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《弘道錄》Vol. 2

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Xu Daozang 續道藏 Vol. 2 / 41 6,096 characters

About this page. The original text of 《弘道錄》 Vol. 2 (Xu Daozang 續道藏, 41 volumes) is shown in Classical Chinese as transmitted in the Kanripo (Kyoto University) edition. An English interpretation of the 12 passages on this page accompanies it: select a passage or press “Interpretation” to show it. All texts in English

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弘道録經二  仁   君臣之仁 漢記孝文皇帝元年春詔曰方春時和草木 群生皆有以自樂而吾百姓鰥寡孤獨窮困 之人或阽扵危亡而莫之省憂爲民父母將 何如其議所以賑貸之  録曰以元年之詔繼月令者漢承秦後人  君之恩希闊寥落譬則天地閉塞而成冬  也讀是若枯者復生絶者復蘇此何等氣  象也益可以見生生之恩必無泯滅窮盡  其淵哉爲世慮乎 又曰老者非帛不煖非肉不飽今歲首不時 使人存問長老又無布帛酒肉之賜將何以 佐天下子孫孝養其親哉具爲令有司請令 縣道年八十以上賜米人月一石肉二十斤 酒五斗其九十以上又賜帛人二疋絮三斤  録曰老吾老以及人之老帝可謂能舉斯  心矣雖然西伯善養老非家賜而人益之  也導其妻子教之樹畜帝知賜民老而使  長吏閱視丞若尉與嗇夫令史二千石各  遣吏廵行不稱者督之嗚呼何不制五畆  之宅百畆之田而使長吏各屬分任其責  乎 十二月詔曰法者治之正也今犯法已論而 使無罪之父母妻子同産坐之及爲收拏朕 甚不取其除收孥相坐律令  録曰孟子之稱文王必曰罪人不孥帝雖  未能究竟擴充然而漢之元氣勃勃然矣  賈山所以謂山東布詔令民雖老嬴癃疾  扶杖而徃聽之願少須臾毋死思見德化  之成者如此
Interpretation

The Benevolence of Ruler and Minister

The Han Records recounts that in the spring of the first year of Emperor Wen’s reign, he issued an edict: “Now spring is warm, plants and trees are growing, and all things can enjoy their own lives. Yet among my people there are widowers, widows, orphans, elderly people living alone, and the poor with no one to rely on. Some are on the verge of ruin, yet no one cares for them or worries about their plight. As the parent of the people, what should I do? I ask you all to discuss ways to provide them with relief and loans.”

The Hongdao lu comments: “Set this edict from the first year of Emperor Wen’s reign alongside the Monthly Ordinances—an ancient text recording the seasonal affairs and government measures for each month—and we can see that after the Han succeeded the Qin, rulers offered little kindness and kept their distance, as if Heaven and Earth had shut away and all things had entered the depths of winter. Reading this edict, however, is like seeing withered life grow again and severed vitality restored. What a stirring sight! It shows all the more clearly that the virtue that nourishes all things is never wholly extinguished. How deep its source must be! Surely this is what those who worry about the state of the world have been hoping for.”

Emperor Wen also said: “The elderly cannot keep warm without silk garments, and cannot eat their fill without meat. At the beginning of this year, I failed to send people in time to offer greetings to the elderly or to give them cloth, silk, wine, and meat. How can this help the sons and daughters of the realm honor and support their parents? Let the arrangements now be set out in detail. Order every county and dao to provide each person over eighty with one shi of rice, twenty jin of meat, and five dou of wine each month. Those over ninety are to receive, in addition, two bolts of silk and three jin of floss.”

The Hongdao lu comments: “To cherish the elderly in one’s own family and extend that care to the elderly in other families”—Emperor Wen may be said to have understood how to extend this concern to everyone. Yet when the Earl of the West, King Wen of Zhou, cared for the elderly, he did not distribute gifts door to door. Instead, he enabled the people to support and care for one another. Emperor Wen knew to give material aid to elderly people among the populace, but he also had officials inspect them one by one: assistant magistrates, commandants, local officers, clerks, and governors were all to send people to check on them, and those who did their jobs poorly were to be reprimanded. Alas, why not require every household to have five mu of land for a dwelling and one hundred mu of farmland, then assign officials at each level to oversee the work and take responsibility for it?”

In the twelfth month, Emperor Wen issued an edict: “The law is the standard by which the state is governed. At present, when someone breaks the law and is tried and convicted, that person’s innocent parents, wife, children, and siblings are also made to suffer. They are arrested and imprisoned. I consider this practice highly improper. From now on, abolish the laws that enslave offenders’ family members and punish relatives through collective liability.”

The Hongdao lu comments: “When Mencius praised King Wen of Zhou, he singled out the fact that ‘he did not punish the criminal’s family’—that is, he did not make the offender’s family bear the consequences. Though Emperor Wen did not manage to extend this benevolent government fully, the Han had already begun to flourish with new life. Jia Shan said that when Emperor Wen’s edicts reached the lands east of the mountains, the people, even when old, frail, and sick, leaned on their staffs and went to hear them read aloud. They hoped to live just a little longer, so they could see with their own eyes the effects of virtuous rule and moral instruction. That is precisely the kind of scene being described.”

二年秋九月詔曰農天下之大本也民之所 恃以生也而民或不務本而事末故生不遂 朕憂其然故今兹親率群臣耕以勸之其賜 天下今年田租之半  録曰此帝用賈誼之言也夫誼通達國體  者也豈不知背本趨求之故歟任民所耕  不限多寡遂致豪右兼並貧民逐末此探  本之論也末技遊食之民非不欲歸耕也  無立錐之地則何所措乎足耶有國者可  不務變通乎誼嘗勸立漢制更秦法言而  無益故就帝之所及語之而帝愛民之性  出扵天也其親耕以率天下而賜民田租  之半豈非千古之美談歟然不知自識者  觀之祗以爲豪右勸耳而小民亦不過爲  有力者所使非三代勸農之道也 十二年春詔曰道民之路在扵務本朕親率 天下農十年于今而野不加辟歲一不登民 有饑色是從事焉尚寡而吏未加務也吾詔 書數下歲勸民種樹而功未興是吏奉吾詔 不勤而勸民不明也且吾農民甚苦而吏莫 之省憂將何以勸焉其賜農民今年田租之 半  録曰此帝用晁錯之言也夫錯刻薄寡恩  之人也猶能知務家貴粟之道其募民入  可支一歲遂再賜民田租之半後世募民  入粟頻歲但行未能若是何也盡文帝之  募民以爲恨也後世之募民以爲已也彼  以無窮之財供有陰之用而此以有限之  財恣無窮之用此其所以異也
Interpretation

In the autumn of the second year, in the ninth month, the emperor issued an edict: “Agriculture is the foundation of all under Heaven and the means by which the people sustain their lives. Yet some among the people do not devote themselves to this foundation, but instead pursue secondary occupations, and so cannot live in stability. I am concerned about this, and therefore this year I have personally led the officials in plowing the fields, to encourage the people. I hereby grant all the people half of this year’s land tax.”

The Hongdao lu comments: This was Emperor Wen’s adoption of Jia Yi’s advice. Jia Yi understood the foundations of governing the state; could he really have failed to understand why the people turned away from agriculture and pursued secondary occupations? If the people were left to farm as they wished, regardless of how much land there was, the powerful would eventually swallow up the land, while the poor would have no choice but to leave it and pursue secondary occupations. This way of speaking gets to the root of the problem. Those who take up secondary occupations and make their living by wandering may well wish to return to their villages and farm. But when they do not even have a patch of land to stand on, where can they settle? Should those who govern the state not seek ways to address this?

Jia Yi once proposed establishing institutions for the Han dynasty and reforming the old laws of Qin, but his proposals were not put into practice. He therefore offered advice on matters within Emperor Wen’s power to address. The emperor’s natural disposition to care for the people came from within: he personally plowed the fields to set an example for all under Heaven, and reduced the people’s land tax by half. Is this not a fine example for the ages? Yet from the perspective of those with insight, these measures merely encouraged the powerful. The common people, meanwhile, were simply put to work by those in power; this did not accord with the methods of encouraging agriculture used by the Three Dynasties.

In the spring of the twelfth year, the emperor issued an edict: “The way to guide the people is to devote oneself to agriculture, the foundation. I have personally led the people of all under Heaven in farming, and ten years have now passed, yet no more fields have been brought under cultivation, and not one year has brought a good harvest. The people’s faces show the signs of hunger. This means that too few people are engaged in agriculture, and officials have not been more diligent in their duties. I have repeatedly issued edicts encouraging the people to plant trees each year, yet the results remain limited. This is because officials have not diligently carried out my edicts, nor clearly explained the principles of encouraging agriculture to the people. Moreover, farmers work extremely hard, yet officials neither understand nor care about their hardships. How, then, can the people be encouraged? I hereby grant farmers half of this year’s land tax.”

The Hongdao lu comments: This was Emperor Wen’s adoption of Chao Cuo’s advice. Chao Cuo was harsh and lacking in kindness, yet he understood the principle of having the people farm and placing importance on grain. He recruited people to deliver grain, and the amount collected was enough to meet the needs of a year. He then reduced the people’s land tax by half. Later generations, too, often recruited people to deliver grain, but never granted benefits to the people in this way. Why? When Emperor Wen recruited people to deliver grain, he regretted that he had not managed to do more for them. Later generations recruited people to deliver grain for their own benefit. Emperor Wen used limited money and grain, drawn from the people, to meet public needs; later generations used limited resources to indulge boundless private desires. This is the difference between them.

十三年六月詔曰農天下之本務莫大焉今 塵身從事之賦是謂本末者無以 異也其扵觀農之道未憊其除田之租稅賜 天下孤寡布帛䋈各有數  録曰自是年爲始不收民租者十有餘歲  豈非千古之罕傳歟益上窮脩玄默而將  相少文多質是以史安其官民樂其業畜  積歲增戶口寝息然則帝之富庶皆自已  損之扵民無所益也夫豪強占田踰多筭  收本半官除田租不賦而私家必取贏焉  雖堯舜不能有所益也故君恩重扵三代  而民間酷扵亡秦皆當時君臣不能深本  而祇以資富強也可惜哉 十六年春三月詔曰間者數年比不登又月 水旱疾疫之災朕甚優之愚而不明不逹其 咎意者朕之政有所失而行有過與乃天道 有不順地得或不得人事多失和鬼神發不 饗與何以致此將百官之奉餋或發無用之 事或多與何其民食之寡之也夫度田非益 寡而計民未加益以口量地其扵古猶有餘 事扵末以害農者蕃爲酒醪以磨榖者多六 畜之食焉者農與細大之意吾未能得其中 其與丞相列侯吏二千石愽士議之有可以 佐百姓者率意遠無有所隱也  録曰文帝之爲民無以加諸也何以曰愚  而未明乎夫相人君所以備顧問指迷觧  感也有如張蒼者水土之不辨何以責其  率意遠思哉夫一言以蔽之曰不患寡而
Interpretation

In the sixth month of the thirteenth year, the emperor issued an edict: “Agriculture is the foundation of the realm, and no undertaking is more important. The people now labor to till the fields, yet must pay taxes. This is like treating root and branch as though they were no different. How can such a practice accord with the principle of honoring agriculture? I now remit the land rent and grant silk and floss to orphans and widows throughout the realm, in fixed amounts.”

The Hongdao lu comments: From this year onward, the court collected no land rent from the people for more than ten years. Is this not a rare occurrence in all history? The emperor above cultivated the Dao of stillness and mysterious silence, while the ministers and generals who assisted him embraced simplicity and set aside ostentation. As a result, officials were content in their duties, the people took pleasure in their livelihoods, stores of wealth grew year by year, and households gradually became settled. In this light, the emperor’s prosperity came entirely from reducing his own income and letting the people share in the benefits, not from extracting more from them.

Powerful families often seized more land than the prescribed limits and kept half the rent they collected. The court remitted land rent but levied no taxes, yet the estates of the powerful still demanded a surplus from their tenants. Even Yao and Shun could not have found a way to benefit the people under these conditions. Thus, although the ruler’s bounty surpassed that of the Xia, Shang, and Zhou dynasties, the people lived in greater hardship than they had at the fall of Qin. This was because the ruler and his ministers at the time failed to investigate the root of the problem, and cared only to benefit the rich and powerful. How regrettable!

In the spring of the sixteenth year, in the third month, the emperor issued an edict: “For several years in succession, harvests have been poor, and calamities such as floods, droughts, and epidemics have also afflicted us. I am deeply troubled by this. I am ignorant and lack understanding, and do not know the causes of these disasters. Could my government orders have been misguided, or my conduct at fault? Or might the workings of Heaven be out of order and the Earth’s Qi in disharmony? Or perhaps human affairs have fallen into disorder, causing the spirits to refuse the offerings made to them? What, then, has brought these calamities upon us?

“Perhaps the stipends and support provided to officials are too generous; perhaps we have undertaken useless projects, or given too many rewards. Why, then, is so little grain available for the people to eat? The measured area of farmland has not diminished, and the recorded population has not increased. By the ancient system of allocating land according to population, there should still be land to spare. As for activities outside agriculture that interfere with farming, such as brewing, which consumes grain, and raising the six domestic animals—horses, cattle, sheep, chickens, dogs, and pigs—which also uses up grain, there are many such cases. I have not yet settled on how to address these problems. I ask the chancellor, marquises, senior officials with stipends of two thousand shi, and the Erudites responsible for the classics and policy deliberations to discuss the matter together. Whatever measures may benefit the people, please speak frankly and hold nothing back.”

The Hongdao lu comments: Emperor Wen had already done all he could for the people. Why, then, did he still call himself ignorant and lacking in understanding? A ruler appoints chief ministers so they can answer questions, offer guidance, and resolve doubts. But if a man like Zhang Cang did not even understand the principles of water and soil, how could one expect him to think deeply and speak frankly with far-reaching insight? In a word: “Not worrying about the people…” The original text breaks off here; what follows is not recorded.

 患不均苟有均民之心以度田則給以計  口則益何患古有餘而今不足哉徒知反  躬而不知所以及徒苜過咎而不知所以  過徒與丞相列侯吏二千石愽士議而不  知所以議孟子不云乎若夫澗澤之則在  君與子謮是而後下詔必有達其咎者 孝景皇帝元年五月復收民田租三十而稅 一  録曰責文帝者春秋之義也録景帝者善  善之心也景之扵文不自慊矣而三年無  改扵父之道不可謂孝乎東漢光武六年  年之制也文景之澤其長矣乎 後二年夏四月詔曰雕文刻鏤傷農事者也 錦繍纂組害女紅者也農事傷則飢之本也 女紅害則寒之源也夫飢寒并至而能亡爲 非者寡矣朕親耕后親桑以奉宗廟樂盛祭 服爲天下先不受獻減大官省繇賦欲天下 務農𠓙素有畜積以備灾害疆母攘弱衆母 恭寡老者以壽終幼孤得遂長今歲或不登 民食頗寡其咎安在或詐僞爲吏吏以貨賂 爲市漁奪百姓侵牟萬民縣丞長吏也奸法 與盗盗甚無謂也其令二千石各脩其職  録曰以文景之時而乃有詐僞之吏貨賂  漁奪無以異扵爲盗者何不責之輔相而  獨令二千石各脩其職乎蓋自簫曹畫一  之後陳平問錢穀不對反加稱善丙吉不  問道傍死人以爲知體王陵一以正對則  謝罷之亞夫奉帝如約則又罷之而陶青
Interpretation

The concern was that taxes were being levied unfairly. If there was a sincere intention to distribute the people’s burdens fairly, the amounts could be calculated by acreage and then apportioned by population, giving supplies a sound basis. As the population grew, supplies would grow accordingly. Why worry that there had been a surplus in ancient times but not enough now? It is not enough merely to reflect on one’s own conduct without knowing how to benefit the people; nor is it enough simply to pursue wrongdoing without knowing how to prevent it. And it is not enough merely to have the Chancellor, the marquises, officials of the 2,000-bushel rank, and the Erudites deliberate, without knowing what they should discuss. Did the Mengzi not say that the management of mountain streams, lakes, and marshes was the responsibility of the ruler and his ministers? Only after these principles have been clearly explained should an edict be issued; then people will understand where the fault lies.

In the fifth month of the first year of Emperor Xiaojing’s reign, the levy on the people’s land tax was once again set at one part in thirty.

The Record comments: According to the principles of the Chunqiu, Emperor Wendi ought to be criticized. The account of Emperor Jingdi’s actions, however, is meant to praise his good conduct. Although Jingdi felt that something was lacking in the policies Wendi had left behind, he did not change his father’s policies for three years; this, too, may be called filial piety. Emperor Guangwu of the Eastern Han once set a six-year term for a system of this kind. Could the benefits left by Wendi and Jingdi really have endured for long?

In the summer of the second year, in the fourth month, the emperor issued an edict: “Carving decorations and making fine objects hinder agricultural production; weaving brocade and embroidery, and braiding silk ribbons, hinder women’s work at the loom. Harm to agriculture is the source of famine; hindrance to women’s work is the source of exposure to cold. When hunger and cold strike together, few people can avoid doing wrong. I personally plow the fields, and the empress personally gathers mulberry leaves and raises silkworms, to provide offerings for the ancestral temples. I wear the ritual robes and preside over the grand sacrifices, setting an example for all under Heaven. I decline offerings, reduce the cost of food in the palace, and lighten labor services and taxes, hoping that people throughout the realm will devote themselves to farming, value simplicity, and store grain against disasters. I wish the strong not to oppress the weak, the many not to bully the few, the elderly to enjoy their later years in peace, and orphans and young children to grow to adulthood. Yet in some regions the harvest has been poor, and the people are seriously short of food. Where does this fault lie? Some officials deceive and falsify, treating bribes of goods as transactions, plundering the people and harming the community. Local officials such as county magistrates and assistant magistrates break the law for private gain, acting worse than bandits. I order officials of the 2,000-bushel rank each to put their own duties in order.”

The Record comments: Even during the reigns of Wendi and Jingdi, there were officials who deceived and falsified, took bribes, and plundered the people; they were no different from bandits. Why not criticize the senior ministers who assisted the ruler, instead of merely ordering officials of the 2,000-bushel rank to put their own duties in order? Perhaps ever since Xiao He and Cao Shen established uniform regulations, Chen Ping was praised for being unable to answer questions about money and grain; Bing Ji was considered to understand priorities because he did not ask about a dead man by the roadside; Wang Ling was dismissed for insisting on candid remonstrance; and Zhou Yafu was removed from office for keeping to an agreement. As for Tao Qing…

Here, “2,000 bushels” refers to a Han-dynasty official rank defined by its stipend and is often used generally for senior local officials; “Xiao and Cao” refers to Xiao He and Cao Shen.

 劉舍衛綰皆碌碌庸人何以責其裁成輔  相以左右民哉故終漢之世無一相業可  稱爲君者恣己之所施如摘植冥行亦安  敢望其縣丞長吏之皆得其人哉 三年春正月詔曰農天下之本也黄金珠玉 饑不可食寒不可衣以爲幣用不識其終始 間歲或不登意爲末者衆農民寡也其令郡 國務勸農桑益種樹可得衣食物吏發民若 取庸采黄金珠玉者坐𧷢爲盗  録曰景帝不作雕文刻鏤錦繡纂組及禁  採黄金珠玉與文帝之敦朴無以異也二  帝之所以致殷富之本正在扵此夫弛于  民者有限而費于上者無窮苟弛其一而  用其二雖有弛之之名其獘正如景帝之  所戒者故必有坐𧷢爲盗之令而後有帶  牛佩犢之風爲人上者不可以不察也 漢書食貨志漢興自天子不得具鈞駟而將 相或乘牛車齊民無盖藏天下已平高祖令 賈人不得衣絲乘車孝惠高后時量吏禄度 官用以賦扵民而山川園地市井租稅之入 自天子以至扵封君湯沐邑皆各爲私奉養 焉不領扵天下之經費漕轉山東粟以給中 都官歲不過數十萬石繼以孝文孝景清淨 恭儉安養天下七十餘年之間國家無事非 遇水旱之灾民則人給家足都鄙廪庾皆滿 而府庫餘貨財京師之錢累巨萬貫朽而不 可校太倉之粟陳陳相因充溢露積扵外至
Interpretation

Liu She and Wei Wan were both mediocre men. How could anyone expect them to judge affairs of state, assist the ruler, and govern the people? Thus, even by the end of the Han dynasty, not a single prime minister had left behind achievements worthy of praise. A ruler who acts solely according to his own wishes is like someone picking and planting at random in the dark. How could he be expected to choose suitable county officials and administrators at every level?

In the first month of spring, in the third year of Emperor Jing’s reign, the emperor issued an edict: “Agriculture is the foundation of the realm. Gold, pearls, and jade cannot be eaten when one is hungry or worn when one is cold. They serve only as currency, yet people do not understand where they come from or where they ultimately go. When several years bring poor harvests, we find that many people value occupations at the margins—those outside agriculture—while few engage in farming. The commanderies and feudal states should be ordered to urge the people to farm and raise silkworms diligently, and to plant many trees. Only then can they obtain clothing and food. If officials requisition the people, or hire them to mine gold, pearls, or jade, they should be punished as embezzlers and thieves.”

The Record comments: Emperor Jing neither promoted luxuries such as carved and engraved objects or brocades and embroidered silks, nor allowed the mining of gold, pearls, and jade. In this he was no different from Emperor Wen in his simple and honest ways. This was the fundamental reason the two emperors were able to make the country prosperous. There are limits to how much the people’s burdens can be reduced, but a ruler’s spending has no end. If only some burdens are lightened, while the money saved is spent elsewhere, the burden may be reduced in name, but the resulting harm is precisely what Emperor Jing warned against. A law must therefore be promulgated that treats embezzlement as theft. Only then will a time of prosperity arrive, when oxen wear yokes and calves follow alongside them. Those in high positions must understand this clearly.

The Treatise on Food and Money in the Book of Han records: When the Han dynasty was founded, even the Son of Heaven could not gather four horses of the same color to draw his carriage, and ministers and generals sometimes rode in ox carts. Ordinary people had no savings. After the realm was pacified, Gaozu ordered that merchants could neither wear silk nor ride in carriages. During the reigns of Emperor Xiaohui and Empress Lü, the court assessed officials’ salaries and government expenses, then levied taxes from the people. Revenue from mountains and rivers, gardens and fields, and marketplaces was used by each recipient—from the Son of Heaven to the enfeoffed lords—to support himself; it was not counted as public revenue. Each year, the court transported grain from east of the Xiao Mountains to supply the capital’s government offices, but the amount was no more than several hundred thousand shi.

Later, Emperors Xiaowen and Xiaojing governed with calm restraint and frugality, allowing the realm to prosper in peace. For more than seventy years, the country saw no military conflict. Except when floods or droughts struck, everyone had grain and every household was prosperous. The granaries inside and outside the capital were full, and the treasuries had surplus goods. Coins piled up like mountains in the capital; their strings rotted before they could be counted. Grain accumulated year after year in the Grand Granary, with new grain added atop the old. Once the storehouses were full, grain was even kept outdoors, until…

腐敗不可食衆庶街巷有馬而阡陌之間成 群乘犢牝者𢷤而不可聚會守閭閻者食梁 肉爲吏者長子孫居官者以爲姓號故人人  也雖然有高明光大之董子無以易好大  喜功之世宗而少年才美之賈生安能勝  多質少文之絳灌乎此伊周遇主湯文共  濟咸有一德之難再也 西漢循吏傳景帝時文翁爲蜀郡太守仁愛 好教化蜀地辟陋有蠻夷風文翁欲誘進之 乃選郡縣小吏開敏有材者張叔等千餘人 親自飭厲遣詣京師受業愽士數歲蜀生皆 成就還歸文翁以爲右職用次察舉官有至 郡守刺史者又脩起學官扵成都市中招下 縣子弟以爲子弟爲除更繇高者以補郡縣 吏爲孝弟力田常選學官僮子使在便坐受 事每出行縣益從學官諸生明經𩛙行者與 倪使傳教令出入閨閤縣邑吏民見而榮之 數年爭欲爲學官弟子富人至出錢以求之 繇是大化比齊魯焉至武帝時乃令天下郡 國皆立學校官自文翁爲之始後終扵蜀吏 民爲立祠堂歲時祭祀不絶至今巴蜀好文 雅文翁之化也  録曰翁之力行有由然哉有由然哉夫謹  庠序之教申之以孝悌之義乃王政之本  也文景之鴻業惜乎獨少此耳天廼篤生  此翁雖不當路扵漢繼世因之郡國皆立  學官以至于今不但爲王者師亦可爲後  世法矣立祠而祀之非偶然也
Interpretation

Corruption had reached the point where it was impossible to stomach. Horses were everywhere in the streets and lanes and along country paths. Crowds of people rode calves and cows, gathering in groups that were hard to control. Those who guarded the gates of the neighborhoods ate fine millet and meat. Officials’ families flourished, and some who held office even made their official titles their family names or personal names. In this way, everyone came to be like this.

Even so, though Dong Zhongshu, the Western Han scholar renowned for his learning and insight, possessed outstanding and far-reaching talent and virtue, he could not change the spirit of an age in which Emperor Wu of Han gloried in grand achievements. And how could Jia Yi, a gifted young statesman and writer of the Western Han, outshine the seasoned but less eloquent Marquis of Jiang, Zhou Bo, and Guan Ying? The circumstances in which Yi Yin and the Duke of Zhou served wise rulers, and Shang Tang and King Wen of Zhou joined them in accomplishing great things—with ruler and ministers united in purpose, each embodying a distinct virtue—are truly difficult to recreate.

The Biographies of Exemplary Officials of the Western Han records that, during the reign of Emperor Jing of Han, Weng Weng served as governor of Shu Commandery. He was compassionate toward the people and placed great importance on education. At the time, Shu was remote and underdeveloped, with customs associated with the non-Han peoples. Hoping to guide the local people toward progress, Weng Weng selected more than a thousand bright and capable junior officials from the commandery and its counties, including Zhang Shu. He personally instructed and encouraged them, then sent them to the capital to study under the Erudites.

Several years later, the students from Shu had completed their studies and returned home. Weng Weng appointed them to important posts, then assessed and recommended them for office in order of merit. Some later became commandery governors or provincial inspectors. He also built a government school in Chengdu, enrolled the sons of families from the lower counties, and exempted them from labor service. Students with outstanding results could be appointed as junior officials in the commandery or counties. Those who were filial and diligent in farming were recommended for the honorary title “Filial and Fraternal, Diligent in the Fields,” awarded for filial devotion, respect for elder siblings, and hard work in agriculture.

Weng Weng often selected young students from the school to wait on his instructions in a more informal audience chamber. Whenever he toured the counties, he took still more students with him. Students who knew the classics and conducted themselves properly were given carriages, horses, and lodging along the way, and were entrusted with conveying official orders. County officials and local people who saw the students treated with such honor considered it a great distinction. After several years, people vied to become students at the government school, and even wealthy families paid to secure an education for their sons. Education and moral influence flourished in the region, whose customs came to rival those of Qi and Lu.

During the reign of Emperor Wu of Han, the court ordered every commandery and kingdom throughout the empire to establish schools. This practice began with Weng Weng. After his death, the officials and people of Shu built a shrine in his honor and made annual offerings there without interruption. To this day, the people of Ba and Shu cherish literature and esteem refinement and uprightness; these are lasting effects of Weng Weng’s instruction.

The Record says: “There were reasons Weng Weng could devote himself so fully to education—there were reasons indeed! Valuing schools and then teaching the people to be filial to their parents and respectful toward their elder siblings are fundamental to governing a state. It is a pity that, among the great achievements of Emperors Wen and Jing of Han, this was the one area in which they fell short. Heaven deliberately brought a person like Weng Weng into the world. Though he held no high office under the Han, later generations carried on his methods, establishing government schools in every commandery and kingdom, and their influence endures to this day. Weng Weng was worthy not only to serve as a teacher to rulers but also as an example for later generations to follow. It was no coincidence that people built a shrine and made offerings to him after his death.”

越尉佗自立爲帝召貴佗兄弟以德懷之佗 遂稱臣與匈奴結和親後而背入盗命邊備 備守不發兵深入恐煩百姓吴王詐病不智 賜以几杖群臣袁盎等諫說雖切常假僣納 用焉張武受賂金錢覺更加賞賜以媿其心 專務以德化民是以海内殷富思扵禮義斷 獄數百幾致刑措嗚呼仁哉 又曰孔子稱斯民三代之所以直道而行也 信哉周秦之敝罔密之悛而軓不勝漢興掃 除煩苛與民休息至于孝文加之以恭儉孝 景遵業五六十載之間至于移風易俗黎民 醇厚周云成康漢言文景羙矣  録曰詳讀二賛未嘗不撫然嘆息見先王  之遺恩焉故備録之或曰然則可比扵三  代之君否易曰窮理盡性以至扵命中庸  曰其次致曲性之不可以已也如此夫剛  柔未發之謂中發而皆中節之謂和其次  則必自其發見之偏者而克之以極于天  命之本然洪範所謂建用皇極又用三德  是已是以古之聖王撫世酬物因時制眞  陽以舒之陰以歛之執其兩端用其中扵  民故能納天下扵皇極帝之天資回進扵  是乃不能窮致事物之理推極本體之性  愽求元聖與之同内以朝夕納誨啓心天  心故其功用止扵一待固無以進于三伐 黄霸明察内敏温良有讓自武帝用法深昭 帝遵之以刑罰痛繩群下俗吏上嚴酷而霸
Interpretation

King Zhao Tuo of Nanyue declared himself emperor. The Han court summoned his brothers and pacified them through benevolence. Zhao Tuo then submitted as a vassal to Han and made a marriage alliance with the Xiongnu, but later broke the agreement and crossed the border to raid. The Han strengthened its border defenses but sent no troops deep into enemy territory, fearing this would burden the people.

The King of Wu pretended to be ill, and Emperor Wen bestowed on him a reclining support and a walking stick, so that he could lean on them in old age. Ministers such as Yuan Ang repeatedly remonstrated with the emperor. Though their words were earnest, Emperor Wen often accepted their advice. When Zhang Wu was discovered taking bribes, Emperor Wen instead rewarded him, making him feel ashamed and reflect on his conduct. Emperor Wen devoted himself to educating the people through virtue. As a result, the realm prospered, people valued ritual and righteousness, and only a few hundred cases came before the courts—almost reaching a point where punishments were unnecessary. Ah, how benevolent he was!

It is also said that Confucius praised them, saying, “These are the very people whom the rulers of the Xia, Shang, and Zhou dynasties were able to govern by following the right way.” This is indeed true. As the Zhou declined and the Qin fell, the laws became ever more intricate. The Qin then ruled with such harshness that its laws could no longer restrain popular unrest. After the Han was founded, it eliminated cumbersome and severe laws, allowing the people time to recover and prosper. Under Emperor Xiaowen, policies of restraint and frugality were pursued even more fully; Emperor Xiaojing carried on this work. Over the course of fifty or sixty years, customs changed, and the people became simple and honest. The Zhou praised the reigns of Kings Cheng and Kang; the Han praised those of Emperors Wen and Jing. Both were truly splendid.

The Hongdao lu says: “Whenever I read these two eulogies carefully, I cannot help sighing with emotion. In them I see the beneficence left behind by the ancient kings, so I have recorded them here in detail.” Someone asked, “Then can the reigns of Emperors Wen and Jing be considered equal to those of the rulers of the Three Dynasties?”

The Zhouyi says, “Exhaust the principles of things, fully develop human nature, and thereby reach the Mandate of Heaven.” The Zhongyong says, “Those of the next rank must work on what is subtle; once human nature has been fully developed, it cannot stop.” This is what these words mean. Before the qualities of firmness and gentleness in a person become apparent, they are called “equilibrium.” When they emerge and remain within due measure, they are called “harmony.” At the next level, one must begin with deviations that have already appeared and restrain them, so that they return to the original state ordained by Heaven. This is the meaning of the “establishment and exercise of the Great Standard” in the Book of Documents, or in other words, making the right and balanced way the standard for all under Heaven, as well as the teaching on the use of the three virtues.

Thus, when the sage kings of antiquity governed the age and responded to all affairs, they adapted to the times and took suitable measures: when Yang energy unfolded, they supported it; when Yin energy gathered in, they restrained it. Holding to both extremes, they applied the middle way among the people, and so were able to bring all under Heaven to the Great Standard. Though Emperor Wen’s natural endowment and conduct came close to this ideal, he could not fully investigate the principles of things and bring human nature to its utmost. Nor did he seek out the great worthy broadly, live among them, and continually receive their admonitions and awakenings. His achievements therefore reached only a certain stage; in the end, he could not rise to the level of the Three Dynasties.

Huang Ba, an official of the Western Han, was perceptive and astute, gentle and kind, and humble and courteous. After Emperor Wu of Han enforced the laws harshly, and Emperor Zhao continued the use of punishments and kept his officials under strict control, local officials tended to favor severity. Huang Ba…

獨寬和爲名宣帝垂意恩澤詔數下吏不奉 宣霸爲太守選擇良吏分部宣布詔令令民 咸知上意使郵亭鄉官皆畜雞豚以贍鰥寡 貧窮者然後爲條教置父老師帥伍長班行 之扵民間勸以爲善防姦之意及務耕桑節 用殖財種樹畜養去食榖馬米鹽靡密初若 煩碎然霸精力能推行之吏民見者語次尋 繹問它陰伏以相參考嘗欲有所司察擇長 年廉吏遣行屬令周密吏出不敢舍郵亭食 扵道傍以霸具知其起居所問毫厘不敢有 所隱鰥寡孤獨有死無以葬者鄉部書言霸 具爲區處某所大木可以爲棺某亭猪子可 以祭吏徃皆如言其識事𦖟明如此吏民不 知所出咸稱神明姦人去入宅郡盗賊日少 刀行教化而後誅罰務在成就全安之以是 得吏民心户口歲增治爲天下第一天子以 其治行下詔曰頴川太守霸宣布詔令百姓 鄉化孝子弟弟眞婦順孫日以衆多田者讓 畔道不拾遺養視鰥寡贍助貧窮或八年亡 重罪囚吏民鄉于教化興扵行誼可謂賢人 君子矣  録曰孔子告哀公以其人存則其政舉其  人亡則其政息孟子告齊梁之君皆□□  雞豚狗彘之畜鰥寡孤獨之養諸君皆莫  能行至漢而後黄霸力能任之可見聖賢  之言有同日月人心之天無間古今政本  蒲盧之易民無秦越之分惜乎限扵頴川
Interpretation

Huang Ba (courtesy name Cigong), an official of the Western Han, was renowned for his kindness and moderation. Emperor Xuan of Han placed great importance on extending benefits to the people and issued edicts on this subject repeatedly, but lower-ranking officials did not carry them out diligently.

After Huang Ba became Governor of Yingchuan, he selected capable and upright officials and assigned them to convey the edicts so that the people would understand the court’s intentions. He also had officials at relay stations and in the villages raise chickens and pigs to provide for widowers, widows, and the poor. He then drew up rules for moral instruction and established village posts such as elders, instructors, and group heads, spreading the teachings among the people and encouraging them to do good and beware of wrongdoing. He also urged people to farm and raise silkworms, spend sparingly, build up their assets, plant trees, and raise livestock, while reducing waste in horses, grain, rice, and salt.

At first, these regulations seemed trivial and cumbersome, but Huang Ba was energetic and able to put each one into practice. When speaking with officials and commoners, he would carefully probe the details of their affairs, then use what he learned to uncover hidden circumstances and check accounts against one another. When he sometimes wanted to investigate a matter, he chose older, incorruptible officials and sent them out in secret. Once on the road, they dared not lodge or eat wherever they pleased, for Huang Ba knew their movements and what they had asked about in precise detail. They did not dare conceal anything from him.

When someone among the widowed, orphaned, or otherwise destitute died without money for a burial, the village would report it to Huang Ba, who would then give specific instructions: at a certain place there was a large tree that could be made into a coffin; at a certain relay station there was a piglet that could be used for the funeral rites. The officials sent to check found that everything was just as he had said. His knowledge of affairs was so keen and clear, yet officials and commoners could not tell where his information came from. They all said he was like a spirit. Wrongdoers left, returned home, and settled into proper conduct, while the number of thieves in the commandery dwindled day by day.

Huang Ba implemented moral instruction before imposing punishments. In handling affairs, he focused on helping people reform and allowing them to remain safe and settled. He therefore won the support of officials and commoners; the population increased year after year, and his record of governance ranked first in the empire. Emperor Xuan of Han accordingly issued an edict declaring: “Governor of Yingchuan Huang Ba has conveyed the edicts, and the people have all been transformed by instruction and turned toward the good. Those who honor their parents and care for their siblings, honest wives and harmonious descendants, grow more numerous by the day. Farmers yield to one another over field boundaries, and no one picks up things lost along the road. The people care for widowers and widows and help those in poverty. At times, for eight years there have been no prisoners guilty of serious crimes. Officials and commoners alike aspire to moral instruction and prize good conduct. They may truly be called worthy and virtuous people.”

The Hongdao Lu comments: Confucius told Duke Ai of Lu that when worthy and capable people hold office, government affairs proceed, but when they leave, those affairs stagnate. Mencius urged the rulers of Qi and Wei to raise chickens and pigs and care for the widowed, orphaned, and destitute, but those rulers failed to do so. It was only in the Han dynasty that Huang Ba proved capable of taking up and putting these ideas into practice. This shows that the teachings of sages and worthies are like the sun and moon, and that people’s aspirations are the same across past and present. The foundations of good government can take root as readily as reeds grow, and there is no gulf between the people as vast as that between Qin and Yue. It is a pity that Huang Ba’s governance was confined to Yingchuan.

 不能徧于天下矧獨長扵治民劣扵輔相  此治非三代効非聖賢所由分也 龔遂忠厚剛毅有大節宣帝在位久之渤海 左右郡歲饑盜賊並起二千石不能制上選 能治者丞相御史舉遂爲渤海太守時年七 十餘宣帝謂曰渤海廢亂朕甚憂之君何以 息其盗賊遂對曰海瀕遐遠不霑聖化其民 困扵饑寒而吏不恤故使赤子弄兵扵潢池 中耳今欲使臣勝之邪將安之也上聞遂對 甚說因曰選用賢良固欲安之也遂曰臣聞 治亂民猶治亂繩不可急也唯緩之然後可 治臣願丞相御史且無拘臣以文法得一切 使宜從事上許焉郡聞新守至發兵以迎遂 皆遣還移書屬縣悉罷逐捕吏諸持鉏鉤田 器者皆爲良民吏毋得問持兵者乃爲盗賊 單車至府郡中翕然盗賊亦皆罷㴾海又多 劫掠聞遂教令即時解散棄其兵弩而持欽 鉏扵是悉平民安土樂業乃開倉廪假貧民 選用良吏尉安牧養焉遂見齊俗奢侈好末 技不田作躬率以儉約勸民務農桑令口種 一樹榆百本□五十本葱一畦韭家二母彘 五雞民有帶持刀劒者使賣劒買牛賣刀買 犢曰何爲帶牛佩犢春夏不得不趨田畆秋 冬課收歛益畜果實菱蘆勞來循行郡中皆 有畜積吏民富實獄訟止息  録曰龔遂之對古今之名言也帝稱信賞  必罰吏稱民安乃此之類矣有如一實百
Interpretation

If one cannot reach throughout the realm, how much less can one govern the people? Those of limited ability are even less suited to assist a ruler.

The governance discussed here refers neither to the achievements of the Three Dynasties (Xia, Shang, and Zhou) nor to the principles by which sages and worthies ordered government affairs.

Gong Sui was honest and steadfast, with lofty integrity. After Emperor Xuan of Han had ruled for many years, repeated harvest failures struck Bohai Commandery and the surrounding commanderies. Bandits rose up everywhere, and local officials could not suppress them. The emperor sought someone capable of restoring order. The chancellor and the censor recommended Gong Sui as governor of Bohai. He was then over seventy years old.

The emperor said to him, “Bohai Commandery is in turmoil and decline, and I am deeply concerned. How do you intend to put down the bandits?” Gong Sui replied, “Bohai lies by the sea, far from the center. Its people have not received the court’s instruction. They are suffering from hunger and cold, and the officials show them no compassion. That is why the people, like children, are merely playing with weapons in the fields and marshes. Do you want me to defeat them, or to settle them?”

The emperor was pleased and said, “I appoint worthy and able people precisely because I want the people to be at peace.” Gong Sui replied, “I have heard that governing a disorderly populace is like untangling a knotted cord: one must not rush. Only by slowing one’s movements can the task be done well. I ask that the chancellor and censor refrain for now from constraining me with statutes and regulations, so that I may act flexibly according to circumstances.” The emperor agreed.

When the people of Bohai heard that their new governor was coming, they sent soldiers to escort him. Gong Sui sent them all back and issued orders to every county to dismiss all officials responsible for pursuing bandits. He decreed that anyone carrying farm tools such as hoes and hooks was a good citizen and must not be questioned by officials; only those carrying weapons were to be treated as bandits.

Gong Sui traveled to the commandery seat in a single carriage. The commandery soon settled down, and the bandits gradually disbanded. Robbery and plunder had been common in Bohai. When the people heard Gong Sui’s instructions, they immediately laid down their weapons, bows, and crossbows and took up hoes and other farm tools instead. The commandery was completely pacified, and the people lived and worked in peace. Gong Sui opened the granaries and lent grain to the poor. He also selected able and worthy officials to comfort and care for the people.

Seeing that the customs of Qi were extravagant and that people favored various minor trades over farming, Gong Sui led by example, living simply and urging the people to farm and raise silkworms. He ordered each household to plant one elm tree, one hundred clumps of Chinese chives, fifty scallions, and a bed of garlic chives. Each family was to raise two sows and five chickens. If people wore swords or knives, he told them to sell their swords to buy oxen and their knives to buy calves. “Why wear swords and knives,” he said, “instead of carrying calves?” In spring and summer, the people had to follow the farming season and work in the fields. In autumn and winter, he urged them to harvest their crops, build up their reserves, and grow fruit trees, water caltrops, and reeds. He diligently toured the commandery. Every household came to have savings, officials and people alike became prosperous, and lawsuits subsided.

The Hongdao Lu comments: “Gong Sui’s reply is a celebrated saying, old and new alike. The emperor praised him for making rewards and punishments clear, while the officials praised him for bringing peace to the people. These are the kinds of achievements they meant.” The following passage, “If one thing is made fully real, a hundred…” is incomplete in the original.

 虚何以言中興侔德商周乎嗚呼龔遂徃  矣鉤鉏刀劒彘牛雞犢不與俱徃惟吾善  懷而已有如户雞家歲帶牛佩犢猶患不  治而口刀舌劒揮戈露刃遂使良民胥爲  㓂仇獨何心歟獨何心歟 召信臣以明經甲科視民如子所居見稱遷 南陽太守爲人勤力有方略好爲民興利務 在富之躬勸耕農出入阡陌止舍鄉亭稀有 安居時行視郡中水泉開通溝瀆起水門提 閼凡數十處以廣溉灌歲歲增加多至三萬 頃民得其利畜積有餘信臣爲民作均水約 束刻石扵田畔以防分爭禁止嫁娶送終奢 靡務出扵儉約府縣吏家子弟好游敖不以 田作爲事輙斥罷之甚者案其不法以視好 惡其化大行郡中莫不耕稼力田百姓歸之 户口增倍盜賊獄訟衰止吏民親愛號曰召 父 杜詩少有才能建武中爲侍御史安集洛陽 復使之河束誅降逆賊拜成臯令視事三歲 舉政尤異遷南陽太守性節儉而政治清平 以誅暴立威善扵計略省愛民役造作水排 鑄爲農器用力少見功多百姓便之又脩治 陂池廣拓田土郡内比室殷足時人方扵召 信臣故南陽爲之語曰前有召父後有杜母  録曰詩云豈弟君子民之父母吾聞其語  矣未見其人也至是而始見焉豈非千古  之一快乎 東漢張堪志美行厲年十六受業長安諸儒
Interpretation

How could Xu claim to have brought about a revival, or to possess virtue comparable to that of the Shang and Zhou? Alas, Gong Sui has passed away. While he was in office, no hoes, swords, pigs, cattle, chickens, or calves went astray. I alone mean well. Even when a household keeps chickens and pigs and has a calf, one still worries about governing poorly. Yet some people speak with swords on their tongues, wave spears and bare blades, and turn kindhearted people against one another. What kind of heart do they have? What kind of heart do they have?

Zhao Xinchen entered government after demonstrating a thorough command of the Confucian classics and earning the highest grade in the examination. He regarded the people as his own children, and wherever he went, people praised him. He was later appointed governor of Nanyang. Diligent and resourceful, he took pleasure in undertaking projects that benefited the people and devoted himself to making them prosperous. He personally encouraged farming, often making rounds along the paths between fields. He usually rested in village lodges and rarely stayed at home. He regularly inspected the sources of water throughout the commandery, cleared channels, and built water gates, embankments, and dams at dozens of sites to extend irrigation. The irrigated area grew each year, eventually reaching as much as thirty thousand qing. The people benefited, and grain stores were left with a surplus.

Zhao Xinchen established rules for sharing water fairly, carving them into stones beside the fields to prevent disputes. He prohibited extravagance in weddings and funerals and required people to be as frugal as possible. When the sons of officials in the commandery and county offices took to idling about and neglected farming, he reprimanded and dismissed them; in serious cases, he also investigated their misconduct, showing that he rewarded and punished fairly. His teachings spread widely, and everyone in the commandery worked hard at farming. The people rallied to him, the population doubled, and both theft and litigation declined. Officials and commoners alike grew close to him and cherished him, calling him “Father Zhao.”

Du Shi showed talent from a young age. During the Jianwu era, he served as an Attendant Censor, responsible for comforting and resettling the people of Luoyang. He was later sent to Hedong to suppress and bring rebel bandits to submission. He was then appointed magistrate of Chenggao County. After three years, his performance was judged outstanding, and he was promoted to governor of Nanyang. Frugal by nature, he governed with clarity and calm, established authority by punishing violent criminals, and was skilled at planning. He reduced the labor demands on the people as much as he could and invented the water-powered bellows, a device that used waterpower to pump air for casting farm tools. It required little human labor and produced great results, which the people found convenient. He also repaired ponds and expanded farmland, making every household in the commandery prosperous. People of the time compared him with Zhao Xinchen, and a saying arose in Nanyang: “First came Father Zhao; then came Mother Du.”

The Record says: “The Book of Songs praises: ‘The gentle and peaceful gentleman is the father and mother of the people.’ I have heard of such a person, but never seen one. Only now have I truly seen one. Is this not a great joy, once in a thousand years?”

Zhang Kan of the Eastern Han had noble aspirations and exemplary conduct. At sixteen, he studied in Chang’an under Confucian scholars…

號曰聖童世祖時徵拜騎都尉後領票騎將 軍杜茂營繫破匈奴扵高柳拜漁陽太守捕 繫姦猾賞罰必信吏民皆樂爲用匈奴當以 萬騎入漁陽堪率數千騎奔擊大破之郡界 以靜乃扵狐奴開稻田八千餘頃勸民耕種 以致殷富百姓歌曰桑無附枝麥穗兩岐張 君爲政樂不可支視事分年匈奴不敢犯塞 帝聞召見諸郡計吏問其風土及前後守令 能否蜀郡計椽樊顯進曰漁陽大守張堪昔 在蜀其仁以惠下威能討姦前公孫述破時 珍寳山積而堪去職之日乘拆轅之車布波 囊而已  録曰漢文帝有言曰吾得廉頗李牧而以  爲將吾豈憂匈奴哉古之漁陽今京兆近  郊之地也嘉靖中數産瑞麥如堪之所歌  已有之矣如堪之所志世豈無其人乎行  子曰人有不爲也而後可以有爲然則金  寳山積何如麥穗兩枝耶君子可以自朂  矣 卓茂寬仁恭愛鄉黨故舊雖行能不同而皆 愛慕欣欣焉遷密令勞心諄諄視人如子舉 善而教口無惡言吏人親愛不忍欺之人常 有言部亭長受其米肉遺者茂問之曰亭長 從汝求乎爲汝有事囑之而受乎將平居自 以恩意遺之乎曰徃遺之耳茂曰遺之而受 何故言邪曰竊聞賢朋之君使人不畏吏吏 不取人今我畏吏是以遺之吏既卒受故來 言耳茂曰汝爲蔽人矣凡人所以貴扵禽獸
Interpretation

Zhang Kan, an official of the Eastern Han, was known as the “Sagely Youth.” During the reign of Emperor Guangwu, he was summoned to court and appointed Cavalry Commandant. Later, he served under Du Mao, commanding military camps, and defeated the Xiongnu at Gaoliu. He was then appointed governor of Yuyang.

Zhang Kan arrested and punished corrupt, cunning people, and always kept his promises in rewarding and punishing. Officials and common people were glad to follow his orders. The Xiongnu once invaded Yuyang with ten thousand cavalry. Zhang Kan led several thousand cavalry to meet them and inflicted a crushing defeat. Once the commandery was secure, he reclaimed more than eight thousand qing of rice fields at Hunu and encouraged the people to farm, gradually bringing prosperity to the region. The people sang: “The mulberry trees have no extra branches; the wheat ears split in two. Lord Zhang governs so well that joy can scarcely be contained.” He held office for many years, and the Xiongnu did not dare raid the frontier.

When the emperor heard of this, he summoned officials from the commanderies who were responsible for submitting annual reports and asked them about local customs and the achievements of past governors and county magistrates. Fan Xian, a reporting clerk from Shu Commandery, said: “Zhang Kan, the governor of Yuyang, once served in Shu. He was benevolent and protective of the people, yet also had authority and could punish the corrupt. When Gongsun Shu was defeated, treasures had been piled up like mountains. But on the day Zhang Kan left office, all he had was a cart with a broken shaft and a sack for carrying cloth.”

The Hongdao lu comments: “Emperor Wen of Han once said, ‘If I could get men like Lian Po and Li Mu to serve as generals, would I still need to worry about the Xiongnu?’ Ancient Yuyang lay near what is now the capital region. During the Jiajing era, this area, too, repeatedly produced auspicious wheat with two ears, just as the people sang of Zhang Kan. Can there really be no one in the world with aspirations like Zhang Kan’s? The Analects says, ‘A person must first refrain from certain things before they can accomplish anything.’ So, between treasures piled up like mountains and wheat ears growing in two branches, which is more worthy of esteem? A person of noble character can use this to encourage himself.”

Zhuo Mao, an official of the Eastern Han, was generous, kind, and respectful toward others. He treated his neighbors and old friends alike; though their character and abilities varied, they all respected him and were glad to be close to him. Later, he was promoted to county magistrate of Mi. Diligent in his duties, he treated the people with patience and sincerity, regarding them as his own children. He recommended good deeds and instructed the people, never speaking words that might wound them. Officials and common people felt close to him and cherished him, and could not bear to deceive him.

Someone once told Zhuo Mao that the head of a local postal station had accepted rice and meat from a man in his jurisdiction. Zhuo Mao asked the man, “Did the station head demand them from you? Or did he accept them because you had asked him for help with something? Or did you offer them of your own accord, out of goodwill?” The man replied, “I offered them of my own accord.” Zhuo Mao said, “Since you offered them and he accepted, why have you come to report him?” The man said, “I have heard that under a wise ruler, the people do not fear officials, and officials do not take things from the people. I was afraid of the official, so I gave him the things. Since the official accepted them, I came to tell you.”

Zhuo Mao said, “You have misled him. What makes human beings more precious than birds and beasts…”

者以有仁愛知相敬事也汝獨不欲脩之寍 能高飛遠走不在人間耶亭長素善吏歲時 遺之禮也且歸念之扵是人納其訓吏懷其 恩教化大行道不拾遺光武初訪求茂詔曰 前密令卓茂束身自脩執節淳固誠能爲人 所不能爲夫名冠天下當受天下重賞今以 茂爲太傅封褒德侯  録曰曄論曰建武之初雄豪方擾斯固倥  偬不暇給之日卓茂斷斷小宰無他庸能  而首加聘命優辭重禮其與周武式閭表  位何以異哉然則雖以茂之醇德實上之  至仁光武於是乎不可及矣 魯恭拜中牟令專以德化爲理不任刑罰訟 人許伯等爭田累守令不能决恭爲平理曲 直皆退而自責輟耕相讓扵是吏人信服建 初七年郡國螟傷稼大牙縁界不入中牟河 南尹袁安聞之疑其不實使椽肥親徃廉之 恭隨行阡陌俱坐桑下有雉過止其傍傍有 童兒親曰兒何不捕之兒言雉方將雛親瞿 然而起與恭訣曰所以來者欲察君之政迹 耳今蟲不犯境此一異也化及鳥獸此二異 也堅子有仁心此三異也還府具以狀白安 是歲嘉禾生恭便坐廷平安因上書言狀帝 異之  録曰自漢至今千五百有餘年龔黄早魯  之名未常泯滅不但生榮死哀而實超今  邁古也唐宋以後難乎
Interpretation

Having a benevolent heart, knowing how to respect one another and treat one another with courtesy—this is what people ought to do. Surely you are not unwilling to cultivate such qualities? Do you imagine you can fly high into the sky and far away from the human world? The village head has always treated the officials well, sending them gifts at every festival. This is simply proper etiquette. Go back and think it over carefully.

The man followed Zhuo Mao’s advice, and the officials, too, were grateful for his kindness. In this way, moral instruction spread widely, and no one picked up lost things along the road to claim them as their own.

In the early years of Emperor Guangwu’s reign, the founding emperor of the Eastern Han, he sought out Zhuo Mao and issued an edict saying: “In the past, Zhuo Mao, magistrate of Mi County, disciplined himself and cultivated his conduct, holding fast to his integrity. He was steadfast and sincere, and could indeed accomplish what others could not. His reputation has spread throughout the realm, and he deserves the highest reward the realm can offer. I now appoint Zhuo Mao Grand Tutor and enfeoff him as Marquis of Praised Virtue.”

The Hongdao lu comments: “Fan Ye, author of the Book of the Later Han, says that in the early years of the Jianwu era, powerful families were locked in rivalry, and affairs of state were conducted amid urgency and turmoil. Zhuo Mao was merely a morally upright magistrate of a small county, with no exceptional abilities, yet Emperor Guangwu summoned him first and treated him with generous words and great ceremony. How does this differ from King Wu of Zhou’s practice of having a lodge built for a worthy man and honoring men of virtue? From this we can see that Zhuo Mao certainly possessed sincere and generous De, and Emperor Guangwu truly had a heart of great benevolence. In this respect, later generations have found it hard to equal him.”

When Lu Gong, an official of the Eastern Han, served as magistrate of Zhongmou County, he devoted himself to guiding the people through virtue and did not rely on punishments to govern. The villagers Xu Bo and others disputed ownership of a field and repeatedly brought their case before the commandery governor, who could not settle it. Lu Gong investigated who was in the right and mediated the dispute. When the two sides left, each blamed themselves; they stopped cultivating the disputed land and yielded it to one another. From then on, officials and commoners alike trusted and respected him.

In the seventh year of the Jianchu era (82 CE), locust larvae—a pest harmful to crops—infested the fields in various commanderies and counties. Yet the infestation passed along the border of Zhongmou County without entering its territory. Yuan An, the governor of Henan, heard of this and suspected the report was false, so he sent his subordinate Fei Qin to investigate. Lu Gong accompanied him along a path through the fields, and the two sat beneath a mulberry tree. Just then, a pheasant flew past and settled nearby. Fei Qin asked a child, “Why don’t you catch it?” The child replied, “The pheasant is looking after its chicks.” Astonished, Fei Qin stood up and took his leave of Lu Gong, saying, “I came this time to assess your achievements. Now the infestation has not entered the county—this is the first extraordinary thing; your moral influence has reached the birds and beasts—this is the second; even a child has a benevolent heart—this is the third.” He returned to the prefectural office and reported in detail what he had seen and heard to Yuan An. That year, auspicious grain, a superior crop regarded as a good omen, grew in the courtyard where Lu Gong conducted his daily affairs. Yuan An then submitted a report about it, and Emperor Guangwu was astonished when he heard the news.

The Hongdao lu comments: “More than fifteen hundred years have passed from the Han dynasty to the present, yet the reputations of Gong Sui, Huang Ba, and Lu Gong have never faded. They were not merely respected in life and mourned after death; their virtue and achievements truly surpassed those of their contemporaries and even those of the ancients. From the Tang and Song dynasties onward, it has been hard to find anyone who could compare with them.”

End of the Hongdao lu.

選矣 弘道録(終)

Source text: Kanripo 漢籍リポジトリ(KR5h0033); Licence: CC BY-SA 4.0 · Report an error / feedback

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