《抱朴子外篇》Vol. 47
About this page. The original text of 《抱朴子外篇》 Vol. 47 (Taiqing 太清部, 51 volumes) is shown in Classical Chinese as transmitted in the Kanripo (Kyoto University) edition. An English interpretation of the 5 passages on this page accompanies it: select a passage or press “Interpretation” to show it. All texts in English
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Source textInterpretation
Ge Hong (Daoist name Baopuzi) discusses the renowned scholar Guo Tai (courtesy name Linzong) of Taiyuan in his writings, recording a debate with Ji Kang. Ji Kang argued that Guo Linzong, who declined summons to serve as one of the Three Dukes, possessed vast learning, excelled in discerning character, and enjoyed illustrious fame in his time. His aspiration to rectify a chaotic world resembled that of Confucius, making him worthy of the title "sub-sage" (a virtuous scholar second only to the sages).
Ge Hong refuted this view: Judging whether someone possesses true wisdom often requires examining only their pivotal words and deeds. He believed the title "sub-sage" should not be lightly bestowed—a genuine sub-sage should embody both virtue (De) and talent like the Duke of Zhou or Confucius, being exceptionally rare across generations. Though Guo Linzong demonstrated outstanding erudition and perceptive insight, he still fell short of this standard.
Ge Hong analyzed the reasons for Guo Linzong’s fame: his eloquence, graceful demeanor, and skill in self-presentation, combined with the propaganda of his admirers, earned him an inflated reputation during turbulent times. People treated his casual compliments as more valuable than gold and regarded places he visited as blessed by auspicious signs. This was like beating a grand drum or hoisting the sun and moon—spectacular yet far from the true bearing of a recluse.
In reality, Guo Linzong was caught in contradictions: he desired official service but faced chaotic times; he considered reclusion but couldn’t endure solitude; he contemplated public service yet feared disaster; he settled for his current state while remaining discontent. The world saw only his surface glamour without probing the essence. Just as his famous "folded-corner headscarf" (damaged by rain) was blindly imitated by crowds who never questioned its suitability.
Ge Hong ultimately pointed out: Guo Linzong indeed possessed learning and discernment, yet he failed to avoid the burden of empty fame and lacked self-awareness. When urged to take office, he declined by saying, "By day I observe human affairs, by night I study celestial signs—what Heaven decrees to abolish, none can salvage." This attitude reflected his conflicted state of mind.
The current era aligns with the hexagram "Mingyi" (symbolizing obscured light), representing an inauspicious time for action. This is a period for withdrawing into seclusion and conserving one's radiance, not for pursuing worldly success. Even dwelling on level ground, one should fear the sudden deluge that might reduce them to fish and shrimp—how much more perilous to ride turbulent waves against fierce winds? Far better to retreat to mountain forests and nurture one's Shen (spirit), passing the years in leisurely contentment like Pengzu (the Daoist longevity immortal) and Laozi.
Examining the words of Guo Linzong (a renowned Eastern Han scholar), he clearly recognized the Han dynasty's irreversible decline—this was no reflection of his inadequacy. By principle, he should have emulated the ancients by secluding himself in Shangluo Mountains, boating across the Five Lakes, following the footsteps of the recluse Chaofu, or tracing the path of the Fisherman archetype. If complete withdrawal proved impossible, he ought to have dimmed his brilliance and concealed his tracks. Yet he dashed east and west without respite, imitating Confucius and Mozi in their relentless travels. Even when sages journeyed to alleviate worldly suffering, hermits criticized them—how much more so for Guo, whose talents were unremarkable?
Externally, he failed to stabilize the state or transform customs; internally, he produced no enduring texts or transmitted classics. Though famed and well-rewarded, he ultimately contributed nothing to governance and left no literary legacy. Observing his drift with the tides, he differed little from mediocrities. Without cause, he tossed in worldly currents, toiled through dust, and wearied himself among capital elites—his carriage restless, his steeds uneasy. While his reputation spread and visitors thronged his gate, this merely reflected a knight-errant's demeanor, wholly misaligned with reclusive ideals.
Such conduct would be inadvisable even in peaceful times, let alone this chaotic age. Does this not reveal ignorance of Heaven's timing and human affairs' rhythms, lacking self-awareness? Deviating from the serene path of Wuwei (non-action), he achieved nothing. Escaping calamity was fortune enough—yet he presumed to liken his "concern for the realm" to Confucius! This resembles a cripple chasing celestial steeds, a sparrow pursuing wild geese, a firefly rivaling sun and moon, or a field mouse aping elephants. Thus we say Guo Linzong was merely a crowd-pleasing showman.
This passage critiques the hypocrisy of false hermits who feign lofty detachment while secretly pursuing fame and wealth, using the Eastern Han scholar Guo Linzong (Guo Tai) as a case study.
Those without genuine learning adorn themselves with an appearance of serene wuwei (non-action), yet their hearts seethe with restlessness. Their words and deeds contradict each other—their mouths speak of reclusion while their minds crave glory and riches. Such people resemble matchmakers flaunting their wares, consciously imitating sages despite knowing better. Even with the wisdom to discern others' character, sage-kings like Yao and Shun found it difficult to achieve perfection in this regard, and Confucius himself struggled with it. If eyes bright as sun and moon can err from beginning to end in judgment, how much more prone to error are ordinary people with their limited vision?
Though Guo Linzong could identify unrecognized talents among commoners—discovering uncarved jade-like individuals—he never truly recommended loyal ministers to the state or stood firm in times of crisis. Contrast this with Bao Shuya recommending Guan Zhong or Yan Ying promoting Tian Rangju—these were genuine acts of serving the nation by elevating worthy men. While Guo's reputation filled the capital and earned him respect from powerful officials, his refusal to recommend capable individuals despite his discernment was like knowing fertile land lies fallow and straight timber stands unused, yet never plowing the fields or felling the trees. How could this possibly solve shortages of grain or housing?
Some may challenge: "Guo Linzong served as a model for his generation and left an enduring legacy. When countless great Confucians never criticized him, why risk posterity's ridicule by singling out his flaws?" The author responds: If my words hold truth, future generations will recognize their validity. Moreover, earlier worthies did criticize Guo—it was merely the emperor's excessive praise that overshadowed these critiques. Zhuge Ke (style name Yuanxun) once pointed out: "Guo Linzong's reclusion wasn't genuine, nor did his service benefit the people—he merely traded on his reputation."
This passage critiques the prevailing social trend of pursuing empty fame over substantive learning during the late Eastern Han dynasty. People idolized so-called "eminent scholars" who engaged in lofty discourse without practical accomplishments, much like how they had previously admired knights-errant such as Guo Xie and Yuan She. The younger generation blindly worshipped these figures' reputations without studying the canonical texts of sage-kings or examining the actual deeds of past worthies, chasing only superficial glory and competing to imitate their ways.
The text cites criticisms from several insightful individuals: Yin Boxu (styled Fujun), Governor of Lingling, pointed out that famous scholars like Guo Tai (styled Linzong) might move in influential circles—mingling with generals and ministers, traveling extensively—but they actually manipulated public opinion through private discussions and controlled reputations in court circles. They would excessively praise those they favored and harshly denigrate those they disliked, damaging scholars' reputations in the process. As a result, truly virtuous individuals could only retreat into seclusion. While noblemen should rectify rulers and reform customs through concrete actions, figures like Guo Tai merely engaged in "pure conversation" (qingtan), contributing nothing to rescuing society from decline or relieving the people's suffering.
Zhou Gongyuan (styled Shengyuan), a Palace Secretary, similarly criticized: "In times of good governance, they sing praises and call it 'delighting in the Dao'; in chaotic times when they claim to want salvation, they call it 'worrying about the Dao'; and when chaos becomes irredeemable and they flee, they call it 'preserving the Dao'." Someone like Guo Tai, facing the imminent collapse of the Han dynasty, should have united with like-minded individuals to support the state. Instead, he merely networked with the powerful and played the role of celebrity scholar—hardly the path to saving the world. At that time, even eunuchs controlled the court, yet senior ministers like Chen Fan and Dou Wu still valued Guo Tai's opinions, hoping his evaluations could remedy crises and transform customs—with precisely the opposite effect.
The author laments that Guo Tai neither recommended genuinely talented individuals nor shouldered official responsibilities. Yet contemporaries compared him to ancient recluses like Chao Fu and Xu You, even to the Duke of Zhou, Confucius, and his disciples. This mismatch between reputation and reality exacerbated social chaos. One might forgive Guo Tai if this were unintentional—but the implication is clear: it was deliberate.
This passage explores a profound question concerning wisdom and moral conduct. Ge Hong (Baopuzi) draws historical comparisons to illustrate how some individuals may superficially resemble ancient sages yet fail to attain their true spiritual heights.
The text observes that one cannot claim genuine wisdom while knowingly persisting in errors. It cites examples: the Four Lords of the Warring States (Mengchang, Pingyuan, Xinling, and Chunshen) appeared as virtuous as the Duke of Zhou (renowned Western Zhou statesman), yet accomplished none of his enduring achievements; the Eastern Han scholar Guo Tai (styled Linzong) seemed as virtuous as Confucius, but never attained Confucius' sagehood.
Hearing this analysis, a listener remarked: "Then these figures were merely ordinary men seeking refuge in turbulent times, not the transcendent recluses who rise above worldly concerns." The passage reveals the disparity between outward appearances and inner cultivation, emphasizing that true wisdom lies in the unity of knowledge and action.
Source text: Kanripo 漢籍リポジトリ(KR5f0021); Licence: CC BY-SA 4.0 · Report an error / feedback