essence of Cultivation:

A true cultivator of the Dao should follow nature’s course, transcending physical form in the realm of formless emptiness. Yet once embodied, the mind becomes bound by the body. Only genuine practitioners can harmonize Yin-Yang and ultimately attain the miraculous state of spiritual transformation. The physical body decays, but the spirit (Shen) endures. Thus, a burial site (facing southeast, enclosed by an earthen wall) was acquired near Songxian Bridge to serve as a resting place for the mortal remains of future cultivators in this temple. This stele is erected today as a memorial for those who walk the path.

(Inscribed by Zhang Qingye, abbot of Wuhou Shrine, in autumn of the 4th year of the Qianlong reign [1739])

Testament of Qingyang Palace:

I (Qin Hexing) entered monastic life ("donned the robe") in the 9th year of the Daoguang reign [1829], thanks to my master’s acceptance. After my master’s ascension to immortality ("immortal journey") in the 3rd year of the Xianfeng reign [1853], disputes over temple property arose among my fellow disciples, prompting me to retreat into seclusion near Supo Bridge...

(Note: This excerpt records the author’s monastic journey and internal temple affairs. "Donned the robe" refers to ordination, while "immortal journey" is a Daoist euphemism for passing away.)

Interpretation of the Qingyang Palace Stele Inscription:

Wanshou Palace originally sustained itself by providing medical care and distributing medicine to aid the common people, maintaining a simple and unburdened lifestyle. However, due to consecutive years of legal disputes, the temple incurred massive debts. The Daoist priests had no choice but to sell 126 mu of temple-owned farmland to repay old debts. On the 26th day of the second lunar month in the seventh year of the Xianfeng reign (1857), I was appointed by County Magistrate Yao to take over the temple's administration.

At that time, the temple still owed over 2,400 taels of silver, and the priests were so impoverished they could barely afford meals—conditions were dire. I struggled to keep things afloat, hoping the autumn harvest's rent income would help us survive. Unexpectedly, the previous abbot had also withheld payments to tenant farmers, leaving us with minimal rent income and continued hardship. Fortunately, kind-hearted donors contributed over thirty dan of grain, preventing the several dozen priests from starving.

I firmly believe that prosperity comes through frugality, so I meticulously managed expenses, gradually saving enough to repay debts. Over several years, we recovered over seventy dan of rent grain, barely covering daily expenses—at least we no longer feared starvation.

Reflecting on the debt crisis, it all stemmed from financial recklessness. In the past, whenever funds ran short, the temple would borrow from tenant farmers in advance, offsetting future rent to cover interest. The tenants also took advantage of this, manipulating accounts so that rent income dwindled while debts snowballed, eventually reaching thousands of taels.

Now, as the temple community rebuilds the ancestral hall, I’ve codified these lessons into temple regulations: henceforth, abbots are forbidden from taking advances from tenants, and tenants must not assist abbots in borrowing money or using rent to settle debts. Annual rent must be paid in full—only then can an abbot be considered a rule-abiding Daoist and a tenant a temple-supporting benefactor.

If future abbots violate monastic discipline or squander temple assets, the community may publicly vote to expel them and appoint a replacement. Should anyone covet control of temple property, embezzling funds while neglecting the temple’s decline—or worse, colluding with neighbors through bribery to seize power—such unlawful individuals... (original text fragmentary here).

This is an excerpt from the stele inscription at Qingyang Palace (a renowned Daoist temple), recording the vow-maker's heartfelt words. The essence states:

"May the efficacious Patriarchs and enlightened deities (honorific terms for Daoist divinities) bear witness—if I violate this oath, may I meet with an untimely end. These are sincere words from the depths of my heart, specially carved upon this stone stele as eternal testimony."

The inscription concludes by noting its dedication date: the sixth lunar month of the tenth year of the Tongzhi reign (1871 CE), with the stele installed within the Ancestral Hall (the main shrine housing Daoist patriarchs). This passage exemplifies the Daoist devotees' reverential awe toward the divine, expressing piety through the solemn act of inscribing vows in stone.