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《韓非子》Vol. 5

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Taiqing 太清部 Vol. 5 / 20 6,221 characters

About this page. The original text of 《韓非子》 Vol. 5 (Taiqing 太清部, 20 volumes) is shown in Classical Chinese as transmitted in the Kanripo (Kyoto University) edition. An English interpretation of the 13 passages on this page accompanies it: select a passage or press “Interpretation” to show it. All texts in English

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Source textInterpretation

韓非子卷之五匪五    亡徵第十五 凡人主之國小而家大權輕而臣重者可亡 也簡法禁而務謀慮荒封内而恃交援者可 亡也羣臣爲學門子好辯商賈外積小民右 仗者可亡也好宫室臺榭陂池事車服器玩 好罷露百姓煎靡貨財者可亡也用時日事 鬼神信卜筮而好祭祀者可亡也聽以爵以 待叅驗用一人爲門户者可亡也官職可以 重求爵禄可以貨得者可亡也緩心而無成 柔茹而寡斷好惡無訣而無所定立者可亡 也饕貪而無饜近利而好得者可亡也喜淫 而不周於法好辯說而不求其用濫於文麗 而不顧其功者可亡也淺薄而易見漏泄而 無藏不能周密而通羣臣之語者可亡也很 剛而不和愎諫而好勝不顧社稷而輕爲自 信者可亡也恃交援而簡近隣怙强大之救 而侮所迫之國者可亡也羈旅僑士重帑在 外上間謀計下與民事者可亡也民信其相 下不能其上主愛信之而弗能廢者可亡也 境内之傑不事而求封外之士不以功伐課 試而好以名問舉錯羈旅起貴以陵故常者 可亡也輕其適正庶子稱𢖍太子未定而主 即世者可亡也大心而無悔國亂而自多不 料境内之資而易其隣敵者可亡也國小而 不處卑力少而不畏强無禮而侮大隣貪愎 而拙交者可亡也太子已置而聚於强敵以
Interpretation

In Chapter 15 "Signs of Demise" of the Han Feizi, the legalist philosopher enumerates various omens that may lead to a state's downfall. These warnings primarily target rulers' governance failures:

When a state is small yet its ministers' clans grow powerful, when the ruler's authority weakens while officials gain disproportionate influence—such a state is prone to collapse. Neglecting legal prohibitions while obsessing over political machinations, abandoning domestic governance while relying on external aid—these too invite destruction. If ministers indulge in empty academic debates, nobles delight in sophistry, merchants hoard goods for speculation, and commoners glorify martial prowess—all these are signs of impending ruin.

Rulers who exhaust their people's resources constructing lavish palaces and gardens, who obsess over carriages, garments, and curios; those who superstitiously fixate on auspicious dates, ghostly divinations, and ceremonial sacrifices; who appoint officials based solely on titles without examination, trusting only a few cronies—such behaviors court disaster. When official positions can be obtained through influence and noble ranks purchased with wealth—such regimes cannot endure.

Indecisive rulers who cannot distinguish right from wrong; insatiably greedy rulers obsessed with profit; those who prefer flowery rhetoric over practical results, who indulge in ornate literature while neglecting governance; whose shallow thoughts are easily discerned, who casually disclose state secrets, who interact with ministers without proper boundaries—these are all danger signals.

Obstinate rulers who reject counsel, who ignore national security while clinging to misguided confidence; those who depend on distant allies while slighting neighboring states, who bully weaker neighbors relying on powerful allies; who allow foreign residents to amass great wealth while letting them influence both court decisions and common affairs—such practices plant seeds of calamity.

When citizens trust the prime minister more than the ruler, and the ruler dotes on this minister without replacing him; when domestic talents go unused while foreign advisors are sought, when officials are promoted for empty reputations rather than merit, when outsiders hold high positions suppressing native veterans; when the heir apparent remains unconfirmed and the ruler suddenly dies—all these invite turmoil.

Arrogant rulers incapable of self-reflection, who feel complacent amid national chaos, who underestimate neighboring states without assessing their own strength; small states unwilling to accept subordinate status, weak nations provoking stronger ones, rudely insulting powerful neighbors, greedy yet diplomatically inept—these are roads to catastrophe. Establishing an heir apparent only to have him befriend powerful adversaries also invites crisis.

These warnings reveal—through dimensions of domestic governance, foreign relations, personnel selection, and legal administration—the severe consequences that may arise from misguided rulership.

爲后妻則太子危如是則羣臣易慮羣臣易 慮者可亡也怯懾而弱守蚤見而心柔懦知 有謂可斷而弗敢行者可亡也出君在外而 國更置質太子未反而君易子如是則國携 國携者可亡也挫辱大臣而狎其身刑戮小 民而逆其使懷怒思恥而專習則賊生賊生 者可亡也大臣兩重父兄衆强内黨外援以 争事勢者可亡也婢妾之言聽愛玩之智用 外内悲惋而數行不法者可亡也簡侮大臣 無禮父兄勞苦百姓殺戮不辜者可亡也好 以智矯法時以行雜公法禁變易號令數下 者可亡也無地固城郭惡無畜積財物寡無 守戰之備而輕攻伐者可亡也種類不壽主 數即世嬰兒爲君大臣專制樹羈旅以爲黨 數割地以待交者可亡也太子尊顯徒屬衆 强多大國之交而威勢蚤具者可亡也變褊 而心急輕疾而易動發心悁忿而不訾前後 者可亡也主多怒而好用兵簡本教而輕戰 攻者可亡也貴人相妬大臣隆盛外藉敵國 内困百姓以攻怨讎而人主弗誅者可亡也 君不肖而側室賢太子輕而庶子伉官吏弱 而人民傑如此則國躁國躁者可亡也藏怒 而弗發懸罪而弗誅使羣臣陰憎而愈憂懼 而久未可知者可亡也出軍命將大重邊地 任守太尊專制擅命徑爲而無所請者可亡 也后妻淫亂主母畜穢外内混通男女無别
Interpretation

This passage from Han Feizi enumerates various ominous signs that may lead to the downfall of a state. In modern terms, it warns that if a ruler exhibits the following behaviors, the country is in peril:

If a ruler favors his new consort to the point of destabilizing the crown prince’s position, his ministers will shift allegiances, and the state may collapse. A ruler who is weak-willed, knowing what must be done yet unable to act decisively, will also bring ruin. If the heir is arbitrarily replaced while the ruler is away, or if another son is installed before the crown prince’s return, causing internal division—these are all signs of impending doom.

Humiliating high-ranking ministers while keeping them close, or oppressing the common people while still exploiting their labor, breeds resentment that may erupt in rebellion. When two factions of powerful ministers vie for influence, or when aristocratic clans grow too strong, colluding internally and externally to seize power, the state is endangered. Heeding the slander of favored concubines, appointing sycophants to office, and persisting in unlawful acts despite widespread grievances—such a state is doomed.

Disrespecting ministers, mistreating relatives, overburdening the populace, and indiscriminately executing the innocent all lead to ruin. Arbitrarily altering laws, issuing edicts in the morning only to revoke them by evening, is another path to collapse. Launching wars without fortified cities, adequate supplies, or proper preparation guarantees defeat.

If a ruler dies young, leaving a child successor while powerful ministers monopolize authority, inviting outsiders to form factions, and repeatedly ceding territory to buy peace, the state is in jeopardy. A crown prince who amasses excessive power, allies with foreign states, and establishes dominance prematurely threatens the ruler’s authority.

A ruler prone to extreme moods, acting impulsively without regard for consequences, is dangerous. One who is quick to anger, delights in warfare, neglects agriculture and education, and wages reckless campaigns—such a state will not endure. When nobles scheme against one another, ministers grow overbearing, the state relies on hostile nations externally while oppressing its people internally, and the ruler fails to intervene—ruin follows.

If the ruler is incompetent while collateral relatives excel, the crown prince is weak while other sons rise in influence, officials are feeble while local strongmen proliferate—the state descends into chaos. A ruler who nurses grudges without acting, leaves crimes unpunished, and lets ministers’ silent resentment fester into terror—prolonged inaction will bring disaster.

When border generals wield excessive authority, regional governors hold undue prestige, and act autonomously without consulting the court—these are calamities. If the royal harem is licentious, the queen dowager lacks propriety, and internal and external affairs become entangled in disorderly mingling without rules—such a state will inevitably unravel.

These warnings emphasize that governance requires balancing competing forces, maintaining stable laws, and ensuring the ruler is authoritative without cruelty, decisive without tyranny. Any imbalance in these dynamics can trigger a chain reaction leading to the regime’s collapse.

是謂兩主兩主者可亡也后妻賤而婢妾貴 太子卑而庶子尊相室輕而典謁重如此則 内外乖内外乖者可亡也大臣甚貴偏黨衆 强壅塞主斷而重擅國者可亡也私門之官 用馬府之世(軍馬之府/立功者也)鄉曲之善舉官職之 勞廢貴私行而賤公功者可亡也公家虛而 大臣實正户貧而寄寓富耕戰之士困末作 之民利者可亡也見大利而不趨聞禍端而 不備淺薄於争守之事而務以仁義自飾者 可亡也不爲人主之孝而慕匹夫之孝不顧 社稷之利而聽主母之令女子用國刑餘用 事者可亡也辭辯而不法心智而無術主多 能而不以法度從事者可亡也親臣進而故 人退不肖用事而賢良伏無功貴而勞苦賤 如是則下怨下怨可亡也父兄大臣禄秩過 功章服侵等宫室供養大侈而人主弗禁則 臣心無窮臣心無窮者可亡也公壻公孫與 民同門暴慠其隣者可亡也亡徵者非曰必 亡也言其可亡也夫兩堯不能相王兩桀不 能相亡亡王之機必其治亂其强弱相踦者 也木之折也必通蠹墻之壞也必通隙然木 雖蠹無疾風不折墻雖隙無大雨不壞萬乘 之主有能服術行法以爲亡徵之君風雨者 其兼天下不難矣    三守第十六 人主有三守三守完則國安身榮三守不完 則國危身殆何謂三守人臣有議當途之失
Interpretation

This passage from Han Feizi enumerates various ominous signs that may lead to a state's downfall, along with three fundamental principles a ruler must uphold.

The text first lists multiple scenarios that could precipitate a nation's collapse: A state with dual centers of power is prone to destruction. When the primary consort is humbled while concubines are exalted, when the crown prince is marginalized while lesser sons dominate, when the prime minister is slighted while petty officials wield authority—such inversion of hierarchical order between inner and outer courts invites ruin. Similarly, destruction follows when ministers amass excessive power, form factions, deceive the sovereign, and monopolize decisions. Appointing personal retainers while neglecting military heroes, prioritizing private connections over public merit, also courts disaster. A treasury drained while ministers grow wealthy, registered citizens impoverished while transient residents prosper, farmers and soldiers suffering while merchants profit—all these foretell collapse. Failing to seize great advantages or prepare against calamities, neglecting military defense while empty moralizing flourishes, inevitably brings ruin. Subordinating state interests to maternal commands, empowering women and eunuchs—these too are omens of demise. Eloquence without legal restraint, cleverness without statecraft, a ruler multitalented yet lawless—each spells destruction. Favoring new courtiers while alienating seasoned ministers, elevating the incompetent while burying the worthy, honoring the idle while debasing the diligent—such practices breed popular resentment and downfall. When aristocratic stipends exceed merit, when robes breach rank, when palaces indulge in extravagance unchecked, when ministerial greed runs rampant—the state crumbles. Even noble houses oppressing commoners may trigger collapse.

Yet Han Feizi clarifies these are merely potential omens, not inevitabilities. Just as two Sage Kings (Yao) cannot rule each other, nor two Tyrants (Jie) destroy one another, the decisive factor lies in the relative balance of order versus chaos, strength versus weakness between states. Rot weakens wood; cracks undermine walls—yet without storm winds or torrential rain, worm-eaten timber and fissured masonry need not immediately collapse. The ruler of a mighty state commanding ten thousand chariots, if mastering statecraft and enforcing laws, could—like tempestuous weather—shatter those already displaying omens of ruin, making unification of All Under Heaven no difficult feat.

The passage concludes with three sovereign principles: First, prevent ministers from discerning the ruler's intentions; second, personally decide critical matters; third, monopolize the power to reward and punish. Upholding these ensures state stability and royal dignity; neglecting them invites peril and calamity upon the ruler.

用事之過舉臣之情人主不心藏而漏之近 習能人使人臣之欲有言者不敢不下適近 習能人之心而乃上以聞人主然則端言直 道之人不得見而忠直日䟽愛人不獨利也 待譽而後利之憎人不獨害也待非而後害 之然則人主無威而重在左右矣惡自治之 勞憚使羣臣輻輳之變因傳柄移藉使殺生 之機奪予之要在大臣如是者侵此謂三守 不完三守不完則劫殺之徵也凡劫有三有 明劫有事劫有刑劫人臣有大臣之尊外操 國要以資羣臣使外内之事非已不得行雖 有賢良逆者必有禍而順者必有福然則羣 臣莫敢忠主憂國以争社稷之利害人主雖 賢不能獨計而人臣有不敢忠主則國爲亡 國矣此謂國無臣國無臣者豈郎中虚而朝 臣少哉羣臣持禄養交行私道而不效公忠 此謂明劫鬻寵擅權矯外以勝内險言禍福 得失之形以阿主之好惡人主聽之卑身輕 國以資之事敗與主分其禍而功成則臣獨 專之諸用事之人壹心同辭以語其美則主 言惡者必不信矣此謂事劫至於守司囹圄 禁制刑罰人臣擅之此謂刑劫三守不完則 三劫者起三守完則三劫者止三劫止塞則 王矣    備内第十七 人主之患在於信人信人則制於人人臣之 於其君非有骨肉之親也縛於勢而不得不
Interpretation

Han Feizi's passage primarily addresses how rulers should guard against ministers monopolizing power.

The ruler's greatest vulnerability lies in excessive trust toward ministers. Once trust is granted, the ruler becomes controlled by them. Ministers share no blood ties with their sovereign—their obedience stems solely from coercion by authority. If a ruler fails to conceal true intentions within the heart but instead leaks them to favored courtiers, then ministers wishing to offer counsel dare not contradict these favorites' inclinations, becoming afraid to advise the ruler directly. Thus upright and outspoken individuals lose access to the ruler, while loyal and principled officials gradually become estranged.

A wise ruler never directly rewards those he favors, but waits until others praise them; nor does he immediately punish those he dislikes, but delays until others criticize them. Otherwise, the ruler's authority erodes as power flows to inner-circle attendants. When rulers detest the toil of personally handling governance and allow ministers to cluster around favorites like spokes around a hub, the reins of power shift. The authority over life and death falls into ministers' hands—this constitutes the "three safeguards being incomplete."

Power usurpation manifests in three forms: overt usurpation, administrative usurpation, and penal usurpation. When ministers appear honorable in rank yet actually control state affairs—with all internal and external matters requiring their approval—then virtuous officials who oppose them meet disaster while those who comply gain favor. Consequently, no minister dares remain loyal to the ruler or share the state's burdens. Even the wisest ruler cannot govern alone, leading the state to ruin.

"Overt usurpation" occurs when ministers flaunt the ruler's favor to monopolize power, using external pretexts to suppress internal dissent while manipulating the ruler's preferences through discourses on fortune and misfortune. Failed policies become shared blame with the ruler; successes become personal achievements. "Administrative usurpation" arises when powerholders unanimously offer flattery, making the ruler deaf to criticism. "Penal usurpation" manifests when ministers control prisons and punitive authority.

Where the three safeguards remain incomplete, these three usurpations emerge; perfecting these safeguards prevents such power seizures. Preventing these three usurpations enables a ruler to become a true king.

The sovereign's gravest peril lies in trusting others—for trust inevitably leads to control. Ministers feel no familial affection toward their ruler; their compliance stems purely from coerced submission to authority.

事也故爲人臣者窺覘其君心也無須臾之 休而人主怠慠處其上此世所以有劫君弑 主也爲人主而大信其子則姦臣得乘於子 以成其私故李兑傅趙王而餓主父爲人主 而大信其妻則姦臣得乘於妻以成其私故 優施傅麗姬殺申生而立奚齊夫以妻之近 與子之親而猶不可信則其餘無可信者矣 且萬乘之主千乘之君后妃夫人適子爲大 子者或有欲其君之蚤死者何以知其然夫 妻者非有骨肉之恩者愛則親不愛則疏語 曰其母好者其子抱然則其爲之反也其母 惡者其子釋丈夫年五十而好色未解也婦 人年三十而美色衰矣以衰美之婦人事好 色之丈夫則身見䟽賤而子疑不爲後此后 妃夫人之所以冀其君之死者也唯母爲后 而子爲主則令無不行禁無不止男女之樂 不減於先君而擅萬乘不疑此酖毒扼昧(扼/昧) (謂暗中/絞縊也)之所以用也故桃左春秋曰人主之 疾死者不能處半人主弗知則亂多資故曰 利君死者衆則人主危故王良愛馬越王勾 踐愛人爲戰與馳醫善吮人之傷含人之血 非骨肉之親也利所加也故輿人成輿則欲 人之富貴匠人成棺則欲人之夭死也非輿 人仁而匠人賊也人不貴則輿不售人不死 則棺不買情非憎人也利在人之死也故后 妃夫人太子之黨成而欲君之死也君不死
Interpretation

This passage from Han Feizi discusses the hidden dangers in the ruler-minister relationship. Ministers constantly try to discern the ruler's thoughts, while a ruler who becomes arrogant or negligent risks being controlled or even assassinated in a coup.

If a ruler excessively trusts his son, treacherous ministers will exploit the crown prince for personal gain. For instance, when Li Dui served King Huiwen of Zhao, he took the opportunity to starve King Wuling of Zhao to death. Similarly, if a ruler dotes excessively on his wife, corrupt officials will manipulate the queen for selfish ends—just as the courtier You Shi used Consort Li Ji to eliminate Crown Prince Shen Sheng and install Xi Qi as successor. If even one's closest wife and children cannot be fully trusted, how much less should others be relied upon?

The rulers of major states commanding ten thousand or a thousand chariots often face situations where their consorts and heirs secretly wish for their early demise. The marital bond lacks blood relation—favor brings closeness, while its loss creates distance. As the saying goes: "When the mother is favored, the child is embraced," and conversely, when the mother falls from favor, the child is neglected. Men remain lustful at fifty, while women's beauty fades by thirty. When an aging consort serves a still-lustful ruler, not only does she lose favor, but her child may also lose succession rights—this explains why consorts desire the ruler's death. Only by becoming queen dowager with her son enthroned can she monopolize power.

Thus, the Taozuo Chunqiu records: "Fewer than half of rulers die from illness." When rulers fail to understand this principle, chaos multiplies. Wang Liang's love for horses, Goujian's care for scholars, or doctors willing to suck poison from wounds—none stem from blood ties but from shared interests. Just as carriage-makers wish people prosperity while coffin-makers hope for deaths, this reflects not the former's kindness nor the latter's cruelty, but their respective profits. When consorts and crown princes form factions, they often begin longing for the ruler's death.

則勢不重情非憎君也利在君之死也故人 主不可以不加心於利已死者故日月暈圍 於外其賊在内備其所憎禍在所愛是故明 主不舉不叅之事不食非常之食遠聽而近 視以審外内之失省同異之言以知朋黨之 分偶叅伍之驗以責陳言之實執後以應前 按法以治衆衆端以叅觀(衆士之端皆/相叅而觀之)士無 幸賞無踰行殺必當罪不赦則姦邪無所容 其私矣徭役多則民苦民苦則權勢起權勢 起則復除重復除重則貴人富苦民以富貴 人起勢以藉(藉假/借也)人臣非天下長利也故曰 徭役少則民安民安則下無重權下無重權 則權勢滅權勢滅則德在上矣今夫水之勝 火亦明矣然而釜鬲間之水煎沸竭盡其上 而火得熾盛焚其下水失其所以勝者矣今 夫治之禁姦又明於此然守法之臣爲釜鬲 之行則法獨明於胸中而已失其所以禁姦 者矣上古之傳言春秋所記犯法爲逆以成 大姦者未嘗不從尊貴之臣也而法令之所 以備刑罰之所以誅常於卑賤是以其民絶 望無所告愬大臣比周蔽上爲一陰相善而 陽相惡以示無私相爲耳目以候主隙人主 掩蔽無道得聞有主名而無實臣專法而行 之周天子是也偏借其權勢則上下易位矣 此言人臣之不可借權勢也    南面第十八
Interpretation

This passage elucidates the principles by which a ruler should guard against ministerial usurpation and maintain sovereign authority.

A ruler must remain vigilant against those who stand to benefit from his demise. Just as the true threat during a solar or lunar eclipse often originates from within, a wise sovereign never acts on unverified information nor consumes unusual foods. He listens to distant reports while observing nearby conduct, comparing differing accounts to detect factional alliances. Through factual verification of ministers' words, governing the multitude by law, and comprehensive examination of various viewpoints, he maintains control.

The text observes: Excessive corvée labor exhausts the people, creating opportunities for powerful ministers to rise. These ministers win popular support by reducing taxes, trading the people's suffering for their own enrichment. Such officials who strengthen themselves through others' resources ultimately harm the state's longevity. Conversely, lightening labor duties pacifies the populace and weakens ministerial power, allowing virtuous governance (De) to rightfully return to the sovereign.

Using the metaphor of water and fire: While water can extinguish flames, when separated by a cauldron, the water boils away while the fire grows fiercer. Similarly, laws that should suppress corruption become ineffective when obstructed by ministers acting like that cauldron—leaving legal principles clear only in the ruler's mind while losing practical enforcement.

Historically, arch-traitors often emerge from among high-ranking ministers, yet legal punishments typically target the lowly. This breeds despair among commoners who find no recourse for grievances. Powerful ministers publicly attack each other to feign impartiality, while secretly forming factions and probing the ruler's weaknesses. When thus deceived, the sovereign—like the Zhou dynasty's puppet kings—retains nominal authority while real power passes to ministers. Once officials appropriate sovereign authority, the ruler-minister hierarchy becomes inverted. This starkly illustrates why a ruler must never permit ministers to borrow his power.

人主之過在已任在臣矣又必反與其所不 任者備之此其說必與其所任者爲讎而主 反制於其所不任者今所與備人者且曩之 所備也人主不能明法而以制大臣之威無 道得小臣之信矣人主釋法而以臣備臣則 相愛者比周而相譽相憎者朋黨而相非非 譽交争則主惑亂矣人臣者非名譽請謁無 以進取非背法專制無以爲威非假於忠信 無以不禁(僞爲忠信/然後不禁)三者惽主壞法之資也 人主使人臣雖有智能不得背法而專制雖 有賢行不得踰功而先勞雖有忠信不得釋 法而不禁此之謂明法人主有誘於事者有 壅於言者二者不可不察也人臣易言事者 少索資以事誣主主誘而不察因而多之則 是臣反以事制主也如是者謂之誘誘於事 者困於患其進言少其退費多雖有功其進 言不信不信者有罪事有功者必賞則羣臣 莫敢飾言以惽主主道者使人臣前言不復 於後後言不復於前事雖有功必伏其罪謂 之任下人臣爲主設事而恐其非也則先出 說設言曰議是事者妬事者也人主藏是言 不更聽羣臣羣臣畏是言不敢議事二勢者 用則忠臣不聽而譽臣獨任如是者謂之壅 於言壅於言者制於臣矣主道者使人臣必 有言之責又有不言之責言無端末辯無所 驗者此言之責也以不言避責持重位者此
Interpretation

The ruler's common failing lies in employing certain ministers while constantly suspecting those not appointed. This approach inevitably pits the disfavored against the favored, ultimately allowing the neglected to manipulate the ruler. The very methods used to guard against others today were the same means by which rulers were guarded against in the past. Unless the ruler establishes clear laws to restrain ministerial authority, he can never secure the loyalty of minor officials.

When a ruler abandons legal standards and uses ministers to check one another, those on good terms will form cliques and flatter each other, while those at odds will create factions and slander one another. With slander and praise locked in conflict, the ruler becomes mired in confusion. As for ministers, they cannot advance without trading on false reputations, cannot establish authority without overstepping the law, and cannot evade prohibitions without feigning loyalty—these three tactics are precisely the tools that delude rulers and undermine legal order.

The enlightened ruler must ensure that no minister, however talented, may violate the law to seize power; that none, however virtuous, may receive rewards without merit; and that none, however seemingly loyal, may escape legal consequences—this is the true meaning of "illuminating the law" (明法).

Rulers commonly fall into two traps: being blinded by concrete affairs or blocked by persuasive words. Some ministers deliberately downplay the requirements of a task when proposing it, only to exaggerate the difficulties once entrusted. If the ruler, deceived, fails to verify and keeps increasing resources, the minister ends up controlling him through the very task—this is called "being lured by affairs" (诱于事). Rulers caught in this trap often realize the danger only when disaster strikes, after the minister's initial ease has led to massive expenditures. Even if the task succeeds, the minister's prior assurances were unreliable and should be punished as deception. Yet if rewards are given solely for success, officials will compete to beguile the ruler with fine words.

The true art of governance holds ministers accountable for their words: if their claims diverge from the results, they must face consequences even for successful outcomes—this is "holding subordinates responsible" (任下). Other ministers, when advising the ruler, preempt dissent by declaring, "Anyone who criticizes this plan is envious." Once the ruler believes this, he stops listening to objections; meanwhile, officials fear being labeled and stay silent. These two dynamics combine to silence loyal ministers and empower sycophants—this is "being blocked by words" (壅于言). A ruler trapped this way is effectively controlled by his ministers.

The highest strategy demands accountability for both reckless speech and harmful silence: punish contradictory or unverifiable claims just as severely as the self-preserving silence of those who should speak but do not.

不言之責也人主使人臣言者必知其端以 責其實不言者必問其取舍以爲之責則人 臣莫敢妄言矣又不敢默然矣言默則皆有 責也人主欲爲事不通其端末而以明其欲 有爲之者其爲不得利必以害反知此者任 理去欲舉事有道計其入多其出少者可爲 也惑主不然計其入不計其出出雖倍其入 不知其害則是名得而實亡如是者功小而 害大矣凡功者其入多其出少乃可謂功今 大費無罪而少得爲功則人臣岀大費而成 小功小功成而主亦有害不知治者必曰無 變古毋易常變與不變聖人不聽正治而已 然則古之無變常之毋易在常古之可與不 可伊尹毋變殷大公毋變周則湯武不王矣 管仲毋易齊郭偃毋更晋則桓文不霸矣凡 人難變古者憚易民之安也夫不變古者襲 亂之迹適民心者恣姦之行也民愚而不知 亂上懦而不能更是治之失也人主者明能 知治嚴必行之故雖拂於民必立其治說在 商君之内外而鐵殳重盾而豫戒也故郭偃 之始治也文公有官卒管仲始治也桓公有 武車戒民之備也是以愚贛窳墯之民苦小 費而忘大利也故夤虎受阿謗而𨌑小變而 失長便故鄒賈非載旅狎習於亂而容於治 故鄭人不能歸    飾邪第十九 鑿龜數筴兆曰大吉而以攻燕者趙也鑿龜
Interpretation

This passage comes from Han Feizi·"Correcting Evils" and primarily discusses how rulers should govern their ministers and the principles of statecraft.

A ruler must employ proper methods when dealing with subordinates: when demanding reports from ministers, they must thoroughly understand the background of the matter to verify the truthfulness of their statements; for those who remain silent, the ruler should press them to clarify their stance. This ensures that ministers dare not speak recklessly nor stay completely silent, as both speech and silence carry responsibility.

When a ruler wishes to undertake an action, acting without fully grasping the situation often leads not to benefit but to harm. The truly wise approach is to follow reason and restrain personal desires. Every action must be weighed for its gains and losses—only when the benefit outweighs the cost is it worth pursuing. Foolish rulers, however, only calculate income while ignoring expenditure. Even if the cost is twice the gain, they remain oblivious to the harm, resulting in empty prestige while suffering real losses.

Regarding reform and tradition: if one rigidly clings to ancient laws without change, figures like Tang of Shang and Wu of Zhou could never have become kings, nor could Duke Huan of Qi or Duke Wen of Jin have achieved hegemony. The people's contentment with the status quo stems from ignorance, and if a ruler is too timid to enact reforms, they perpetuate misgovernment. A truly virtuous ruler must uphold correct governance principles even if it goes against popular sentiment.

Finally, historical examples illustrate the unreliability of divination: Zhao once received an "auspicious" omen before attacking Yan yet suffered defeat, proving that superstitious reliance on divination is a grave error in statecraft. All this underscores that governing a state requires pragmatism and rationality—not baseless omens.

數筴兆曰大吉而攻趙者燕也劇辛之事燕 無功而社稷危鄒衍之事燕無功而國道絶 趙代先得意於燕後得意於齊國亂節高自 以爲與秦提𢖍非趙龜神而燕龜欺也趙又 嘗鑿龜數筴而北伐燕將劫燕以逆秦兆曰 大吉始攻大梁而秦出上黨矣兵至釐而六 城拔矣至陽城秦拔鄴矣龐援揄兵而南則 鄣盡矣臣故曰趙龜雖無遠見於燕且宜近 見於秦秦以其大吉辟地有實救燕有名趙 以其大吉地削兵辱主不得意而死又非秦 龜神而趙龜欺也初時者魏數年東鄉攻盡 陶衛數年西鄉以失其國此非豐隆五行太 一王相攝提六神五括天河殷搶歲星非數 年在西也又非天缺弧逆刑星熒惑奎台非 數年在東也故曰龜筴鬼神不足舉勝左右 背鄉不足以專戰然而恃之愚莫大焉古者 先王盡力於親民加事於明法彼法明則忠 臣勸罰必則邪臣止忠勸邪止而地廣主尊 者秦是也羣臣朋黨比周以隱正道行私曲 而地削主卑者山東是也亂弱者亡人之性 也治强者王古之道也越王勾踐恃大明之 龜與吾戰而不勝身臣入宦于吴反國弃龜 明法親民以報吴則夫差爲擒故恃鬼神者 慢於法恃諸侯者危其國曹恃齊而不聽宋 齊攻荆而宋滅曹荆恃吴而不聽齊越伐吴 而齊滅荆許恃荆而不聽魏荆攻宋而魏滅
Interpretation

This passage uses historical examples to demonstrate the unreliability of divination in predicting fortune or misfortune, emphasizing that rule of law and caring for the people are the true foundations of governance.

When the State of Yan obtained highly auspicious divination results before attacking Zhao, its general Ju Xin returned from the campaign empty-handed. Even with the famed strategist Zou Yan assisting, Yan not only failed to achieve military success but ultimately declined. Similarly, when Zhao received favorable omens before its northern expedition against Yan, its forces had barely reached Daliang when Qin seized Shangdang; by the time Zhao troops arrived at Licheng, six cities had already fallen; when they advanced to Yangcheng, Ye was captured by Qin. These events prove that auspicious divination signs cannot be trusted.

The State of Wei once expanded eastward to occupy territories like Tao and Wey, only to lose lands when turning westward later—none of these outcomes were determined by celestial phenomena (such as the Fenglong constellation, Five Phases alignments, or the Taiyi star). Divination and astrological signs cannot decide war outcomes; relying on them is utter folly.

All wise rulers of antiquity focused on cultivating popular support and establishing clear laws. Qin prospered because its rigorous legal system rewarded loyal ministers while punishing corrupt officials, resulting in territorial expansion and royal prestige. In contrast, the six eastern states declined as their ministers formed self-serving factions and abandoned proper governance, leading to territorial losses and diminished royal authority. Disorder and weakness bring ruin; good governance and strength lead to kingship—this is an eternal truth.

King Goujian of Yue initially relied on divination when fighting Wu and suffered defeat, but after abandoning omens to reform laws and win popular support, he eventually captured King Fuchai of Wu. The states of Cao, Jing, and Xu all met destruction by depending on foreign powers. These cases demonstrate a universal principle: those who rely on spirits and gods neglect the rule of law, and those who depend on other states endanger their own. A truly powerful nation builds its strength through legal institutions and popular allegiance—not through divination or external aid.

許鄭恃魏而不聽韓魏攻荆而韓滅鄭今者 韓國小而恃大國主慢而聽秦魏恃齊荆爲 用而小國愈亡故恃人不足以廣壤而韓不 見也荆爲攻魏而加兵許鄢齊攻任扈而削 魏不足以存鄭而韓弗知也此皆不眀其法 禁以治其國恃外以滅其社稷者也臣故曰 明於治之數則國雖小富賞罰敬信民雖寡 强賞罰無度國雖大兵弱者地非其地民非 其民也無地無民堯舜不能以王三代不能 以强人主又以過予人臣又以徒取舍法律 而言先王明君之功者上任之以國臣故曰 是願古之功以古之賞賞今之人也主以是 過予而臣以此徒取矣主過予則臣偷幸臣 徒取則功不尊無功者受賞則財匱而民望 財匱而民望則民不盡力矣故用賞過者失 民用刑過者民不畏有賞不足以勸有刑不 足以禁則國雖大必危故曰小知不可使謀 事小忠不可使主法荆恭王與晋厲公戰於 鄢陵荆師敗恭王傷酣戰而司馬子反渴而 求飲其友堅穀陽奉巵酒而進之子反曰去 之此酒也堅穀陽曰非也子反受而飲之子 反爲人嗜酒甘之不能絶之於口醉而卧恭 王欲復戰而謀事使人召子反子反辭以心 疾恭王駕而往視之入幄中聞酒臭而還曰 今日之戰寡人目親傷所恃者司馬司馬又 如此是亡荆國之社稷而不恤吾衆也寡人
Interpretation

This passage elucidates principles of state governance through historical cases. The demise of small states like Han and Zheng—despite relying on the protection of major powers—demonstrates that dependence on external aid alone cannot truly strengthen a nation. The text points out that even small states can prosper through proper governance, with the key lying in clear rewards and punishments; if these are applied indiscriminately, even great states will decline.

The author cites the Battle of Yanling between King Gong of Chu and Duke Li of Jin as an example: when the Chu army suffered a crushing defeat, General Zifan’s negligence due to his fondness for wine prompted the king to lament, "This will be the ruin of my state!" This case illustrates that petty cleverness cannot strategize grand affairs, nor can minor loyalty uphold the law. The text emphasizes that excessive rewards deplete state resources, while excessive punishments render the people fearless. Once rewards and punishments lose their effect, even the mightiest state is doomed to peril.

The core argument is this: governing a state requires establishing sound legal systems, not over-reliance on other nations or blind imitation of antiquity. If a ruler mistakenly doles out rewards, ministers will seek them opportunistically; if the undeserving are rewarded, the people will lose their motivation to strive. A truly wise ruler should formulate laws based on present realities rather than idly praising the achievements of ancient sage-kings.

無與復戰矣罷師而去之斬子反以爲大戮 故曰堅穀陽之進酒也非以端惡(端故/也)子反 也實心以忠愛之而適足以殺之而已矣此 行小忠而賊大忠者也故曰小忠大忠之賊 也若使小忠主法則必將赦罪赦罪以相愛 是與下安矣然而妨害於治民者也當魏之 方明立辟從憲令行之時有功者必賞有罪 者必誅强匡天下威行四鄰及法慢妄予而 國日削矣當趙之方明國律從大軍之時人 衆兵强辟地齊燕及國律慢用者弱而國日 削矣當燕之方明奉法審官斷之時東縣齊 國南盡中山之地及奉法已亡官斷不用左 右交争論從其下則兵弱而地削國制於鄰 敵矣故曰明法者强慢法者弱强弱如是其 眀矣而世主弗爲國亡宜矣語曰家有常業 雖飢不餓國有常法雖危不亡夫舍常法而 從私意則臣下飾於智能臣下飾於智能則 法禁不立矣是妄意之道行治國之道廢也 治國之道去害法者則不惑於智能不矯於 名譽矣昔者舜使吏决鴻水先令有功而舜 殺之禹朝諸侯之君會稽之上防風之君後 至而禹斬之以此觀之先令者殺後令者斬 則古者先貴如令矣故鏡執清而無事美惡 從而比焉𢖍執正而無事輕重從而載焉夫 摇鏡則不得爲明摇𢖍則不得爲正法之謂 也故先王以道爲常以法爲本本治者名尊
Interpretation

This passage discusses the importance of the rule of law, illustrating through historical cases that strict legal discipline strengthens a nation, while indulgence in personal whims leads to its decline.

Several examples are cited: The Jin general Zifan was executed for neglecting his duties due to drunkenness, demonstrating that minor favors (petty loyalty) can undermine greater righteousness (true loyalty). The states of Wei, Zhao, and Yan all flourished temporarily when enforcing laws rigorously, but declined as legal standards became lax.

The author emphasizes: Just as a family with stable livelihood avoids hunger, a state with established laws avoids ruin. Abandoning codified laws to govern by personal preferences encourages cunning among ministers and renders legal prohibitions meaningless. Statecraft requires eliminating factors that interfere with law, undistracted by individual cleverness or empty reputation.

A metaphor concludes: Only a clean mirror reflects beauty and uglity accurately; only balanced scales measure weight correctly. So too must laws remain unwavering. Thus ancient sage-kings took the Dao (the Way) as their standard and law as their foundation—when the foundation is firm, honor naturally follows.

(Note: "Zifan" was a Chu general during the Spring and Autumn period; "Jian Guyang" was a Jin minister; "Lord of Fangfeng" refers to the tribal leader executed by Yu the Great for tardiness at a royal assembly)

本亂者名絶凡智能明通有以則行無以則 止故智能單道不可傳於人而道法萬全智 能多失夫懸𢖍而知平設規而知圓萬全之 道也明主使民飾於道之故故佚而則功釋 規而任巧釋法而任智惑亂之道也亂主使 民飾將智不知道之故故勞而無功釋法禁 而聽請謁羣臣賣官於上取賞於下是以利 在私家而威在羣臣故民無盡力事主之心 而務爲交於上民好上交則貨財上流而巧 說者用若是則有功者愈少姦臣愈進而材 臣退則主惑而不知所行民聚而不知所道 (道從/也)此廢法禁後功勞舉名譽聽請謁之失 也凡敗法之人必設詐託物以來親又好言 天下之所希有此暴君亂主之所以惑也人 臣賢佐之所以侵也故人臣稱伊尹管仲之 功則背法飾智有資稱比干子胥之忠而見 殺則疾强諫有辭夫上稱賢明下稱暴亂不 可以取類若是者禁君之立法以爲是也今 人臣多立其私智以法爲非者是邪以智(以/此) (思之則知凡官之情皆/欲過公法立私智也)過法立智如是也禁 主之道者禁主之道必明於公私之分明法 制去私恩夫令必行禁必止人主之公義也 必行其私信於朋友不可爲賞勸不可爲罰 沮人臣之私義也私義行則亂公義行則治 故公私有分人臣有私心有公義脩身潔白
Interpretation

This passage elucidates the fundamental principles of governance, with its core lying in distinguishing the boundary between "public" (gong) and "private" (si).

A truly enlightened ruler guides the people to act in accordance with the Dao (the fundamental law), achieving merit with apparent ease. But abandoning established rules in favor of petty cleverness, or discarding laws to rely solely on personal intellect, leads only to chaos. Foolish rulers encourage their subjects to flaunt their cunning while remaining ignorant of the root principles of the Dao, resulting in fruitless toil. When a ruler disregards laws and heeds personal appeals, ministers will privately sell offices and titles, diverting benefits to themselves and shifting authority into their hands. The people then cease to serve the ruler wholeheartedly, instead scrambling to curry favor with powerful officials. Wealth flows upward, smooth talkers rise to prominence, and those with genuine merit are sidelined.

Those who undermine the law often disguise themselves with eloquent words, boasting of rare virtues—precisely why tyrannical and foolish rulers are deceived, while worthy ministers suffer harm. If subjects praise only the achievements of Yi Yin and Guan Zhong while disregarding the law, or glorify the loyalty of Bi Gan and Wu Zixu while forcefully remonstrating against their sovereign, they blur the distinction between public and private. The ruler establishes laws to uphold justice, yet certain ministers use private cunning to negate them—this is the path of corruption.

True governance lies in clarifying the boundary between public and private: the ruler must enforce commands and prohibitions—this is "public righteousness" (gongyi). Ministers must not let personal friendships interfere with rewards and punishments—this is "private righteousness" (siyi). When private righteousness prevails, the state falls into disorder; when public righteousness prevails, the state is well-governed. Thus, the two must remain distinct—ministers may harbor private desires, but they must abide by public righteousness; individuals may cultivate their nature, but they must maintain integrity. The key is this: the ruler’s laws must be as impartial as a carpenter’s straightedge, showing no favor to the powerful; their enforcement must be as fair as a scale, oppressing neither the weak nor the poor. Only then can the clever not twist words, the bold not dare to contend, and governance remain untainted by private interests.

而行公行正居官無私人臣之公義也汙行 從欲安身利家人臣之私心也明主在上則 人臣去私心行公義亂主在上則人臣去公 義行私心故君臣異心君以計畜臣臣以計 事君君臣之交計也害身而利國臣弗爲也 富國而利臣君不行也臣之情害身無利君 之情害國無親君臣也者以計合者也至夫 臨難必死盡智竭力爲法爲之也故先王明 賞以勸之嚴刑以威之賞刑名則民盡死民 盡死則兵强主尊刑賞不察則民無功而求 得有罪而幸免則兵弱主卑故先王賢佐盡 力竭智故曰公私不可不明法禁不可不審 先王知之矣 韓非子卷
Interpretation

This passage discusses the proper principles governing the relationship between rulers and ministers, as well as the methods of governance employed by enlightened monarchs.

Officials should uphold impartiality and selflessness—this constitutes the fundamental duty of ministers. Indulging personal desires and seeking private gain reflects selfish motives in ministers. Under the rule of a wise sovereign, ministers will abandon selfishness and uphold public righteousness; under an incompetent ruler, ministers will discard righteousness and pursue personal profit.

The relationship between ruler and minister is essentially one of mutual calculation: the ruler employs strategies to control ministers, while ministers use tactics to serve the ruler. No minister would act against their own interests to benefit the state, just as no ruler would strengthen the nation in ways that primarily advantage their ministers. The inherent nature of ministers is to seek benefit and avoid harm, while the ruler's essential concern is safeguarding state interests. Their relationship is bound together through this calculus of mutual advantage.

As for ministers demonstrating utmost loyalty during crises or exhausting their efforts in service, such behavior stems entirely from legal constraints. Therefore, the ancient sage kings established clear rewards to motivate subjects and implemented severe punishments to deter misconduct. When rewards and punishments are properly administered, the people will exert themselves to the death; when the people serve with such devotion, the military grows powerful and the ruler's dignity is enhanced. Conversely, unclear distinctions in rewards and punishments lead to people obtaining benefits without labor and criminals escaping justice—resulting in military weakness and the ruler's diminished status.

Thus it is said: the boundary between public and private must be sharply defined, and legal prohibitions must be strictly enforced. The ancient sage kings and their capable ministers all understood this principle clearly, which is why they exhausted their efforts to uphold these fundamental rules.

之五

Source text: Kanripo 漢籍リポジトリ(KR5f0011); Licence: CC BY-SA 4.0 · Report an error / feedback

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