《弘道錄》Vol. 3

Volume Three of the Hongdao lu (Record of Expounding the Dao): Benevolence—Benevolence between Ruler and Minister

The Treatise on Food and Goods in the Book of Tang records that in the early Tang, the people were granted household allotment fields—land allocated according to population—and hereditary fields, which could be passed down through generations. Taxes were then collected under the rent, labor service, and tax system, which was based mainly on land rent, corvée labor, and other levies. The state exercised restraint in how it used this revenue. The army followed the garrison command system, in which military service was administered through institutions such as the Zhechong prefectures. Thus, even with a large number of soldiers, the system did not unduly burden the people. The number of officials was fixed, preventing the excessive creation of posts and making it easier for the state to provide salaries. Though the Tang economic system did not yet match the prosperous ages of the Three Dynasties, it could still serve as a system for long-term use.

The editor comments: Tang Taizong cannot yet be ranked alongside the sage rulers of antiquity, yet it is still regrettable to see him recorded as a worthy ruler. Dong Zhongshu repeatedly made the following proposal: The Qin adopted Shang Yang’s laws, abolished the well-field system, and allowed people to buy and sell land. The wealthy came to own vast, contiguous fields, while the poor had not even a patch of ground on which to set an awl. How could the people avoid hardship? Though it would be difficult to restore the well-field system immediately, the state should at least draw as close as possible to the ancient system: limit the amount of land held by each person, provide for the needs of the poor and vulnerable, and block the path to land consolidation. At the time, Emperor Wu of Han was intent on pursuing all manner of ambitious projects, and in the end he did not accept the proposal.

During the reign of Emperor Ai of Han, Shi Dan proposed that, after generations of peace under the state, powerful families, wealthy households, and officials had amassed fortunes worth tens of millions, while the poor and vulnerable were sinking into ever greater hardship. Their holdings should be subject to some limits. At the time, powerful nobles and close ministers considered this impractical, and the proposal was not put into effect. Later, Wang Mang introduced reforms in the name of “royal fields,” but instead intensified the turmoil and brought about even greater calamities. What good did that do?

After Emperor Wu of Jin pacified the state of Wu, he did establish a rule allowing each household to hold seventy mu of land. But before long, the upheaval of the Five Barbarians broke out. Only when Emperor Xiaowen of Northern Wei accepted Li Anshi’s proposal was the equal-field system introduced, allocating land to the people according to prescribed rules. Northern Qi, Northern Zhou, and the Sui all continued this system. Alas, when I recall how, over the more than four hundred years of the Han dynasty, great worthies repeatedly put forward proposals that were never implemented, while during the Six Dynasties a single proposal from Li Anshi was put into effect—and how the Tang then firmly maintained this system—how can I not rejoice?

The Tang land system measured fields in paces: a plot one pace wide and 240 paces long made one mu, and 100 mu made one qing. The people were classified by age: from birth they were called “yellow”; at four, “young”; at six, “middle”; at eleven, “adult”; and at sixty, “old.”

The rules for granting land were as follows: each adult man, and each man who had reached the age of eighteen, was granted one qing, of which eighty mu were household allotment fields and twenty mu were hereditary fields that could be passed down through generations. Elderly people and those with serious illnesses or disabilities were each granted forty mu…

A person with one wife and no concubines was granted thirty mu of land. If an adult man in the household performed the taxes and labor services, another twenty mu were added. In either case, twenty mu belonged to the hereditary estate land, land that could be cultivated over the long term and passed down to descendants. The remainder was household allotment land, assigned according to the number of people in the household. On hereditary estate land, people could plant elms, jujube trees, mulberry trees, and other trees suited to the local area, and the number of trees to be planted was also regulated.

Places with abundant land were called “broad districts”; places with insufficient land were called “narrow districts.” In narrow districts, land was granted at half the rate used in broad districts. Land varied in fertility; where fields were cultivated in rotation each year, the allotted acreage was doubled. In broad districts, however, land allotments were not doubled even when fields were rotated on a three-year cycle. In broad districts, merchants and artisans received half the usual allotment; in narrow districts, they received no land.

People could sell hereditary estate land if they moved to another region or were too poor to afford a family burial. Those who moved from a narrow district to a broad one could also sell their household allotment land along with it. Land that had been sold was not granted again. When someone died, the authorities reclaimed the person’s land and granted it to someone who had none. Each year in the tenth month, the authorities reclaimed and allotted land, giving priority to the poor and to those who owed taxes and labor service. Land left over in one township was first assigned to neighboring townships; surplus land in a county went to neighboring counties; and any surplus in a prefecture went to nearby prefectures.

The Hongdao lu comments: This was the Tang dynasty’s system of land allotment. During the era of the Sixteen Kingdoms of the Five Barbarians, warfare was frequent, and few people remained to farm. The Northern Wei adopted this system, granting wasteland to the people and calling it “exposed fields.” Exposed fields were ownerless wasteland on which no trees had yet been planted. Mulberry fields were excluded from the land allotment system because they were cultivated by the people over the long term and passed down through generations. The Tang inherited this system, establishing the distinction between hereditary estate land and household allotment land.

Perhaps these two kinds of land were not originally both reclaimed by the authorities and then reassigned to people without land. Mulberry fields were excluded from the allotment system, so they were called hereditary estate land; exposed fields were originally granted to the people, so they were subject to the household allotment system. Otherwise, if the authorities required people to plant mulberry, jujube, and other trees on hereditary estate land, why were they allowed to sell it? And if household allotment land was reclaimed and reassigned according to a person’s age, labor capacity, and the availability of land in the township, why were people allowed to sell it along with their other land?

In ancient times, regulations generally imposed strict limits on moving and selling land. The “Royal Regulations” chapter of the Book of Rites says that the fields of the well-field system and the settlements of the li system could not be bought or sold. Mencius says that those who left their homeland because of death or migration should not go beyond their township. The current regulations, however, allow people to move and permit those relocating from narrow districts to broad districts to sell their household allotment land as well. Only after someone dies is the land reclaimed and granted to someone without land. In such circumstances, how could the people ever settle securely?

How could these fields not be reclaimed? And once reclaimed, how could they be allotted to someone else? These practices contradict one another. Did the historians get it wrong, or was the policy itself flawed? In the more than 1,400 years between the Qin dynasty and the Tang, the Tang were the first to genuinely implement the land-allotment system. This alone shows how difficult the system was to put into practice. Yet the Tang system itself is open to question. It was not until after the Yonghui era (the reign period of Emperor Gaozong of Tang) that the buying and selling of land by commoners began to be prohibited. Those who had bought land were required to return it and were punished. The ban came too late, so it is hardly surprising that land concentration continued as before.

Anyone allotted land paid two hu of millet or three hu of rice each year. This was called “rent.” Adult men also had to pay, according to the local produce, two zhang of one kind of silk or other woven cloth, such as juan, ling, or xie. Alternatively, they could pay cloth, in an amount increased by one fifth, along with three liang of cotton and three jin of hemp. This was called “tax.” Villages that did not produce silk paid fourteen liang of silver instead. The state requisitioned labor for twenty days each year, with two extra days in leap years. Those who did not serve paid three chi of silk for each day. This was called “service.” If official duties extended the labor term, an additional twenty-five days of service exempted a person from the “tax”; an additional thirty days exempted them from both “rent” and “tax.” Including the regular term, total service could not exceed fifty days.

Commentary in the Hongdao lu: The amounts above were the taxes collected under the Tang. “Rent, service, and tax” were levied on the basis of adult men. “Tax” probably meant that payments were adjusted to local produce: since different regions were suited to different products, each was to pay one kind of woven cloth, such as juan, ling, or xie, according to local conditions—not two zhang of every kind. Cloth and hemp should be understood in the same way.

Historical records now state that each year people paid two bolts of juan, two zhang each of ling and xie, cloth in an amount increased by one fifth, three liang of cotton, and three jin of hemp; villages that did not raise silkworms paid fourteen liang of silver. The commentary considers these figures likely to be heavier than the usual rates. Readers should follow the accounts in the Tongdian and the Huiyao. The Huiyao says that adult men paid either juan or ling, according to local produce, in the amount of two zhang; cloth payments were increased by one fifth. The cotton levy was two liang, while those making payment in its equivalent paid three jin of hemp. These payments constituted the “tax.”

From princes and nobles downward, people of every rank could hold “hereditary land”—land that, by law, could be retained by successive generations. Those entitled to hold such land included the Grand Empress Dowager, Empress Dowager, and Empress; imperial relatives within the mourning degrees of mourning hemp or closer; relatives of palace women officials of the first rank or above; the grandfathers and brothers of commandery princes and officials of the fifth rank or above; holders of hereditary titles of the third rank or above; the fathers and sons of county barons; and students at the Imperial Academy, the National University, and the Four Gates School…

Scholars, filial sons, dutiful grandsons, righteous husbands, and chaste wives were all exempt from taxes and corvée labor, provided they were registered in the same household.

A household with members liable for taxes was called a “taxable household.” The elderly; disabled or seriously ill adult men; widows and their concubines; retainers; guests; women and enslaved people; and officials of the ninth rank or higher were excluded from the taxable population.

At the end of each year, every village had to verify and register the ages of its people and the size of their fields, then compile a village register. These registers were consolidated at the county level, the county accounts at the prefectural level, and the prefectural accounts were then submitted to the Ministry of Revenue. A separate fiscal account was also prepared, listing taxes and corvée labor for the coming year, and submitted to the Department of Finance. Whenever the state required supplies, it had to report this to the throne before making collections. The amounts to be collected had to be posted at county offices and in village wards so that everyone would know.

When floods, droughts, frost, or locusts caused crop losses of one-tenth or more, land-rent tax was remitted. If mulberry trees or hemp crops were entirely destroyed, the tribute tax was remitted. When harvest losses reached six-tenths, both land-rent and tribute taxes were remitted. If the entire harvest failed, all forms of corvée labor were remitted as well.

The Hongdao lu says: These were Tang decrees for reducing or remitting land-rent taxes and exempting people from corvée labor. From princes and nobles down to the common people, ranks and limits were specified so that their descendants could observe them from generation to generation. In principle, how could lasting peace have been impossible? Yet why were these institutions lost so quickly? I have therefore said that the Han dynasty’s descendants managed to preserve the one-in-thirty tax rate, but its founders failed to establish the fair and reasonable rate of one-tenth; the Tang dynasty’s founders were able to institute various laws and prohibitions, but their descendants failed to retain their commitment to frugal spending and care for the people. Neither matched the governance of the Three Dynasties.

At the time, Emperor Taizong of Tang was wholly intent on good governance. When officials were assessed, their ratings were raised if the numbers of widowers, widows, and young children in their jurisdictions had declined. If officials had failed in their duty to guide the people, they were assessed and penalized according to the decline in household numbers.

The Hongdao lu says: This was the Tang method for assessing the merits of officials. Requiring court officials of the fifth rank and above each to recommend one local official showed care in selecting people at the outset of their appointment. During assessments, using a decline in the numbers of widowers, widows, and young children as grounds for promotion, and a failure to guide the people as grounds for demotion, showed continued attention to them after their appointment. But if we examine what happened in practice, how many prefectural governors across the realm truly fulfilled these duties? From the Zhenguan era onward, the court valued central officials and neglected county and prefectural officials. Prefectural governors were often military officers, or central officials deemed unfit for their posts and sent out to serve in the provinces. Although Taizong was wholly intent on good governance, could he also personally set an example for all officials throughout the realm to follow? This is why the Tang had fewer good officials than the Han.

The collection of land-rent taxes was to be graded according to when the harvest ripened, how difficult the terrain was, and how far people had to travel. Tribute tax was paid in goods: people set out in the eighth month and arrived in the ninth. If both taxes were to be paid at the same time, those living farther away were to pay first, and the people themselves were to estimate and calculate the amounts. The prefecture …

Each prefecture purchased local products each year as tribute. Their value was set according to the price of silk, and could not exceed fifty bolts. Rare treasures, delicacies, dogs and horses, and falcons and hounds were not to be presented unless the emperor issued an edict requesting them. Any tribute levied beyond the prescribed amount was credited against rent and taxes.

The Hongdao lu comments: This was the Tang system for transporting and delivering goods. After the two-tax system was introduced, payments were made in the sixth month of summer and the eleventh month of autumn, and this system was abolished. At the time, Taizong was intent on easing the people’s burdens, restraining his own desires, and giving up objects of amusement. He had not yet held the fengshan sacrifices or launched military campaigns. Thus, the goods purchased and presented each year by the prefectures and commanderies were limited to fifty bolts, according to the price of silk; any extra levies were credited against rent and taxes. What a model of governance this was! After the Zhenguan era, things gradually fell short of what they had been.

When famine struck, the court used the community granaries—local stores of grain set aside for relief—to aid the people. If the grain was still insufficient, people were relocated to places where food was available. Dai Zhou, the Left Vice Director of the Shangshu, proposed that after the autumn harvest, granaries for public relief be established locally, with contributions assessed according to the land held by each person, from princes and nobles downward. In years of famine, the grain would be used to relieve the people. Taizong approved the proposal and issued an edict: two sheng of millet, wheat, non-glutinous rice, or rice were to be collected per mu, with the type determined by which crops were suited to the locality. In regions with extensive land and sparse populations, contributions were assessed according to the crops grown. In regions with little land and dense populations, they were assessed according to the growth of the seedlings, and collected with leniency. Where harvests had fallen by two-fifths, half the grain due was remitted; where they had fallen by seven-tenths, the full amount was remitted. Merchants without land were divided into nine household classes and assessed grain according to their class, in amounts ranging from five shi to five dou. The poorest households in the lowest class, as well as minority groups such as the Yi and Liao, paid no grain. In years of poor harvest, grain from the granaries was used to aid the people. If grain was lent to them as seed, it was repaid after the autumn harvest.

Later, ever-normal granaries—stores of grain kept for famine relief and to stabilize prices—were also established in Luozhou, Xiangzhou, Youzhou, Xuzhou, Qizhou, Bingzhou, Qinzhou, and Puzhou. Millet could be stored for nine years and rice for five; in low-lying, damp places, millet could be stored for five years and rice for three. These regulations were all entered into law.

The Hongdao lu comments: This was the Tang system for famine relief. Taizong took care in selecting local officials, and the prefects and county magistrates were capable in their posts. As a result, the community granaries could relieve famine victims, the public relief granaries could provide for the people, and the ever-normal granaries could hold reserves of grain. Without capable local officials, however, trying to collect grain by acreage from princes and nobles downward would only add another harsh restriction. This, too, is a principle that those in government should understand.

At the beginning of the Zhenguan era, there were fewer than three million households. At that time, one bolt of silk could buy one dou of rice. By the fourth year of Zhenguan, a dou of rice cost only four or five cash. People left their doors unbarred at night, and cattle and horses filled the fields. Those traveling thousands of li did not need to carry provisions. The people and their goods grew steadily more prosperous, and the peoples of the four directions increasingly submitted to the court.

That year, the population of the realm was 1.2 million. Only twenty-nine criminals across the country were sentenced to death, and people called it a year of peace throughout the realm.

After ascending the throne, the emperor often spoke with his ministers about how to educate the people. He said, “The country has only just emerged from great turmoil, and I worry that the people will be difficult to teach.” Wei Zheng replied, “That is not so. People who have enjoyed long peace are easily led into pride and indulgence, and once they become arrogant, they are hard to teach. People who have endured war are troubled and distressed; in their hardship, they are more receptive to instruction. It is like hungry people readily accepting food and thirsty people readily accepting water.” The emperor strongly agreed with Wei Zheng. Feng Deyi disagreed, but in the end the emperor followed Wei Zheng’s advice.

That year brought an abundant harvest, and all those displaced from their homes returned. A dou of rice cost no more than three or four coins. From the Eastern Sea to Hainan, and from the south to the region of the Five Ridges, households left their doors unlocked at night. Travelers did not need to carry provisions, as they could obtain food along the way. The emperor said to his ministers, “This is the result of Wei Zheng urging me to practice benevolence and righteousness. It is a pity Feng Deyi did not live to see it.”

The Record comments: The Book of Changes, in the Great Exceeding hexagram, says that a ridgepole bends, yet going forward can still lead to success. The Nine in the Second Place says that a withered poplar puts forth new shoots, and an older man takes a young woman as his wife; nothing is unfavorable. Tang Taizong truly had exceptional gifts, but he lacked a foundation for governing rooted in Heaven’s De and the kingly Way. This was like a bent ridgepole and a withered poplar. Fortunately, the Zhenguan era of good governance came to pass, with worthy ministers such as Fang Xuanling, Du Ruhui, Wang Gui, and Wei Zheng to assist him. This was like an older man taking a young wife. Thus, although there were signs of a bent ridgepole and a withered poplar, there was still a path to success and good fortune. For this reason, the noble person does not reject such a situation.

The Song Chronicle: Emperor Renzong, whose full posthumous title was “Emperor Who Embodied Heaven and Followed the Dao, of Utmost Achievement and Complete De, Divine in Literary and Martial Virtues, Sagacious, Wise, and Filial,” was by nature benevolent and dutiful, generous and open-hearted, and did not show his anger or joy on his face. At first, he was made Prince of Shouchun and studied at the Zishan Hall, where imperial princes read and received instruction. In the first year of the Tianxi era, he concurrently held the office of Chancellor of the Secretariat; the following year, he was promoted to Prince of Sheng. On the Dingmao day of the ninth month, he was formally appointed Crown Prince.

The Record comments: In the thousands of years covered by historical records, emperors directly given “Benevolent” as their posthumous title have been exceedingly rare. Renzong can be counted among the few. For that reason, this account uses his honorific title and summarizes the main events of his life, so that those who rule may take note. Cultivating upright character in times of ignorance is a path to attaining sage virtue. Renzong was then pure by nature and appointed upright men; everyone could become a subject of the age of Yao and Shun. He also established the Zishan Hall for instruction, using the Way of uprightness to cultivate himself.

Some people used personal connections to bypass the usual channels and seek an audience. This was originally one way to establish enlightened government, and it was one respect in which the Song dynasty’s family regulations surpassed those of the Han and Tang.

The court appointed Li Di, Vice Grand Councilor, as tutor to the Crown Prince.

The Zunyao lu records: Li Di and the others often attended the Crown Prince in the Eastern Palace. Once, they saw that the Crown Prince’s bearing and conduct were composed. Even when people played around in front of him, he paid them little attention. Later, when Li Di brought this up while presenting a memorial, Emperor Zhenzong said, “When the Crown Prince is staying in the inner palace, he never jokes or laughs carelessly either.”

The Record comments: Li Di’s integrity and reputation were widely known, but he refused the post of Grand Tutor and would not desist from doing so. Was this perhaps going too far?

The high ministers known as the Dukes and Solitaries, who assisted the Son of Heaven, and the Masters and Guardians, who instructed and cared for the Crown Prince, had been established offices since antiquity. They were not created only under Emperor Taizong, though at times they were appointed and at times they were not. In the Song dynasty, the Grand Councilor served alone, and no Dukes or Solitaries assisted the emperor. As a result, no Masters or Guardians instructed the Crown Prince. This was where the Song system fell short of the Zhou system.

In the fourth year, an edict ordered the Grand Tutor to oversee the state. Every five days, a session was to be held at Zishan Hall, where the Eastern Palace conducted lectures and discussions. The Crown Prince stood facing south with tablet in hand, while the assistant ministers discussed the affairs of the various departments together, and the Crown Prince listened to their deliberations. Zhenzong admonished him: “As long as you devote yourself to upholding what is fair, that is enough.”

The Record comments: Zhenzong himself never joked or laughed carelessly, and in dealing with others he strove to uphold what was fair. How pure and flawless he was! The Ninth Nine in the Meng hexagram says, “Good fortune for the inexperienced young.” Was this not speaking of this Crown Prince?

On the Wuwu day of the second month of the first year of the Qianxing era, Zhenzong’s testamentary edict ordered the Crown Prince to ascend the throne as emperor.

The Record comments: At the time, Renzong was only thirteen years old, like a dragon that had just shed its skin but could not yet summon clouds and rain, or a qilin that had just grown its legs but could not yet walk. Thus the Book of Changes says: “A spring emerges beneath the mountain: Inexperience. The noble person acts with resolve and nurtures De.” Perhaps this was because his abilities had not yet been brought into play and his natural disposition had not yet been firmly established. Had there been men like Yi Yin and the Duke of Zhou to assist him beyond the palace, and women like Tai Si and Yi Jiang to instruct him within it, then even the shortcomings in the De of Taijia and King Cheng would have been absent in him. Sadly, Empress Dowager Liu seized power within, while Ding Wei and his faction formed a clique without. If Wang Zeng had not stood in court with such upright solemnity, relying on his authority, how could he have fulfilled the purpose and achieved the harmony described by the Ninth Two line of the Book of Changes? Examining the sages’ original intent in composing the Changes makes clear why political divisions arose in the early years of Renzong’s reign.

In the first year of the Mingdao era, an edict declared: “I, of humble origins, inherited the imperial throne; now the line has come to an end…”

He had no liking for hunting or recreation, and had built no towers, terraces, pavilions, or halls. For ten years he had been too occupied to attend to such matters. Yet the fire-prevention rules within the palace were not strictly enforced. In a single night, the flames spread and consumed eight halls. Thinking that this disaster might be a warning, he examined his own failings and put an end to his negligence. He then ordered officials inside and outside the court to speak candidly about the government’s shortcomings, withholding nothing, in keeping with his wishes.

The Hongdao Lu comments: The emperor was still young at the time and had committed no serious breach of virtue. Nor were the histories’ accounts that he enjoyed hunting and had built no towers and terraces empty claims. If so, why did a natural disaster still occur? The “outer palace apartments” referred to the women’s quarters within the palace, while “inner chambers” meant the palace residences; the “eight halls” corresponded to the number of Old Yin. Empress Dowager Zhangxian’s period of ruling from court and exercising imperial authority was nearing its end. Perhaps this fire foretold that the old order was about to conclude and a new one begin.

In the third month of Jingyou’s first year, the emperor began to govern in person. He ordered construction of Buddhist temples and Daoist monasteries to stop, curbed those who had gained favor through fortune, summoned Song Shou and Fan Zhongyan to serve, and dismissed the eunuch Luo Chongxun and others. Officials inside and outside the court were greatly pleased.

The Hongdao Lu comments: Renzong’s assumption of personal rule and Zhezong’s were very different. After Renzong took personal rule, he halted construction of temples and monasteries; after Zhezong did so, he launched the New Policies. Renzong restrained those who had gained favor through fortune, while Zhezong summoned wicked and treacherous men. Thus one brought joy throughout the court, while the other left loyal and worthy scholars disheartened. The difference between gain and loss was plain.

Earlier, Empress Dowager Liu had ruled from court and exercised imperial authority. In her later years, she appointed the eunuchs Luo Chongxun, Jiang Deming, and others to keep watch on affairs outside the palace. Luo Chongxun consequently gained great influence, which extended throughout the court.

The Hongdao Lu comments: When the empress dowager ruled from court, the eunuchs seized the opportunity to steal power. What a state of affairs! Fan Zuyu once said that the foundations of the Song dynasty’s rise and decline, the key to the state’s security or danger, and the source of the people’s hardship or well-being all lay in the advance and retreat of the virtuous and the petty. This was also the turning point at which Heaven’s mandate and the people’s hearts gathered or scattered, united or separated. How much blame, then, could Renzong’s abundant virtue truly merit? Alas, dismissing one Luo Chongxun was enough to rouse the court inside and out, and to make everyone look toward a government of flourishing virtue. Summoning Liu Yuan and the others immediately unsettled the people’s hearts and set the state on the road to ruin. Rulers newly come to the throne in later generations must take this lesson to heart.

The emperor saw that Empress Dowager Zhangsheng had made offerings at the eastern and western sacred sites, built palace-temples such as the Jade Clarity Palace of Responsive Blessings and the Palace of Inspired Blessings, and expended vast amounts of labor and resources, exhausting the skill of artisans from across the realm. The extravagance had gone too far. He said to his senior ministers, “Though these undertakings may be counted among the grand projects of a peaceful and prosperous age, they were carried too far.” At the time, the chief ministers in office were unable to…

He refused to take responsibility. Lü Yijian said, “The state treasuries have been empty, and they have still not been replenished. That is the reason.” The emperor said, “I should take this matter as a warning.”

The Hongdao lu comments: This is why the emperor halted construction projects. Confucius said, “For three years, do not alter your father’s way.” (This means that for three years after a father’s death, one should not lightly change the policies he put in place.) Those who explain this saying hold that “not altering it for three years” refers to matters that ought to be changed but can, for the time being, remain as they are. Earlier Confucian scholars, concerned that people might misunderstand Confucius’s intent, examined and discussed policies that were mistaken and errors that had already occurred.

The eastern and western imperial sacrifices and construction projects did no more than drain the resources of the realm. As for policies such as the Green Sprouts Law and the Exemption from Labor Service Law, if their harsh exploitation provoked resentment and ultimately lost the people’s confidence, it might be reasonable to shift the blame onto Wang Anshi. But to claim that they arose from reverence for one’s father and sovereign makes no sense. The discerning called this inheritance; the foolish called it presumptuous alteration. Yet they did not understand that such actions only exposed the father’s faults. They were quite different from concealing those faults and making amends for past mistakes. Alas, perhaps this is the difference between Empress Dowager Xuanren at the “rice offering” (the text reads this way; the character may be corrupt) and Empress Dowager Zhangxian when she withdrew the curtains.

In the beginning, peace had lasted for a long time. Those seeking advancement in official life attached themselves to the powerful, hoping to be promoted, and currying favor became common practice. Emperor Renzong once said to his senior ministers, “Recently, many officials have asked to meet me privately in hopes of promotion, while few have volunteered to step aside. Why is this?” Wang Zeng replied, “This concerns the court’s appointments and dismissals. If the court suppresses the practice of currying favor and promotes a quiet, modest willingness to yield, perhaps a climate in which people do not lightly seek advancement will take shape.” Renzong agreed.

The Hongdao lu comments: This is why Renzong curbed advancement sought through sheer opportunism. Those who pursue advancement by such means often stop at nothing. At first, they attach themselves to the powerful and flatter them, sow discord and offer insincere praise to their faces; they will do anything. Later, they even fawn on the powerful and accommodate the ruler’s mistakes; there is nothing they will not do. A ruler must therefore detest this practice and stamp it out decisively.

Yet if a ruler cannot treat people impartially or discern their character with clear judgment, he may mistake minor honesty for great integrity, or take a show of willingness to step down for genuine modesty, thereby granting the wishes of those eager to advance. Hence the advice to purify one’s own heart and distinguish worthy people; and the saying that only those who can recognize people may be called wise. Neither can be dispensed with.

In the second year of Jingyou (1035), Wang Zeng held the chancellorship, with the title Tongpingzhangshi. By nature, he was upright and honest, and his words and conduct at court were always measured. He rarely joked, and no one dared approach him with private requests. When he appointed or dismissed officials, fewer than one in ten knew his decisions in advance. Fan Zhongyan once asked him, “When it comes to openly recommending worthy people...”

Among scholars, many have served as chief ministers, but few have possessed virtue as outstanding as Master Zeng’s. Xu Yingzhi said, “When someone holds the highest governing office, if he wants every kindness to be credited to himself, then to whom will the blame and resentment fall?” Fan Zhongyan accepted his advice.

When the emperor had just taken the throne, there was a danger that the Empress Dowager would monopolize the government. Master Zeng stood firm in court, solemn in appearance and forthright in remonstrance. From then on, the eunuchs and favored attendants dared not harbor ambition, the emperor’s virtue steadily grew, and the Empress Dowager ultimately preserved her good name.

The Hongdao lu says: This gives us a glimpse of the character of ruler and ministers at the time. Master Zeng received such praise and was regarded as an outstanding minister. Was he not, in his dealings with scholars, like the creative power of Heaven and Earth in its dealings with the myriad things? He must have wished for everyone to make full use of their abilities. Yet sometimes not everyone can fully realize their potential. It is enough to act with the utmost fairness and sincerity, and to have a clear conscience. If one works diligently at everything only to bestow favors on others, and then, whenever one does not appoint someone, worries about incurring resentment, would a minister’s capacity not grow ever smaller? That is why the ancients said, “Sincerity and single-mindedness—nothing more.” Lü Xugong may have fallen somewhat short in this regard. His way of gathering credit for favors and avoiding resentment was quite unlike Master Zeng’s forthright, principled manner.

In the eleventh month of winter in the first year of Qingli (1041), the court held the great sacrifice to Heaven at the Southern Suburb and proclaimed a general amnesty. At the time, fighting on the western frontier was intense, and the emperor was so worried that it was as if his liver were afflicted. Zhang Fangping, Director of the Bureau of Remonstrance, advised him: “Your Majesty should be as generous as Heaven and Earth and as a parent. Why contend with pigs, dogs, and wolves? I hope Your Majesty will use the occasion of the suburban sacrifice and amnesty to acknowledge past errors, show sincerity, and open a path for them to reform and begin anew.” The emperor said with delight, “That is exactly what I have in mind.” He then ordered Zhang Fangping to submit the memorial to the Central Secretariat. After reading it, Lü Yijian clasped his hands and said, “For you to speak of this is a blessing for the state.”

The Hongdao lu says: Lü Mengzheng often praised Lü Yijian as possessing the abilities of a chief minister; this was probably what he had in mind. A benevolent person must also have courage. The fighting on the western frontier was of great consequence and should naturally have been met with determined effort. Yet the noble person does not contend with others. Was this merely to leave the opposing side a path to reform and begin anew? An old saying goes, “Without enemy states and external troubles, a state often perishes.” Perhaps this, too, carries the deeper meaning of acknowledging past errors and showing sincerity.

At the time, Zhang Dezhang, Yan Shu, Jia Changchao, Han Qi, Fan Zhongyan, Fu Bi, and Du Yan were all serving in the government. Ouyang Xiu, Yu Jing, Wang Su, and Cai Xiang all served as remonstrance officials. After Xia Song was dismissed, Shi Jie said with delight, “This is a great event that displays illustrious virtue. It is my duty to sing its praises—how could I stop?” He then composed the “Poem on the Sagely Virtue of the Qingli Era,” which begins: “Ah, the years of Qingli…”

In the third month, the emperor emerged from the palace with imposing authority. His resonant voice shook the four quarters, like the movement of Heaven’s Way and the first rumble of thunder. With a grave expression, he said:

“My ancestors and my father entrusted their great enterprise to me. I fear I may be unable to preserve it, and truly depend on the ministers who assist me. You bear heavy responsibilities; you must be painstakingly careful. You have served beside me for many years, and I commend your achievements.

“The Confucian scholars at court are learned and broadly read. They can discuss affairs of state with me and use the meaning of the Classics to guide me. Zhongyan (Fan Zhongyan), I know you well. That is why I appointed you as Remonstrance Admonisher, responsible for correcting the court’s conduct. As soon as you heard of a rebellion, you hurried to Xiazhou to put it down. You did not avoid the blazing heat of June or the bitter snow of midwinter, and you never complained. I received Bi (Fu Bi) only in my later years, and I am deeply grateful for the way he has assisted me. His remonstrances are profound and forthright. If I cannot become a ruler like Yao or Shun, he is even willing to be beaten in order to urge me to do all I can to improve.

“During his year as a remonstrance official, Bi accumulated a whole chest of memorials. The Khitan broke their pledge and dared to slight a great state. Acting on my command, Bi went on an embassy. Faced with a desert stretching ten thousand li, he neither feared nor retreated, setting his life and death aside. Look at his skin, battered by wind and frost; look at his resolve, like gold and iron tempered in the forge. Only Zhongyan and Bi can be compared with worthy ministers such as Kui and Qi.

“Yan, you were already old when you came to assist me. You have served me for more than twenty years. Your hair has thinned and your teeth have fallen out, yet your resolve has never wavered. You have kept faithfully to the law and never overstepped its bounds. That is why I put you in charge of the Privy Council and entrusted you with military affairs; there have been no errors in military administration.

“Before I knew Qi (Han Qi), he had already shown himself to be extraordinary: broad-minded, honest, and unpretentious, a man to whom great affairs could be entrusted. I assigned you to assist Yan because I am good at recognizing people.

“As for Xiu (Ouyang Xiu) and Jing, the minister named in the original text, they stand out at court, their speech upright and forceful, their loyalty open and sincere. They returned from far beyond ten thousand li, their integrity undiminished. After the death of Su, they too upheld their loyalty and kept their conduct pure. When they served as Censors, they repeatedly remonstrated with me at my bedside. Though Xiang held no high office, his reputation reached me, and he too once urged me to correct my faults. Upright, principled, and sincere, he is worthy to stand alongside Xiu.”

The emperor was wise and able to distinguish loyal ministers from treacherous men. He promoted the worthy and rid the court of the wicked. The advancement of the worthy ministers was like pulling up grass by its roots; the departure of the great traitor was like taking off shackles from one’s feet.

The Record of Vast Principles (Hongdao Lu) states: “At the time, people in Shu copied the Poem on the Flourishing Virtue of the Qingli Era, and it was said that everyone wanted to see the person who wrote it.” In truth, who at that time would not have wanted to see them? And who today would not wish to see them? The chief ministers and remonstrance officials are the vital energy of the state and the lifeblood of the court. The emperor possessed a generous and tolerant virtue, while the worthy ministers were vigorous and resolute, willing to shoulder responsibility.

This is the meaning of the Tai Hexagram: the Qi of Heaven and Earth mingle, allowing the myriad things to flourish and communicate; those above and below connect and share the same intentions. Worthy and capable people can be promoted as smoothly as pulling up a clump of thatch by its roots. Treacherous people can be removed just as easily as taking off one’s shoes.

But what does “friends perish” mean? It is good for gentlemen to share the same aims, yet petty people find it hard to let go of factional strife. Once they have argued in memorials over dismissing someone, then written about these matters in poems and prose, they have gone too far. Thus, when Shi Jie, a civil official of the Northern Song, wrote a panegyric, someone was bound to write a letter from a female servant; when one work praised “like thatch,” someone was bound to sigh in words like “leaves.” This was the beginning of the calamity that befell Shi Jie, and the cause of factional strife. The warnings left by the sages reach far into the future.

On the wuzi day of the fifth month, two senior ministers came to offer their congratulations. The emperor said, “It has not rained for a long time, and I fear this will damage the people’s crops. I often burn incense and pray to Heaven. Last night, in my bedchamber, I suddenly heard a faint rumble of thunder. I immediately dressed and stood in the open beneath the hall, waiting. Before long, rain began to fall, soaking my clothes. After a while it stopped. I bowed again to thank Heaven, and only then dared to climb the steps. From now on, I still hope we can save the withered grain. I had meant to issue an edict censuring myself, suspend music, and reduce my meals. But I worried these might be empty gestures, close to affectation. It seems better to pray sincerely in private, day and night.”

The Hongdao Lu comments: “Prayer was a practice that even the ancients did not abandon. Some were even willing to offer themselves in place of sacrificial victims, while others put locusts in their mouths and swallowed them. How should such acts be understood? I have not recorded them here.” It also says: “What the emperor said was precisely that he did not want empty formalities. The ancients first moved Heaven through their De; only afterward did they adopt the practice of listing six matters for self-examination and reproach. Without genuine repentance, issuing an edict censuring oneself, suspending music, and reducing meals are merely outward forms. That is why the emperor believed sincere prayer was better.”

When Fan Zhongyan served as vice grand councillor, the emperor earnestly hoped to bring peace to the realm and often asked him about government affairs. He specially opened the Tianzhang Pavilion, a place in the palace for storing books and discussing policy, summoned the senior ministers to answer questions there, and gave them writing brushes so they could set out, item by item, what they hoped to accomplish. Fan Zhongyan withdrew in trepidation and submitted ten proposals: clarify the standards for promoting, demoting, rewarding, and punishing officials; curb advancement sought through mere good fortune; tighten the selection of candidates for the civil service examinations; choose local administrators carefully; distribute public fields fairly; give due importance to agriculture and sericulture; repair the defenses; extend favors widely and keep faith; issue decrees with care; and reduce compulsory labor. The emperor trusted and agreed with Fan Zhongyan at the time, and adopted all of these proposals.

The Hongdao Lu comments: “Lord Wen Zheng—Fan Zhongyan’s posthumous title—made steadiness, maturity, loyalty, and generosity the foundation of his conduct. His guiding principle was to be the first to worry about the realm’s troubles and the last to enjoy its pleasures. His character was as pure as the clear sky and bright sun…”

Emperor Renzong of Song devoted himself to seeking worthy men and bringing stability to the people, regarding these as the most precious things. He treated auspicious omens as secondary. The flourishing of his governance and moral instruction was like the rising and movement of the sun and moon—beyond measure.

Emperor Wen of Han once asked about the empire’s finances and the state of judicial cases. Zhou Bo and Chen Ping could not answer, and the matter was dropped. How much more remarkable, then, that Emperor Renzong opened the Tianzhang Pavilion, a palace library and council hall, invited his ministers inside, and gave them brushes and paper, urging them to speak their minds fully. In such circumstances, few could have failed to feel awe and speak freely. Yet Emperor Renzong still fell short of the sage rulers of antiquity. Gao Yao once said, “Only when Virtue is truly put into practice can plans be made with clarity and assistance be harmonious.” When Emperor Yao sought advice from his ministers, he did not merely listen to their words; he also required their actions to match them. Emperor Renzong’s plans were ambitious, but he did not establish concrete measures. He was eager to bring good government, yet his work remained unfinished. Compared with the common failings of later rulers, he was already exceptional, but in the end he could not attain the level of Yao and Shun.

At that time, officials of the Secretariat and the Privy Council attended court together to present memorials. Han Qi served as vice commissioner of the Privy Council. Even when a matter fell under the Secretariat’s jurisdiction, he made a point of speaking frankly. At times he pointed out the failings of his colleagues, which displeased those who served alongside him. Emperor Renzong, however, valued his character and said, “Han Qi is forthright by nature.”

Han Qi set out seven matters that should be given priority: putting the foundations of government in order, attending to border planning, promoting worthy and capable men, strengthening defenses in Hebei, securing the defenses of Hedong, winning the people’s support, and establishing a capital at Luoyang. Later, he proposed eight measures to remedy the ills of the time: selecting military commanders, clarifying inspections and evaluations, increasing revenue, curbing advancement through undue favor, promoting capable officials, dismissing the incompetent, exercising care in appointments, and removing the corrupt and treacherous.

Emperor Renzong praised and adopted his proposals. Han Qi then offered four strategies, arguing that peace should be treated as a temporary expedient, while preparing to fight and defend should be the real course of action. He called for repairing weapons and armor, training the troops, building up and repairing Luoyang’s city defenses, and secretly drawing up plans for a campaign.

The Hongdao lu records: An ancient book says that only a benevolent person can bear to hear frank words spoken without reserve. If Han Qi had not encountered Emperor Renzong, how could the emperor alone have recognized his worth? At the end of the Zhiping era, Han Qi had spoken out forcefully, but Emperor Shenzong remained indifferent and gave no response. In the early years of Xining, Han Qi again made every effort to offer advice. Emperor Shenzong not only continued to harbor doubts but rebutted his proposals point by point and had his objections carved in stone and made public throughout the realm. Alas, the same Han Qi had earlier avoided any reputation for overstepping his authority or seeking fame through frank speech, yet later faced public censure. Was his ability to present matters of government different at the two times? The key lay only in whether the ruler would heed his advice. Thus, by observing Emperor Shenzong’s failings, we can understand Emperor Renzong’s benevolence.

In the sixth month of the summer of the second year of Huangyou, Emperor Renzong issued an edict stating that from then on, no prefecture or commandery was to present auspicious objects. Ru Xiaobiao, the prefectural official in charge of Wuwei Commandery, presented 350 stalks of lingzhi fungus. Emperor Renzong said: [The original text ends here.]

I believe a year of abundant harvest is an auspicious sign, and worthy ministers are treasures. But what is there to value in unusual plants, trees, insects, or fish? So pardon Xiao Biao for his offense, and warn the people throughout the realm not to offer such things again.

The Hongdao Lu comments: Emperor Wen of Han and Emperor Renzong of Song cannot simply be ranked above or below one another. Why did they act differently in appointing Tan Ping and in pardoning Xiao Biao? Confucius said that a good person need not always follow the tracks of those who came before, but will naturally avoid doing evil. Even so, neither emperor had yet reached the realm of a sage.

After Emperor Wen refused, he set the matter aside and paid it no further heed. It was not that he could not do it; he chose not to. Emperor Renzong, by contrast, considered it repeatedly, almost to the point of being able to act without forcing himself, but in the end he could not. It was not that he did not want to; he was unable to. This was the difference between the two rulers.

Wang Gongchen, the official in charge of the Three Departments of Finance, requested that the salt monopoly be reinstated in Hebei. The decree had been drafted but not yet issued. Zhang Fangping, an academician in the Hanlin Academy, said to the emperor, “Why are we reinstating the salt monopoly in Hebei?” The emperor said in surprise, “This decree was only just drawn up. Why do you say it is being reinstated?” Zhang Fangping replied, “Emperor Shizong of the Later Zhou once imposed a salt monopoly in Hebei, and violators were routinely put to death. When Shizong campaigned north, local elders blocked his way and wept, asking that the salt tax be spread evenly across the two taxes. What is called the ‘salt money’ is that very tax. Does this not count as reinstating the salt monopoly?”

The emperor suddenly understood and said, “Go and tell the chief ministers to abolish this decree at once.” Zhang Fangping said, “Though the edict has not yet been issued, the people already know about it. It should be abolished directly by an imperial handwritten edict, rather than having the order come from the responsible bureau.” The emperor was delighted. He ordered Zhang Fangping to draft the handwritten edict in secret, abolishing the salt monopoly. Elders from across Hebei traveled together to Chan Prefecture to welcome the edict. They held Buddhist and Daoist rites for seven days in gratitude for the emperor’s benevolence, and had the edict engraved in stone. Later, when someone passed the place where the edict was engraved, the local people would bow before it, weeping.

The Hongdao Lu comments: Many of the things worthy of praise during Renzong’s reign were marked by his benevolence. Thus, when he first heard another person’s advice, he might be surprised, but he would then come to understand, and in the end would certainly abolish an unjust decree at once. How vast the difference between him and those who hear advice but do not examine it, and persist in refusing to correct themselves. Renzong’s virtue was enough to move people’s hearts, and the people in turn showed the fullest measure of their gratitude.

Wang Gongchen said to the emperor, “What merit did Fu Bi have? He merely increased the quantity of silk and gold, treated the northern peoples generously, and exhausted the resources of the Central Kingdom.” Emperor Renzong replied, “That is not so. What I cherish is the land and the people; it is not that I begrudge the money.” Wang Gongchen said, “Doesn’t the money also come from the people?” Renzong replied, “The state’s expenses are not all collected in a single day…”

The wealth accumulated over the years could be used to grant some of it to the northern tribes without bringing hardship upon the people. But once troops were sent to war, the amount of money that would have to be raised was beyond measure. It would be nothing like the relatively easy levies being collected now.

Wang Gongchen said, “The Dog Rong—the name given to the Tangut and other tribes along the northwestern frontier—are insatiable and always look for openings in the Central Plain. Moreover, Your Majesty has only one daughter. What if they demand a marriage alliance? What would you do?” Emperor Renzong’s expression turned sorrowful. “If it would benefit the state and its altars of soil and grain, why should I begrudge them one daughter?”

Wang Gongchen hurriedly replied with humble deference, “I had never imagined that Your Majesty would be willing to sacrifice so much of yourself to care for the people. You truly are a ruler like Yao and Shun.” In tears, he bowed twice, then took his leave.

The Hongdao Lu comments: In my view, Wang Gongchen’s words were simply a variation on the ‘all-in gamble’ argument. Renzong did not delay and evade the issue, as he had in earlier discussions advocating peace. He was even willing to make a personal sacrifice without the slightest resentment. Renzong truly was like Heaven, covering all things, and like Earth, bearing all things. To call him a ruler like Yao and Shun was indeed apt.

Wen Yanbo and Fu Bi served together as chief councilors, holding the office of Tongping Zhangshi. Renzong once asked Wang Su whom he should appoint as chief councilor. Wang Su replied, “The right choice would be someone whose name is unknown even to the eunuchs and the women of the palace.” Renzong said, “By that standard, it would be Fu Bi.” Later, Fu Bi and Wen Yanbo were summoned together, and the court issued an order for all officials to greet them in the suburbs.

Fan Zhen said, “Honoring them with empty ceremony is not as good as treating them with sincerity. Your Majesty has appointed these two men as chief councilors, and the whole court believes the right choice has been made. But under the current rules, Hanlin Academicians and other officials of the Two Drafting Institutes may not visit the chief councilors at their residences, and officials may not meet with them. That cannot be called treating them sincerely. I hope Your Majesty will cancel the suburban welcoming ceremony and lift the ban on visiting the chief councilors. In this way, the court can preserve its proper rules of governance while treating its ministers with sincerity.” The Two Drafting Institutes refers to officials responsible for drafting edicts and other documents.

After the appointment edict was announced, the scholar-officials congratulated one another at court. Renzong sent a junior palace eunuch to find out what was happening. He then said to the Hanlin Academician Ouyang Xiu, “In ancient times, chief councilors were sometimes appointed on the basis of dreams or divination. Now that I have appointed chief councilors and the people’s hearts are so firmly behind the choice, is this not better than relying on dreams and divination?”

The Hongdao Lu comments: Were appointments of chief councilors in our dynasty really made only by following the opinions of eunuchs and palace women? During Renzong’s reign, there were many worthy men, among them Li Di, Wang Zeng, Fan Zhongyan, Wen Yanbo, Fu Bi, and Han Qi. The reason was that Renzong considered the shared judgment of the people under Heaven, rather than acting out of personal interest. This was not only better than relying on dreams and divination; it was also worthy of being passed down to later generations. That is why this book records the benevolent words and deeds of Emperor Wen of Han, and also Renzong of Song’s benevolent choice of chief councilors. Alas, when the way of the chief councilor is sound, all the states under Heaven can live in peace.

At first, severe flooding struck Hebei and the eastern region around the capital. The people were displaced and went to Qingzhou in search of food. Fu Bi persuaded local residents to contribute grain, then supplemented it with grain from government storehouses, gathering a large supply. He also requisitioned more than a hundred thousand public and private buildings, spreading the refugees among them so they could easily obtain water and firewood.

Among the local officials, anyone who had left office, was waiting for an appointment, or was staying temporarily in the area received a stipend and was sent to help where the refugees had gathered. They selected the elderly, the frail and sick, and the emaciated to receive food rations. They recorded each person’s contributions and promised to submit a memorial later requesting rewards from the court. Every five days, Fu Bi also sent people to visit the refugees with wine, meat, prepared food, and gifts. His manner was deeply sincere, so everyone was willing to do their utmost to help.

The people were allowed to gather or catch whatever they could use to make a living in the forests, mountains, rivers, lakes, and marshes. When the wheat harvest was fully ripe, the refugees received travel rations according to the distance they had to go, then each returned home. Fu Bi saved more than fifty million people, and tens of thousands enlisted in the army.

Previously, those who organized relief usually gathered people in the cities and distributed cooked gruel. This could easily cause illness, and refugees might trample one another. Some waited several days without receiving any gruel, then collapsed and died. Relief in name, it was actually doing people harm. Fu Bi’s method was simple and comprehensive, and throughout the realm it became a model for disaster relief. When the emperor heard of it, he sent an envoy to convey his gratitude and praise, and promoted Fu Bi to Vice Minister of Rites.

Later, famine struck the Yili Circuit, and Han Qi served as commissioner for assessing conditions and pacifying the region. He reduced taxes and recruited people to deliver grain to the government. He also recruited able-bodied men, who were tattooed and enrolled in the regional army or the imperial guard. This meant that when one person enlisted, the earnings could support several members of the family and keep them alive. He also ordered that people in the area around Jianmen Pass who wished to migrate east should not be stopped.

Food shortages were especially severe in Jianzhou. During the Mingdao era, a previous famine there had led the authorities to encourage people to deliver grain, which was later sold. The proceeds—more than 160,000 strings of cash, with a string being a unit of currency—were placed in the Ever-Normal Granary. Han Qi said that this money was what remained after famine relief, not government revenue. He therefore opened the storehouse and distributed all of it to households classified as poorer than the fourth tier. He removed greedy, brutal, and incompetent officials, cut 760 redundant service positions, and saved more than 1.9 million famine victims by providing gruel.

Han Qi later served as prefect of Yangzhou, then was transferred to Dingzhou and also appointed pacification commissioner, saving several million famine victims. The emperor issued an edict praising and encouraging him, and nearby regions took his methods of disaster relief as their standard.

The Hongdao Lu comments: The emperor was concerned for the people, while Fu Bi and Han Qi devoted all their efforts to managing the famine. This is like a richly patterned brocade that, in the hands of a skilled tailor, can be made into a well-fitting garment; or fine jade that, once placed in the hands of a skilled carver and polished, reveals its beauty. Heaven does not wish to keep all things from warmth for long; but as the seasons turn, cold is bound to come at times. The original text below this point breaks off at “relying on what I have,” leaving the meaning incomplete.

Good governance can ensure that the people always have enough to eat and wear. They do not want to go hungry; it is only that when famine strikes, they cannot always escape hunger. If we have ways to provide relief, they need not suffer.

Fan Zhongyan, whose courtesy name was Xiwen, is said to have aided more than fifty million people, and Han Qi several million. But without sincere concern—without seeing the people’s hardship as his own and their hunger as his own—how could anyone treat each person as he would himself? This is possible only when genuine sincerity moves everyone at court, from top to bottom. Alas, methods can be taught, but sincerity cannot. If one can devote oneself fully to the public good and set aside private interests, one can govern with the same dedication as these two gentlemen.

On the Xinwei day of the third lunar month in the spring of Jiayou 8 (1063), Emperor Renzong died. On the very day the imperial edict announcing his death was issued, people even in the remotest mountain valleys ran about weeping bitterly, overcome by grief.

The Hongdao lu records: The Doctrine of the Mean says, “Thus, a person of lofty virtue is sure to be worthy of the position, salary, reputation, and longevity that correspond to it.” Renzong was truly a rare ruler. Anyone might attain high position, but no one could count on ascending the throne so young, seeing the realm later flourish, and ruling for forty-two years as he did. Anyone might receive a salary, but no one could count on enjoying an age of peace so calmly and at leisure, with music and dancing filling the land. Anyone might gain a reputation, but no one could count on seeing worthy gentlemen rise and petty men withdraw, ushering in the well-governed years of the Kangding and Qingli eras. Anyone might live a long life, but no one could count on the people in remote mountain valleys grieving his death as if they had lost their parents, running about and weeping in utter despair. These are the reasons Renzong was given the posthumous title “Renzong,” meaning “Benevolent Ancestor.”

The court historian praised him: “Renzong’s reverence, frugality, benevolence, and generosity came naturally to him. When floods or droughts struck, he sometimes prayed quietly in his chambers; at other times he stood barefoot beneath the palace hall. When an official asked to turn the former site of the Jade Clarity Palace into an imperial garden, he replied, ‘I have inherited the gardens of the late emperor, and even those seem too large to me. Why should I need this place as well for my amusement?’ He wore his everyday clothes again and again after they had been washed. Most of the palace curtains, bedding, and mats were made of coarse silk with patterned designs.

“One night, feeling hungry, he thought of roast mutton. But he ordered that no one send word to obtain any, fearing that the kitchen staff might thereafter slaughter livestock in order to have it ready whenever he wanted. Whenever he had doubts about a death sentence, he ordered the relevant offices to review the case. In a single year, he saved more than a thousand people from execution. A group of candidates for official posts in the Ministry of Personnel had all been sentenced to death over one mistaken judgment; they were barred from promotion for the rest of their lives. Renzong often said to his senior ministers, ‘I have never lightly sentenced anyone to death…’”

Moreover, how could he have dared to abuse the use of punishments? When the Xia people of Western Xia crossed the border, he sent troops to drive them back. When the Khitan broke their treaty, he increased the annual payments. During his forty-two years on the throne, officials may at times have been lax in administering government affairs, but among those he appointed to carry out his policies there were no cruel and harsh men. The laws may have seemed lenient, yet many of those who judged cases were fair. The state was not without favored courtiers, but they were not enough to corrupt the customs of good government. Nor was the court without petty men, but they could not overwhelm the upright and virtuous. From top to bottom, ruler and ministers shared a compassionate concern for the people. Through loyal and generous governance, they nurtured the foundations of the state and laid the groundwork for the Song dynasty’s more than three hundred years of rule. When later generations went against this course, they gradually fell into disorder and calamity. An ancient book says, “A ruler should make benevolence his highest aim.” Renzong truly lived up to this.

The Hu family of Xin’an said: During Renzong’s reign, someone presented twenty-eight clams, each worth a thousand coins. Renzong said, “One bite costs a thousand coins. I cannot bring myself to accept that.” When a northern envoy spoke of Goryeo’s tribute, someone proposed sending troops. Renzong said, “This is only the fault of the king of Goryeo’s son. If we send troops over it, I fear we will slaughter the people.” In the end, the campaign was called off. When plague broke out in the capital, someone brought out a tongtian rhinoceros horn, which people in ancient times believed could be used as medicine, to treat him. Someone asked that it be kept for the emperor’s use. Renzong said, “Do I value rare treasures and despise the people?” Su Shi’s younger brother, Su Zhe, wrote his response to an official policy question in language that was too blunt, and someone asked that he be demoted. Renzong said, “If we seek frank advice, then reject a man because his words are frank, what will people throughout the realm think?” He also loved learning, honored Confucianism, and upheld the Way of the sages; these pursuits flourished especially in his reign. At the imperial lectures on the classics and histories, he said to the officials attending him, “Even in the height of summer, I have never felt the least weariness. I worry only that you are tiring yourselves.” Ah, this ruler devoted himself to governing the realm with such sincerity that there is truly nothing to fault.

The Record says: Someone asked, “Renzong truly lived up to the Way of a ruler. Can he be compared with the emperors of antiquity?” The answer was: “Not yet. Have you not read what Confucius said to Duke Ai of Lu? If this Way can truly be put into practice, even the foolish will become discerning, and even the weak will become strong. Renzong’s nature was pure, but the failing in virtue revealed by the affair of Empress Guo shows that his study of the Way of the sages was not fully complete. Though the court had many worthy ministers, they could not change his character. This was because he had more than enough benevolence and gentleness, but lacked firmness and decisiveness. In the end, he was only a ruler of the Zhao Song dynasty. Thus the ancients said, ‘Be discerning and be single-minded,’ and also, ‘Be attentive to what is subtle, and be at peace.’ These are the essential principles by which emperors have governed since antiquity.”

The Book of the Five Relationships says: Emperor Zhaoxiao Renzong was naturally clear-minded and pure, and his filial devotion and fraternal affection arose from his very nature.

For twenty years, he had occupied the position of heir apparent and understood deeply the Way of governing that a ruler ought to follow. After ascending the throne, he governed diligently and appointed capable people with sincerity. He often said, “In the final analysis, a ruler’s task is to show benevolence.” He therefore widely extended his kindness, ended government requisitions and purchases, forgave old debts, asked after the people’s hardships, gave priority to agricultural production, honored those who had rendered service in the past, and restored neglected institutions and regulations. He repeatedly urged judicial officials to be lenient and to avoid harshness and severity, making concern for the people his daily priority.

The Record says: From the Song dynasty to the present, over more than five hundred years, only one or two rulers have received “Benevolent” as their posthumous title, the name bestowed after death. Is it not wonderful that such a fine reputation and honorific title should still be praised by filial sons and worthy descendants a hundred generations later?

Records of the Words and Deeds of Eminent Officials of the Great Ming

Emperor Jing of Xiaozong (Zhu Youtang of the Ming dynasty) reigned for eighteen years and was constantly concerned with the realm. He once summoned the Minister Liu Daxia and asked him, “When will the realm finally be at peace? When will I be able to govern like the emperors of antiquity?” Liu Daxia replied, “One should not be too hasty in seeking good government. Whenever there is doubt about appointments or policy, summon the grand secretaries and senior ministers to discuss the matter in person. Once it has been properly decided, put it into practice, and things will naturally accord with reason. That is peace.”

The Censor-in-Chief Dai Shan, old and often ill, asked to resign. The emperor issued an edict saying, “Tell Dai Shan that I entrust the affairs of the realm to you sincerely, as a father entrusts matters to his son within one family. The realm has yet to show signs of peace. How could I bear for you to leave me and return home first?”

The Record says: The Hymns of Zhou states, “Heaven has established the great mandate, and the two former kings received it. King Cheng dared not rest at ease; day and night he laid the foundations, carefully and thoroughly receiving the Mandate of Heaven. He carried on and advanced its brightness, devoting all his strength, and thus the realm was brought to peace.” These lines seem to have been written precisely to praise Emperor Xiaozong.

More than a hundred and fifty years after the founding of the Ming dynasty, the great mandate established by Heaven had been received in succession by sage rulers across the generations. After Xiaozong inherited the throne, he truly dared not rest at ease. The words about carefully receiving Heaven’s mandate, carrying on and advancing its brightness, and devoting all one’s strength fit him especially well. His virtue was deep but unobtrusive, calm and firmly rooted; day and night he steadily accumulated effort to continue the Mandate of Heaven. He longed for peace throughout the realm, and truly was able to carry forward and enlarge the great achievements of Taizu, Chengzu, and the emperors before him, devoting his full strength to the task. As a result, the realm remains at peace to this day, and the state has long enjoyed good fortune. If Heaven had granted him a longer life, which emperor of antiquity could he not have surpassed?

At that time, Li Mengyang, a director in the Ministry of Revenue, submitted a memorial criticizing the government …

At the time, Emperor Xiaozong was angered by Li Mengyang’s case and had him imprisoned. After the case was examined, the relevant officials drew up a confession and prepared to submit it to the emperor for sentencing. Later, the emperor issued an order restoring Li Mengyang to his former post.

One day, after Liu Daxia had finished presenting a memorial, the emperor asked, “How are things beyond the court these days?” Liu Daxia kowtowed and replied, “Recently, an order was issued to release Li Mengyang. Everyone inside and outside the court rejoiced and celebrated, saying that Your Majesty’s benevolence is as vast as Heaven and Earth.”

The emperor said, “Li Mengyang spoke recklessly, and I had no choice but to imprison him. When the Office of the Imperial Guard sent over the case files, I asked the attendants and close ministers what should be done. One person said, ‘This man is reckless. He should be handed over to the Embroidered Uniform Guard to be beaten and then released.’ I saw what these people intended: they wanted me to issue an order for Li Mengyang to be severely beaten again, until he was beaten to death. That would let the palace vent its anger while leaving me with the reputation of having killed an upright minister. Since the attendants and close ministers were so disloyal, I released Li Mengyang at once, restored him to his former post, and stopped the judicial officials from deciding on a charge.” Liu Daxia kowtowed again and said, “Your Majesty’s conduct is the benevolence of Yao and Shun.”

On one occasion, Zhang Tianxiang, a regional military commander in Liaodong, attacked and killed enemy bandits, but was sentenced to death by Wu Yiguan, a vice minister of the Court of Judicial Review. Zhang Tianxiang later died in prison. Emperor Xiaozong was furious and personally questioned Wu Yiguan at court, intending to impose a severe sentence. The Minister of Justice, Min Gui, and the Censor-in-Chief, Dai Shan, stepped forward and said, “Wu Yiguan examined the case improperly; his offense merits a sentence of penal servitude.” Though the emperor was displeased, they continued to remonstrate, saying, “The law provides for this. A sentence at this level is sufficient.”

The emperor then asked Liu Daxia, “Tell me: which rulers and ministers of antiquity acted in this way?” Liu Daxia replied, “When I was young, I read the Mencius and saw that it says that when Shun was emperor, Gao Yao served as the judicial officer. When Gu Sou, Shun’s father, killed a man, Gao Yao simply arrested him according to the law. Surely the officials who enforce the law today should act in the same way.” The emperor nodded in agreement. The next day, he issued an order that Wu Yiguan should only be dismissed from office.

Another day, Emperor Xiaozong summoned Liu Daxia and discussed current affairs, including the talented people of the time. The emperor said, “A man like Wang Hongru, the assistant commissioner of Shanxi, could be entrusted with important responsibilities in the future.” Liu Daxia replied, “Your Majesty is quite right.” Later, Liu Daxia told his fellow townsman, the clerk Xu Wenxiang, what had been said. He remarked, “The court can entrust great affairs only to people like him. I am old now and fear I will not live to see that day. Remember this.”

The compiler of the Hongdao Lu comments: All these events reveal Emperor Xiaozong’s sincere and profound intentions, which far surpassed those of emperors in recent times. Sadly, I, a humble servant confined to the seacoast, had no opportunity to consult the official histories more widely and record all these events.

The ministers recorded in the histories as renowned for their benevolence and kindness did little more than this.

These accounts are therefore included together here as the conclusion of the whole book.

The Hongdao lu ends here.