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《道德真經廣聖義》Vol. 17

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Dongshen 洞神部 Vol. 17 / 51 4,549 characters

About this page. The original text of 《道德真經廣聖義》 Vol. 17 (Dongshen 洞神部, 51 volumes) is shown in Classical Chinese as transmitted in the Kanripo (Kyoto University) edition. An English interpretation of the 9 passages on this page accompanies it: select a passage or press “Interpretation” to show it. All texts in English

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Source textInterpretation

道德眞經廣聖義卷之十六羊五     唐廣成先生杜光庭述    太上下知章第十七(䟽此章上論淳/古之風下逮澆)    (漓之俗欲眀失道之漸將辯致弊之/由故前章明守靜則致虚此章示無)    (爲則復樸樸散則親譽遂作無爲則/謂我自然庶夫道化之君專此不言)    (之教○義曰太古上古無事無爲君/任自然人懷大樸太古者乃天地之)    (初也列子云昔者聖人因陰陽以統/天地故有形生於無形則天地之前)    (有太易未見氣也有太初氣之始也/有太始形之始也有太素質之始也)    (通謂太極故云五太者即太古也氣/形質具而未相離故曰混沌言萬物)    (相渾沌而未分判也既而渾沌分判/輕清爲天重濁爲地而上下分焉陰)    (陽定焉人禀天地陰陽冲和之氣居/于天地之中日月照之氣象成之陰)    (陽輔之寒暑循之與天地並號爲三/才則上三皇中三皇下三皇迭理其)    (化司牧於人此謂上古也天職生覆/地職形載聖職教化物職所宜而展)    (轉生化初以道德次則仁義故親譽/畏侮恩信不孚須資復古之風冀返)    (淳和之化春秋僖公二十四年周王/欲以狄師伐鄭富辰諫曰太上以德)    (撫民無親疏也其次親親以相及也/言先親以及疏推恩以成義爾) 太上下知有之  注太上者淳古之君也下知者臣下知上
Interpretation

The Broadly Illuminating Commentary on the True Scripture of the Dao and De, Volume Sixteen (Yang Five): A Plain-Language Reading

Classic: The Broadly Illuminating Commentary on the True Scripture of the Dao and De, Volume Sixteen

Author: Written by Master Guangcheng of the Tang dynasty, Du Guangting

Chapter discussed: Chapter Seventeen, “At the highest level, those below know only that he exists”

Main idea of the chapter (commentary)

This chapter looks first at the ways of the ancient age, then at the customs of a later, more corrupt age. It explains how the loss of the Dao came about step by step, and where the resulting problems began. The previous chapter said that holding to stillness can bring one to emptiness; this chapter shows that Wuwei (non-action) can restore simplicity. Once simplicity is lost, affection and praise arise in its wake. Wuwei is then described as “I act naturally”—a ruler who transforms people through the Dao is urged to hold firmly to this teaching of “not speaking.”

The explanation says: In the most ancient times, there was no business to attend to and no deliberate action. Rulers let things follow their natural course, and people lived with great simplicity. “The most ancient times” refers to the beginning of Heaven and Earth. Liezi says that the sages relied on Yin-Yang to govern Heaven and Earth, and that formed things therefore arose from the formless. Before Heaven and Earth were divided, there were first the Great Change (when Qi had not yet appeared), the Great Beginning (the start of Qi), the Great Origin (the start of form), and the Great Simplicity (the start of substance). Together with the Great Ultimate, these are called the Five Great Stages, and also the most ancient age. When Qi, form, and substance were present but not yet separated, this was called chaos: all things were undifferentiated. Later, chaos was split apart: what was light and clear became Heaven, while what was heavy and turbid became Earth. Once above and below were separated, Yin and Yang were established. Human beings received the balanced Qi of Heaven and Earth and lived between them. The sun and moon shone down, the patterns of nature took shape, Yin and Yang supported and guided life, and the seasons followed their courses. Together with Heaven and Earth, humanity became the Three Powers. The three groups of the Three Sovereigns—the Upper, Middle, and Lower—ruled in succession and governed the people. This is what is meant by the ancient age.

Heaven’s function is to give life and shelter; Earth’s is to shape and sustain; the sage’s is to teach and transform. All things find their proper place. As teaching and transformation unfolded over time, they began with the Dao and De, then proceeded to benevolence and righteousness. Affection and praise, fear and contempt, kindness and trust could no longer be relied on in every case. The hope, then, was to draw on the ways of antiquity and return to a harmonious, unspoiled transformation. In the twenty-fourth year of Duke Xi of Lu, the king of Zhou wanted to use Di troops to attack Zheng. Fu Chen remonstrated: “At the highest level, the people were guided through De, with no distinction between close and distant relations. At the next level, people cared for their own kin and extended that care outward”—first to those close to them, then to those more distant, extending kindness into righteousness.

Scripture and commentary

At the highest level, those below know only that he exists.

Commentary: “At the highest level” refers to a ruler of the ancient, unspoiled age. “Those below know” means that the ministers know there is a ruler above them; they know only that he exists.

This volume is Du Guangting’s commentary on Chapter Seventeen of the Dao De Jing. Its interpretation connects with the chapter’s well-known line, “The people all say, ‘We act naturally.’” The highest form of rule is one in which the people have only a vague awareness that a ruler exists and do not notice him taking deliberate action.

 有君尊之如天而無施教有爲之迹故人  無得而稱焉  䟽太上者淳古之君也謂太上者尊之也  言太上之君處無爲之事行不言之教臣  下但知有君尊之如天大而在上被四時  生育之義不知何以稱其德是故云下知  有之  義曰太者大也上者高也至高至大以表  其名上古之君無有謚號行淳厚之化以  化於人任物無爲不言而信不施典法以  蕩物心故臣下知其上有君而不聞其教  令其卧居居其起于于其行填填其視顛  顛山無蹊隧澤無舟梁耕而食織而衣四  時自行其上萬物自行其下至德玄遠不  可名稱故曰太上或云上古太古之君者  昔有容成氏大庭氏栢皇氏中央氏栗陸  氏麗連氏軒轅氏赫胥氏無懷氏昊英氏  尊盧氏葛天氏陰襄氏祝融氏列山氏伏  羲氏神農氏皆結繩無爲之代黄帝乃垂  衣裳造書契有作有法漸以化民矣三皇  者以道理人無制令無刑罰謂之皇有制  令無刑罰謂之帝所以三古異宜歩驟斯  變矣太上之化不其遠歟 其次親之譽之  注逮德下衰君行善教仁見故親之功高  故譽之  䟽太上之君殁黄帝堯舜氏作施教行善  仁及百姓故親之柔服致平功高天下故  譽之親譽生前人之迹矯徇爲後代之患  義曰譽褒美也矯妄也以身從物曰徇也  殁死也謂前太古上古之君相次死殁也
Interpretation

Without De, one’s words cannot withstand scrutiny. Using “scrutiny” to deal with others breaks the Great Dao apart, until all that remains in the world is exchange and dealings. At this point, the Great Dao has reached its end.

Interpretive explanation: “Having De” here refers mainly to rulers who take action and assert themselves. Their “De” is often expressed in the court and the marketplace, where they turn to techniques and schemes to deal with the world. “Scattered” means dispersed and divided. In ancient times, when people were simple and sincere, the world shared a single Great Dao; before the royal Dao had yet been scattered….

 作起也黄帝者有熊國君少典之次子也  姓公孫氏生而神靈弱而能言長而敦敏  成而聰眀母有喬氏曰附寳見電光繞北  斗樞星照野感而有孕十四月而黄帝生  焉神農德衰蚩尤暴横諸侯侵伐黄帝修  德振兵殺蚩尤於涿鹿之野天下尊之立  爲天子曰黄帝焉以代神農之位師廣成  子於崆峒山問理國之道取天地之精以  養兆民造書契服牛馬舟車杵臼宫室弧  矢調律吕鑄鼎制琴其所居有縉雲之瑞  或號縉雲氏以雲紀官禮樂既作其臣大  撓造曆容成造筭倉頡造文字風后造五  兵而萬慮興焉名迹顯焉帝乘飛龍周遊  四海名山大川皆有其跡於是採首山之  銅鑄鼎於荆山以合九丹丹成有龍垂胡  髯而下迎之黄帝乘黄龍而升天其大臣  同升者七十二人其小臣有攀斷龍髯而  墮抱帝之弓而號故號曰烏號弓其升天  處今在虢州閿鄉縣皇天原亦名鼎湖是  也帝堯睦九族親百姓師務成子定歲時  正律度以化天下帝舜師尹壽子以孝德  彰聞代堯爲天子其解具在第三章中言  黄帝堯舜制作法度天下化之民乃親其  德而譽其功乃眞親眞譽也非黄帝堯舜  使民親譽而民自親譽之後代則不然覬  覦前跡而有矯親矯譽所以矯竊之患生  之矣  䟽故莊子曰吾語汝大亂之本必生堯舜
Interpretation

A Plain Language Reading of the Guangshengyi Commentary on the True Scripture of the Dao and Its Virtue

The Yellow Emperor (Huangdi) was the second son of Shaodian, ruler of the Youxiong state, and his family name was Gongsun. He was born with extraordinary qualities and could speak as a young child. As he grew, he became honest, kind, and perceptive; as an adult, he was intelligent and discerning. His mother, Lady Youqiao, whose name was Fubao, once saw a flash of lightning circle the Pole Star of the Northern Dipper and illuminate the wilderness. She was moved by it and conceived. Fourteen months later, she gave birth to the Yellow Emperor.

As Shennong’s De (Virtue/Power) declined, Chiyou grew violent and overbearing, and the feudal lords attacked one another. The Yellow Emperor cultivated De and strengthened his troops. He killed Chiyou in the plains of Zhuolu, and all under Heaven honored him and made him Son of Heaven, succeeding Shennong. He studied under Guangchengzi on Mount Kongtong and asked him how to govern the state. He drew on the essence of Heaven and Earth to nurture the people. He also devised written contracts, domesticated oxen and horses, and invented boats, carts, pestles and mortars, palaces, bows and arrows. He regulated the pitch pipes, cast a tripod, and made the qin zither. Auspicious clouds appeared where he lived, so he was sometimes called the Lord of the Jinyun, and he used clouds to name his officials. Once ritual and music had been established, his minister Danao devised the calendar, Rongcheng devised arithmetic, Cangjie created writing, and Fenghou made the five kinds of weapons. From these beginnings came all manner of innovations, and their names and accomplishments became famous.

The Emperor rode a flying dragon on journeys throughout the four seas, leaving traces at every famous mountain and great river. He mined copper at Mount Shou and cast a tripod at Mount Jing to bring the Nine Elixirs to completion. When the elixir was ready, a dragon lowered its whiskers and beard to welcome him. The Yellow Emperor mounted the yellow dragon and ascended to Heaven, accompanied by seventy-two ministers. A lesser official grabbed the dragon’s whiskers, tearing them off as he fell, while clutching the Emperor’s bow and crying out. This is why the bow was called the “Crying-Out Bow.” The place where the Emperor ascended is now in Huangtianyuan, Wenxiang County, Guozhou; it is also called Dinghu.

Emperor Yao lived in harmony with his nine branches of kin and cared for the common people. He studied under Wuchengzi and set the seasons and years, and regulated the pitches and measures to transform the realm. Emperor Shun studied under Yinshouzi. His filial conduct and De became renowned, and he succeeded Yao as Son of Heaven. A fuller explanation appears in Chapter Three.

The text says that the Yellow Emperor, Yao, and Shun established laws and standards, transforming all under Heaven. The people then came to cherish their De and praise their achievements. This was genuine affection and genuine praise: the emperors did not command the people to cherish or praise them; the people did so of their own accord. Later generations were different. They coveted the examples of the past and put on a show of affection and praise. This gave rise to feigned affection and feigned praise, and so to the evils of falsehood and usurpation.


Commentary: Zhuangzi therefore says, “Let me tell you: the roots of great disorder must have arisen with Yao and Shun.” This means that later generations imitated Yao and Shun with contrived displays of affection and praise, and thereby turned them into a source of great disorder.

 之間何也以其迹存乎千歲之後故爾  義曰親譽之迹起於黄帝堯舜千載之後  人慕其迹而生矯徇莊子庚桑楚謂其弟  子曰夫堯舜又何足以稱揚哉以其揖讓  相禪而後世法也且舉賢則人相軋任智  則人相盜固不足以厚民子有弑父臣有  弑君正晝爲盜日中穴阫大亂之本必生  乎堯舜之間其末存乎千世之後必有人  與人相食者此言尊賢任能遂至大弊更  相蠶食起自唐虞之間人矯徇不休失其  眞性故至於大亂也 其次畏之侮之  注德又下衰君多弊政人不堪命則驅以  刑罰故畏之懷情相欺明不能察故侮之  䟽黄帝堯舜氏殁下及三王五霸浸以陵  遲嚴刑峻制故畏之明不能察故侮之下  議罪而求功上賞姦而生詐相蒙若此可  爲寒心  義曰堯舜既殁三王繼之三王者夏殷周  也夏禹姓姒名文命高陽氏之孫也母曰  修己於石紐山下泉中得月精如雞子吞  之而孕生禹左手有水字右手有台字合  爲治字禹父鯀爲堯治水九年績用不成  舜殛鯀於羽山舉禹代父使之治水通九  江濬百川百谷既同四海無壅手足胼胝  鑿龍門闢伊闕濬九河所經者七百餘國  乘四載而奠名山大川靡不周遍其爲人  也其仁可親其言可信聲爲律身爲度師  眞行子得太上靈寳五符檄召鬼神移山
Interpretation

Plain-Language Interpretation

(Continued from above) What period of time does “after” refer to? Their actions and influence would endure until a thousand years later, which is why it is phrased this way.

Interpretive explanation: The fame and practices associated with “closeness and praise” began when people widely celebrated and imitated the deeds of the Yellow Emperor, Yao, and Shun, generations later. Admiration for the traces of their conduct gave rise to a fashion for artificiality and pursuing reputation. In Gengsang Chu, Zhuangzi tells his disciples: What is there about Yao and Shun that deserves such praise? It was only because they passed authority on through ritual deference and abdication that later generations took this as a model. Besides, when the worthy are recommended, people contend with one another; when cleverness is put to use, people steal from one another. This does not, in itself, nourish the people. Thus sons came to kill their fathers and ministers their rulers; people robbed in broad daylight and, at noon, made holes in walls (“digging through a wall at midday”). The roots of great disorder must have arisen around the time of Yao and Shun, and its ill effects endured for a thousand generations, until people were bound to devour one another. The point is that honoring the worthy and employing the capable led to grave abuses and mutual predation, beginning in the time of Tang and Yu. People went on feigning virtue and pursuing reputation without end, losing their true nature and eventually bringing about great disorder.


Scripture: Next came fear, and then contempt.

Commentary: De declined further. Rulers governed badly, and the people could not endure their demands, so the rulers drove them with punishments; that is why the people feared them. The people harbored deceit, and the rulers lacked the insight to see through it; that is why the people held them in contempt.

Subcommentary: After the Yellow Emperor, Yao, and Shun had passed away, the world declined gradually, through the Three Kings and the Five Hegemons. Harsh punishments and severe laws made the people afraid. The rulers’ discernment could not see through everything, so the people held them in contempt. Those below debated guilt in pursuit of merit, while those above rewarded wrongdoing and gave rise to deceit. They deceived one another, a dispiriting state of affairs.

Interpretive explanation: After Yao and Shun died, the Three Kings succeeded them. The Three Kings were the rulers of Xia, Yin, and Zhou. Yu of Xia, surnamed Si and named Wenming, was the grandson of Gaoyang. His mother, Xiujie, found a moon essence like an egg in a spring beneath Mount Shiniu. She swallowed it, conceived, and gave birth to Yu. Yu had the character for “water” on his left hand and the character for “platform” on his right; together they formed the character “to govern.” Yu’s father, Gun, spent nine years controlling the floods for Yao but failed. Shun had Gun executed at Mount Yushan and appointed Yu to take his father’s place. Yu opened the nine branches of the Yangtze, dredged the hundreds of rivers, and cleared the channels so that the waters of the valleys could flow together and nothing blocked the four seas. His hands and feet were calloused from labor. He cut through Longmen, opened the pass at Yique, and dredged the nine Yellow River channels. He passed through more than seven hundred states. Traveling in four kinds of vehicles, he established the boundaries of the famous mountains and great rivers, leaving none unvisited. He was benevolent and approachable, trustworthy in speech, his voice in accord with the pitch standards and his person a measure of conduct. The master Zhenxingzi received the Supreme One’s Five Numinous Treasure Talismans, with which he could summon and command spirits and move mountains…

(The text does not continue.)

 塞川治水既畢天錫玄珪以告成功舜遂  禪位作九鼎立九州五岳名山皆刻石科  斗篆文以表其高下在位四十一年年一  百歲子孫十六代都平陽起癸亥終己巳  四百八十七年禹既禪位自以德不及堯  舜去帝稱王即三王之一也其後夏桀無  道殷湯以諸侯起兵伐桀而代其位焉殷  湯契之後也黄帝十七代孫子名履一名  天乙佐夏征葛伯有功開三面之網歸其  仁者三十六國夏桀暴虐天下叛之湯征  桀於鳴條之野放之於南巢有白狼之瑞  師錫則子以伊尹爲相大旱七年以身爲  牲天乃大雨四海美之在位十三年年一  百一十九歲子孫二十一代三十王都於  亳起庚午伐桀即位終乙酉年紂滅周興  共六百五十六年三王之二也其後殷紂  無道斮朝涉之脛剖比干之心置炮烙之  刑刳剔孕婦天下叛之周西伯以丁卯年  霸於邠岐武王以己卯年嗣位至乙酉年  代紂於牧野克之遂興周業而代殷位焉  周后稷之後姬姓后稷名棄母曰姜嫄帝  嚳之元妃岀野見巨人之迹悦而踐之感  而有孕期年而生以爲不祥棄之陋巷牛  馬避之遷於冰上蜚鳥以其翼覆薦之姜  嫄以爲神遂收而養因名曰棄爲兒時吃  好相地之形善耕農帝堯聞之舉爲農師  天下得其利封於邰號曰后稷其十世孫  古公亶父積德行義國人戴之亶父娶大
Interpretation

After the project of controlling the floods and channeling the rivers was completed, Shun bestowed on Yu a black jade tablet, symbolizing his appointment and achievements, to commend his success. Shun then ceded the throne to Yu. Yu cast the Nine Tripods, divided the land into the Nine Provinces, and had inscriptions carved in tadpole script, an ancient writing resembling tadpoles, on the Five Sacred Peaks and other famous mountains throughout the land to mark the heights and slopes of the terrain. Yu ruled for forty-one years and lived to the age of one hundred. His descendants passed the throne down through sixteen generations. The dynasty had its capital at Pingyang and lasted 487 years.

After Shun ceded the throne to him, Yu considered his virtue inferior to that of Yao and Shun. He therefore stopped calling himself emperor and took the title of king, which is why he is counted as one of the Three Kings. Later, Xia Jie was incompetent and bereft of the Way. Shang Tang, then a feudal lord, raised an army against him and took his throne. Shang Tang was a descendant of Qi and the seventeenth-generation descendant of the Yellow Emperor. His personal name was Lü, and he was also known as Tianyi. While serving the Xia dynasty, he campaigned against the ruler of Ge and distinguished himself through his achievements. He also governed with benevolence: he spread a net with three sides open and released the birds and beasts willing to submit, demonstrating his virtue. As a result, thirty-six states pledged their allegiance to him. Xia Jie ruled with cruelty, and people throughout the land rose against him. At the Wilderness of Mingtiao, Shang Tang defeated Xia Jie and exiled him to Nanchao. When Shang Tang ascended the throne, the appearance of a white wolf was taken as an auspicious sign. The army acclaimed him, and he appointed Yi Yin as his chancellor. A drought continued for seven years. Shang Tang offered himself as a sacrifice to pray for rain, and a great downpour followed. People in all four regions praised him. Shang Tang ruled for thirteen years and lived to the age of 119. His descendants continued the line for twenty-one generations, with thirty rulers in all, and the capital was at Bo. In the Gengwu year, Shang Tang campaigned against Xia Jie and took the throne. In the Yiyou year, Zhou destroyed the Shang dynasty, which had lasted 656 years. Shang Tang was the second of the Three Kings.

Later, King Zhou of Shang became debauched and cruel. He once cut the shinbones of people wading through water in the early morning, cut open Bi Gan’s chest to examine his heart, devised the torture of the heated bronze pillar, and mutilated pregnant women. The people of the land turned against the Shang. In the Dingmao year, the Western Earl of Zhou established his dominance in the regions of Bin and Qi. King Wu succeeded him in the Jimao year, and in the Yiyou year defeated King Zhou of Shang at Muye, founding the Zhou dynasty and replacing the Shang.

The people of Zhou were descendants of Houji and bore the surname Ji. Houji’s given name was Qi. His mother, Jiang Yuan, was Emperor Ku’s principal wife. While in the open country, Jiang Yuan saw the footprint of a giant and, filled with wonder, stepped into it. She then conceived, and after a full year gave birth to a child. Thinking this an ill omen, she abandoned him in a remote alley, but the cattle and horses all avoided him. She then placed him on the ice, where birds covered and sheltered him with their wings. Jiang Yuan realized that this was a miraculous event, so she took the child back and raised him, naming him Qi. Even as a young boy, Qi enjoyed observing the lay of the land and was skilled in farming. When Emperor Yao heard of him, he appointed him as an agricultural official, benefiting the people throughout the realm. Yao enfeoffed him with the land of Tai and gave him the title Houji.

Houji’s tenth-generation descendant, Gugong Danfu, accumulated virtue and practiced righteousness, winning the support of his people. Danfu married a woman named Taijiang.

 姜生季歷季歷娶大任生文王昌昌爲西  伯殷紂疑其賢囚於羑里其臣閎夭求有  熊之馬有莘之女異方珍怪以獻於紂紂  赦西伯賜以弓矢斧鉞得專征伐師老君  於岐山之陽鸑鷟爲瑞天下之人歸周德  者三有其二焉西伯以丁卯年受弓矢之  錫當紂二十一年也武王以乙酉年克紂  正位放牛於桃林之野歸馬於華山之陽  倒載干戈示不復用有亂臣十人而天下  大理在位九年文王年九十七武王年九  十三子孫三十七代四十一王起乙酉終  赧王壬子共八百六十八年此三王之三  也五霸者在三王之内諸侯之間以兵服  四方爲盟會之主内扶天子外威諸侯以  禮樂征伐權於當代不及於王故謂之霸  夏之霸者有昆吾黄帝之後也殷之霸者  有大彭豕韋帝堯之後也周之霸者有齊  桓僖公之庶子名小白魯莊公九年立管  仲相之九合諸侯一匡天下周惠王襄王  之時也晋文公者獻公之子名重耳母曰  狐姬以魯僖公二十二年立文公以僖公  四年避驪姬之禍奔于齊歷曹衛陳楚鄭  秦諸國凡十八年秦伯以師納之于晋周  襄王加九錫賜彤弓彤矢圭瓚秬鬯得專  征諸侯教民二年欲用之子犯請教之以  義於是出定襄王入務利民伐原以示信  大蒐以示禮而後用之出穀戍釋宋圍一  戰而霸言其能任禮智征伐以取霸盛興
Interpretation

The Ji lineage passed down to Jili. Jili married Da Ren, and they had a son, Wen King Chang. Chang became the Earl of the West. The tyrant King Zhou of Yin suspected him of being virtuous and capable, and imprisoned him at Youli. His minister Hong Yao offered King Zhou horses from the Youxiong clan, a woman from the Youxin clan, and rare treasures from every region. King Zhou released the Earl of the West, bestowed on him a bow, arrows, an axe, and a battle-axe, and granted him authority to launch military campaigns on his own. The Old Lord appeared south of Mount Qi, and the luan pheasant was seen as an auspicious sign. By then, two-thirds of the realm had already turned toward the Virtue of Zhou. In the year Dingmao, the Earl of the West received the bow and arrows; this was the twenty-first year of King Zhou’s reign. In the year Yiyou, King Wu defeated King Zhou and took the throne. He released the oxen in the fields of Taolin, returned the horses to the southern slopes of Mount Hua, and overturned the carts carrying weapons to show that he would no longer wage war. Though he had the “Ten Disorderly Ministers” to assist him, the realm was well governed. He reigned for nine years. Wen King lived to ninety-seven, and King Wu to ninety-three. Their descendants ruled for thirty-seven generations, with forty-one kings, from the year Yiyou to the year Renzi, when King Nan died: altogether, 868 years. These are the deeds of the Three Kings.

The Five Hegemons arose between the Three Kings, among the feudal lords. They used military force to command the four quarters and presided over alliances, supporting the Son of Heaven at home and intimidating the feudal lords abroad. For a time, they held the authority to regulate rites and music and to launch punitive campaigns, but they did not claim the title of king; hence they were called “Hegemons.” Under the Xia, the hegemon was Kunwu, a descendant of the Yellow Emperor. Under the Yin, the hegemons were Da Peng and Shiwei, descendants of Emperor Yao. Under the Zhou, one hegemon was Duke Huan of Qi, a son of Duke Xi by a concubine, named Xiaobai. He took the throne in the ninth year of Duke Zhuang of Lu, with Guan Zhong as his minister. He brought the feudal lords together nine times and restored order throughout the realm, during the reigns of King Hui and King Xiang of Zhou.

Duke Wen of Jin was a son of Duke Xian, named Chong’er, and his mother was Lady Hu. He took the throne in the twenty-second year of Duke Xi of Lu. Four years later, fleeing the danger posed by Li Ji, he went to Qi. He spent a total of eighteen years passing through the states of Cao, Wei, Chen, Chu, Zheng, and Qin, among others, until the ruler of Qin sent an army to restore him to Jin. King Xiang of Zhou conferred on him the Nine Honors and bestowed a red bow, red arrows, a jade tablet, a ceremonial vessel, and black millet wine, granting him authority to launch punitive campaigns against the feudal lords. After educating the people for two years, he was about to go to war when his minister Zifan urged him to teach them righteousness first. He then went out to restore King Xiang to his throne. Once back in Jin, he set about benefiting the people; he attacked Yuan to demonstrate his trustworthiness and conducted a grand military review to demonstrate propriety. Only then did he put the army to use. He came out through the valley, lifted the siege of Song, and became hegemon with a single battle. This is why he is said to have attained hegemony through propriety, wisdom, and punitive campaigns.

 兵得衆盟謂之霸霸者把也謂把攬英雄  以致强大也夫仁義禮智征伐之道也嚴  刑以束人心峻法以鉗人口法愈細而民  愈亂網愈密而罪愈多禍起而不知奸生  而不悟上下相詐故或畏之或侮之有道  之士見其危跡爲之悚慄所謂寒心也冲  虚眞經孔子對商太宰曰三皇善因時順  物而理五帝善任仁義彰善而成功三王  善任智勇智以决之勇以行之五霸善任  機權因勢以制宜託機以成務而猶檢之  以禮約之以信禮信或虧即霸道隳矣  信不足有不信  注畏之侮之者皆由君信不足故令下有  不信之人  䟽此覆釋畏之侮之百姓畏君之刑法侮  君之教令者皆爲君信不足於下故令下  有此不信之人爾  義曰言著而不欺曰信賞及無功罰及無  罪則爲不信教令失信民得欺之矣形曲  則影邪源混則流濁上行下效其應若斯  春秋宣公十一年楚子伐鄭及櫟鄭大夫  子良曰楚晋不務德而兵爭與其來者可  也晋楚無信我焉得有信乃從楚夏及楚  子盟于辰陵陳鄭服也此乃信不足焉有  不信焉 猶其貴言  注親之譽之者猶君有德教之言故貴其  言而親之譽之也  䟽此覆釋親之譽之也百姓所以親愛君  之仁善稱譽君之功業者由君有德教之  言故貴重君之言而稱譽之爾古猶字與  由字通用
Interpretation

A Plain-Language Interpretation

The Meaning of “Hegemon”

When an army can gather people together in alliances, this is called “hegemony.” To be a hegemon means to take control and draw others in: to bring heroes and capable people under one’s sway and thereby grow strong.

Hegemonic Rule and Disorder

Benevolence, righteousness, ritual propriety, and wisdom are often treated as tools for waging war and governing the state. People’s hearts are constrained with harsh punishments, and the population is hemmed in by severe laws. Yet the more detailed the statutes become, the more disorderly the people grow; the tighter the legal net, the more crimes there are. Calamity has already begun, but no one realizes it; treachery has already arisen, but no one wakes up to it. Those above and below deceive one another. As a result, some people fear the ruler, while others despise him.

When a person of the Dao sees these dangers, they are shaken and chilled to the heart—what is meant by “a chill in the heart.”

An Account in the True Scripture of Pervasive Emptiness

Confucius once said to the Grand Steward of Shang: “The Three Sovereigns were skilled at following the times and governing according to the nature of things. The Five Emperors were skilled at putting benevolence and righteousness into practice, making good deeds shine forth and thereby succeeding. The Three Kings were skilled at using wisdom and courage: they decided matters with wisdom and carried them out with courage. The Five Hegemons were skilled at adapting their strategies to changing circumstances, responding to conditions and accomplishing their aims by seizing the moment. Even so, they still needed ritual propriety to keep people in check and trustworthiness to bind them. Once ritual and trustworthiness were impaired, hegemonic rule collapsed.”

“When trust is insufficient, there will be mistrust”

The commentary explains that whether the people fear or scorn the ruler, it is because the ruler has not earned enough trust in the eyes of those below him. This is why mistrust arises.

The subcommentary adds that the people may fear the ruler’s penal laws or disregard his instructions. Both happen because the ruler has not earned the trust of those below him, and so they respond with these forms of mistrust.

The interpretive note says that trust means matching words with actions and not deceiving others. If rewards and punishments do not go to those who deserve them, trust is lost. When the ruler’s instructions cannot be trusted, the people will deceive those above them. When the form is crooked, its shadow is slanted; when the source is muddy, the stream is turbid. Those below often follow the example set by those above. The Spring and Autumn Annals provides an example.

In the eleventh year of Duke Xuan’s reign, Chu attacked Zheng and reached Li. Zheng official Ziliang said: “Neither Chu nor Jin wins people over through De; they rely only on military force. Rather than wait for them to attack us, we should attach ourselves to one side first. We cannot rely on either Jin or Chu, so how can our small state of Zheng uphold trust on its own?” Zheng therefore turned to Chu. In summer, the ruler of Chu made an alliance with Zheng at Chenling, and Chen and Zheng both submitted to Chu. This is precisely what is meant by “When trust is insufficient, how can there be no mistrust?” The great states were untrustworthy, so the small states had no choice but to abandon their usual commitments as well.

“For this reason they value his words”

The commentary explains that the people draw close to and praise the ruler because he has virtuous and instructive words. They cherish these words, and so they come to love and praise him.

The subcommentary says that the people draw near to the ruler’s benevolence and goodness and praise his achievements because his teachings on De are worthy of respect. They cherish what he says and praise him for it. In classical texts, the character “you” is often used interchangeably with “you,” meaning “because of” or “by virtue of.” Here, too, it means “because of.”


Note: This passage belongs to the Extensive Commentary on the Dao De Jing, composed by Chen Jingyuan and others during the Song dynasty. It draws on Confucian and Daoist ideas and historical anecdotes to elaborate on passages in the Dao De Jing such as “When the people no longer fear authority, a greater authority is coming” and “When trust is insufficient, there will be mistrust.” It should be read alongside the original text of Laozi and not conflated with it.

 義曰君教令不一民畏侮之君教令仁善  民親譽之書曰民靡常懷懷于有仁又曰  撫我則后虐我則讎故賤其苛暴之令而  貴其仁善之教猶者尚也從也古文或少  故通用之 功成事遂百姓謂我自然  注功成而不執事遂而無爲百姓日用而  不知謂我自然而成遂則所以太上下知  有之也  䟽此覆釋太上下知也夫淳樸不殘孰爲  犧樽道德公行親譽焉設故太上之代下  忘帝力適令功成事遂百姓皆以爲自然  合爾不知所以親譽報施也  義曰首標太上之化次述澆淳不同末以  此句覆釋太上無爲之理當太上之代窊  地爲樽抔(抔步/侯反)水而飲不親其親不子其  子上有生成遂長之功不矜於下下見物  得其所不知上化所爲以爲自然而然也  淳樸不殘者莊子馬蹄篇曰淳樸不殘孰  爲犧樽白玉不毁孰爲珪璋道德不廢安  取仁義情性不離安用禮樂五色不亂孰  爲文采五聲不亂孰應六律夫殘樸以爲  器工匠之罪也毁道德以爲仁義聖人之  過也梁書劉香答沈約曰古者彝器皆刻  木爲鳥獸形鑿頂及背以出納酒魏朝有  人於魯郡野中耕得齊大夫子尾送女器  有犠樽作犧牛形晋永嘉中賊曹嶷於青  州發齊景公塚得二樽形亦爲牛乃知皆  古犧樽之制也夫太古上古之時大道之
Interpretation

[Meaning]

This means that when a ruler’s laws are harsh and inconsistent, the people fear him and look down on him. When his laws are humane and benevolent, they draw near to him and praise him. The Book of Documents says, “People’s hearts do not always remain where they are; they turn toward benevolence and virtue.” It also says, “Treat me well, and you are my ruler; abuse me, and you are my enemy.” Thus harsh and violent laws should be disdained, while benevolent instruction should be valued. Here, “follow” means to esteem and comply with. Classical texts sometimes use abbreviated forms, so the two characters may be used interchangeably.


[Commentary]

Complete your work without clinging to it; put things in order without making a show of it. The people go about their daily lives without knowing, saying, “It simply happened naturally.” This is why it is said: “Under the highest ruler, the people know only that he exists.”


[Exegesis]

This looks back to explain “Under the highest ruler, the people know only that he exists.” When simplicity remains intact, who would carve a sacrificial goblet? Only when Dao and De are openly practiced can there be talk of affection and praise. In the age of the highest ruler, then, the people forget the ruler’s influence. Laws take effect naturally, and matters are settled without effort. The people assume everything has happened on its own and do not know how they should show affection, offer praise, or repay him.


[Meaning]

First, the text presents the influence of the highest ruler; then it contrasts the thinness of later times with the preservation of simplicity; finally, it concludes with “Work is completed and matters are settled, and the people say, ‘It happened naturally’” to explain the principle of Wuwei (non-action) under the highest ruler. In that age, hollows serve as goblets, and people cup water in their hands to drink. They do not deliberately cultivate affection for their parents or treat their children as children. Above, the ruler brings things into being and nurtures them but does not boast of this to those below. The people see that all things find their proper place, yet do not know how the ruler has nurtured and transformed them. They think everything has simply happened naturally.


[Simplicity Remains Intact]

The “Horses’ Hooves” chapter of the Zhuangzi says: “When simplicity is not destroyed, who would carve a sacrificial goblet? When white jade is not damaged, who would carve a ceremonial tablet? When Dao and De are not abandoned, why establish benevolence and righteousness separately? When one’s true nature is not left behind, why resort to ritual and music? If the five colors are not jumbled, where would decorative patterns come from? If the five notes are not jumbled, where would the six pitch standards come from? To destroy simplicity in order to make vessels is the craftsman’s offense; to destroy Dao and De in order to establish benevolence and righteousness is the sage’s failing.”

The Book of Liang, in “Liu Xiang’s Reply to Shen Yue,” records: “In ancient times, ritual vessels were often carved from wood into the shapes of birds and beasts, with openings bored through the top and back to pour in and pour out wine. During the Wei dynasty, someone was plowing a field in the countryside of Lu Commandery when he found a vessel sent by Ziwei, a Qi grandee, as a gift for a wedding. It was a sacrificial goblet shaped like an ox. In the Yongjia era of the Jin dynasty, the rebel Cao Yi excavated the tomb of Duke Jing of Qi in Qingzhou and found two goblets, also shaped like oxen. This shows that they followed the ancient form of sacrificial goblets. In the most ancient and remote times, the Great Dao flourished…”

 行上德不德人知其上有君長焉中古之  時大道既隱仁德可見恩惠及人故有親  譽之美焉下古之衰道德皆隱教令鬱興  信義漓薄其上失信下則以不信應之故  見其峻令則畏之聞其失信則侮之老君  所戒欲使後代帝王棄禮智之末跡慕道  德之古風遺功忘名復歸大樸矣親譽者  有仁愛之跡則親之有美善之跡則譽之  報施者上加其恩曰報下立功勞曰施春  秋僖公二十四年周襄王使狄伐鄭有功  富辰諫王曰報者倦多施者未猒言施功  勞也有勞則望報過甚也此爲周王怨鄭  使狄伐之狄有功而王欲以其女爲后大  夫富辰諫王之辭也百姓日用而不知者  周
Interpretation

A Plain Language Interpretation

The conduct of those with the highest De does not display De to others

Those who truly embody the highest De do not use their virtue as a banner to flaunt everywhere. Yet people understand that there is still a ruler above them and elders to respect, and that order remains in place. It is simply not maintained through displays of benevolence and righteousness.

The middle antiquity

The Great Dao had already become hidden and obscured. Benevolence and De therefore became visible and tangible: their benefits reached people. This gave rise to such fine reputations as “being close to others” and “being praised by others.” By then, the traces of De were already showing on the surface.

The decline of the later age

The Dao and De faded further, while laws and instruction grew ever more elaborate, and trust and righteousness weakened. Those in power broke their promises, and those below answered with distrust. People feared harsh laws, but when they heard that the ruler did not keep his word, they treated him with contempt and disrespect. What the Old Master, Laozi, cautions against is precisely this. He hopes that later rulers will cast aside such lesser things as ritual rules and clever schemes, and look back to the ancient custom of honoring the Dao and De while caring little for fame or profit: accomplishing things without boasting, gaining a name without clinging to it, and returning to simplicity and authenticity.

The words “closeness” and “praise”

The traces left by benevolence are called “closeness”; the traces left by good deeds are called “praise.” In both cases, De has taken shape as a visible trace. This is not the state of the highest De, which is natural and Wuwei (non-action).

The words “reward” and “service”

When those above bestow benefits, this is called “reward” or “recompense.” When those below contribute merit and labor, this is called “service.”

In the twenty-fourth year of Duke Xi in the Spring and Autumn Annals, King Xiang of Zhou sent the Di people to attack Zheng, and they won distinction in battle. The minister Fu Chen remonstrated with the king: “Those who reward grow weary when they give too much; those who serve are never satisfied.” The more rewards and recompense are given, the more weary the benefactor becomes; those below feel their efforts have not been adequately repaid and keep wanting more. The point is that once a relationship becomes a transaction of “service in exchange for reward,” expectations keep growing. In the historical context, the king of Zhou resented Zheng and used the Di people to attack it. After they distinguished themselves, the king also wanted to make a Di woman his queen. Fu Chen used these words to dissuade him.

In closing

People use words from the Zhouyi (Book of Changes) every day, often without knowing where they come from. One such idea is that the Dao is present in everyday life. Yet people often see only the outward signs of closeness, praise, reward, and service, and forget the original Dao and De that lie behind them.

易之辭也 道德眞經廣聖義卷之十六

Source text: Kanripo 漢籍リポジトリ(KR5c0114); Licence: CC BY-SA 4.0 · Report an error / feedback

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