《弘道錄》Vol. 24

The Rites Between Father and Son

The Book of Yu says: “He reverently carried out the sacrifices. When he went to pay a visit to Gusou, he was respectful and awestruck in his manner; Gusou, too, truly submitted.”

The Hongdao lu says: During the reign of Emperor Gaozu of Han, the household steward was once rewarded. When Taigong, Gaozu’s father, welcomed him holding a broom, people said, “A father cannot treat his son as a ruler.” Later, when Gaozu went again to Xinfeng, Taigong sat cross-legged in delight, and people said, “A ruler cannot treat his subject as a father.” Yet they did not know that this was precisely the view of Xianqiu Meng.

The relationship between father and son takes its root in the natural order of Heaven and Earth and was established before Heaven and Earth came into being. The rites between ruler and subject, by contrast, arose to maintain relations of subordination and came into being only after Heaven and Earth had taken shape. Thus, the distinction between father and son can encompass the rites between ruler and subject, but those rites cannot alter the distinction between father and son. Those who think Taigong showed respect by welcoming his son with a broom: did they ever understand the Book of Yu’s words, “He reverently carried out the sacrifices”? And those who think Taigong sat cross-legged out of delight: have they ever seen the respectful awe described in the Book of Yu? The saying “A father cannot treat his son as a ruler” is brief, but its meaning may be off by only a hair and yet lead a thousand miles astray. It must be carefully examined.

Mencius said: “The highest expression of a filial child’s conduct is to honor their parents. The highest expression of honoring one’s parents is to provide them with all the comforts of the realm. To be the father of the Son of Heaven is the highest degree of honor; to enjoy all the comforts of the realm is the highest degree of support.”

The Hongdao lu says: Mencius taught that the most important thing for a filial child is to honor their parents. Shun had already become the Son of Heaven, so why did he not honor Gusou as emperor? Mencius also said that being the father of the Son of Heaven was the highest honor. Even if Shun did not honor Gusou as emperor, there is no record that he called Yao his father. How should these two matters be understood?

Some say that the rites for posthumously honoring ancestors as kings were not fully established until the Zhou dynasty, so Shun’s example cannot necessarily serve as a precedent. The title “Imperial Uncle” began in the Song dynasty, so the case of Prince Pu should all the less be taken as a standard. In sum, the distinctions and order established by Heaven and Earth cannot be changed, while succession to the imperial throne and the continuation of the ancestral temples cannot be delayed. They cannot be delayed because establishing the foundation of the realm depends on them; they cannot be changed because they are the great Way that prevails throughout the realm. These two principles operate together and do not obstruct one another. If one values honoring parents alone but fails to respect the order of succession, one has not understood how Shun succeeded…

Yao’s greatness lay in the high regard he showed for the successor he later appointed. Yet in doing so, he withheld from his own father the affection and honor due to him. This shows that Yao did not understand the degree of reverence owed to Gusou, Shun’s father. His mistake was that he failed to grasp the principles involved. When he encountered the saying that “a ruler bears a father’s kindness toward his subjects,” he treated it as a genuine father–son relationship and believed it could not be changed, without realizing that it might not be a true father–son relationship at all. When he encountered the saying that “one who becomes another’s heir must fulfill his duties like a son,” he again treated it as a genuine father–son relationship and believed it could not be altered, without realizing that this relationship might in fact be adjusted. Thus neither of them understood the underlying principle.

The Doctrine of the Mean says: “Shun was truly a filial son! His virtue reached the level of a sage; he was honored as Son of Heaven and possessed all the wealth within the four seas. His ancestral temple made offerings to him, and his descendants guarded his legacy from generation to generation.”

The Record of Expounding the Dao says: Someone asked, “Shun did not honor Gusou, so why does it say, ‘His ancestral temple made offerings to him’? Shun did not pass the imperial throne to his son, so why does it say, ‘His descendants guarded his legacy from generation to generation’?”

The reply was: “This was the intention of a great sage, beyond the insight of ordinary people. Gusou had no part in the succession to the throne. If Shun had wanted to honor him as an ancestor, Gusou might not have received the offerings. Shang Jun, Shun’s son, was not recommended by Shun to Heaven; if Shun had passed the throne to him, he might not have been able to preserve the legacy. Shun honored Gusou as the father of the Son of Heaven: this was the highest possible honor. He also offered sacrifices to Gusou with the rites due to the Son of Heaven: this was the fullest expression of sacrificial rites. That is why it says, ‘His ancestral temple made offerings to him.’ Yu Si was enfeoffed in Yu, and Hu Gong in Chen. These were ample grants to the descendants of sages, which is why it says, ‘His descendants guarded his legacy from generation to generation.’”

The Record of Sacrificial Rites says: “The Xia rulers offered the Di sacrifice to the Yellow Emperor and the suburban sacrifice to Gun.”

The Record of Expounding the Dao says: Liu’s commentary holds that, in the age of the Five Emperors, the realm was regarded as common property. Therefore, the ancestors before Yu the Great should, according to Zheng’s commentary, be honored for their achievements as ancestors and for their virtue as lineage founders. Under the Xia, Shang, and Zhou dynasties, however, the realm was inherited within one family. Gun should therefore have been regarded as an ancestor of the Xia dynasty, but should not have received the suburban sacrifice.

The author says: This is exactly what I have argued: the two practices can coexist and be carried out at the same time without contradicting each other. Shun’s sacrifices to the Yellow Emperor, his use of the suburban rite for Ku, and his honoring of Zhuanxu as ancestor and Yao as lineage founder all concerned the succession to the realm. Gusou, meanwhile, was still honored as the father of the Son of Heaven. These two practices were never at odds.

As for the Xia dynasty’s use of the suburban rite for Gun, this was because Yu’s achievements had their roots in filial piety. Yu brought the waters and the land under control and brought order to Heaven and Earth, benefiting all later generations. Therefore, when the Xia offered sacrifices to the Supreme Emperor, Gun too had to be included among those who shared in the offering. This concerned the inheritance of the realm within one family. Moreover, Gun spent many years managing the floods, and Gun had…

Later, Xia Yu inherited the imperial throne, extending the Dao’s teachings eastward and spreading them westward. How could we dare forget their source?

Yet Gun’s title remained as it had been; he was not elevated to the rank of emperor. This was the ritual order established by the two ancient emperors and three kings, practiced for ten thousand generations without harm.

When Wu Ding, the High Ancestor of the Shang, performed a sacrifice, a pheasant was heard crowing—an ominous portent. Zu Ji therefore admonished Wu Ding: “The sage kings of old always made the proper conduct of government their first concern. Heaven watches over the people below, and a ruler should act in accordance with the right way. Alas, the ruler bears the responsibility of caring for and nourishing the people. All those who succeed to a predecessor’s position are acknowledged by Heaven’s Mandate as sons of the ancestral line. In establishing ritual, one must not show favoritism toward those close to oneself.”

The Hongdao lu says: “If we examine the succession before Wu Ding, Zu Ding passed the throne to Nan Geng, who passed it to Yang Jia. Yang Jia was Zu Ding’s son. After him came Pan Geng, Xiao Xin, and Xiao Yi, all of Zu Ding’s line, who succeeded one another according to the practice of a younger brother succeeding an elder brother. Only High Ancestor Wu Ding, the son of Xiao Yi, later inherited the throne. Zu Ji’s admonition to Wu Ding therefore had a reason.

“‘Tong’ refers to the name of the sacrificial rite. Wu Ding first sacrificed to his ancestors in the ancestral temple, then to his father, Xiao Yi. The pheasant’s cry at that moment was a warning from Heaven to Wu Ding. The words ‘All those who succeed to a predecessor’s position are acknowledged by Heaven’s Mandate as sons of the ancestral line’ mean that whoever inherits the ancestral succession should regard the line he inherits as his own father. ‘In establishing ritual, one must not show favoritism toward those close to oneself’ means that private family affection must not lead one to violate ritual.”

Wu Ding had personally inherited the throne as the rightful successor, yet he still observed mourning for Yang Jia, Pan Geng, and Xiao Xin. If ritual were changed out of favoritism toward those close to oneself, order would be disrupted. How much more seriously, then, should people in later generations reflect on this matter?

The Book of Rites records: When King Wen of Zhou was heir apparent, he went three times each day to inquire after his father, King Ji. At the first crowing of the cock, he dressed properly and went to the door of his father’s chamber to ask the attendant in charge of the inner quarters, “How is he today? Is he well?” The attendant replied, “He is well.” King Wen was delighted to hear this. At midday he went to ask again, as he had in the morning; he went once more in the evening, and the response was the same.

If King Ji was unwell, the attendant would tell King Wen. King Wen would then show his concern, and as he walked, he would even fail to put his shoes on properly. Only when King Ji had recovered his appetite would King Wen return to his usual expression. Whenever his father ate, King Wen would stay beside him and observe whether the food was at a suitable temperature. After the meal, he would ask what his father had eaten and instruct the chief cook, “Do not serve my father the same food again.” The chief cook replied, “Yes.” Only then would King Wen withdraw. King Wu followed King Wen’s practice and dared not add anything to it.

The Hongdao lu says: These were simply the daily duties of serving one’s parents, yet the text especially says that King Wu “dared not add anything.” This is because filial devotion has no end; if children pursue deeds beyond the proper measure, they may fail even to fulfill their ordinary responsibilities. When Emperor Xiaozong of Song served Gaozong, father and son lived in the same residence…

While sleeping, he shared a couch with King Wen. He also cut a length of bamboo, hollowed it out, placed a golden pellet inside, and used it to pass messages. If he had also visited frequently to exchange greetings and ask whether all was well, that would have been like the behavior of a child toward a parent. This was precisely the kind of breach of propriety that neither King Wen nor King Wu would dare commit.

The Huainanzi says: “When the Duke of Zhou served King Wen, he did not act on his own initiative or decide matters by himself. He held himself so respectfully that his clothes seemed unable to support him, and spoke with such caution that words seemed difficult to utter. He upheld King Wen’s teachings with reverence and single-mindedness, as though unable to bear the responsibility and fearful of losing anything.” These words probably describe the Duke of Zhou.

The Hongdao lu says: The Duke of Zhou had the authority to establish rites and decide affairs of state. Why, then, does it say that he did not act on his own initiative or decide matters by himself? This is because rites and music were affairs of state that he could oversee, while one’s aspirations and conduct set the standards for life and for posterity, and were not his to decide alone. A son must refrain from changing his father’s ways for three years after his father’s death; only then can his filial remembrance endure through the ages. If he takes matters into his own hands even for a single day, he cannot be said to remember his father for life. This is where family and state are alike, and also where they differ. A son should understand this.

The Classic of Filial Piety says: In ancient times, the Duke of Zhou sacrificed to Houji, the ancestor of the Zhou people, in the open country, and had Houji accompany Heaven in the sacrifice. He also sacrificed to King Wen in the Hall of Enlightenment, having King Wen accompany the Supreme Deity. Thus people from every part of the realm came to take part in the sacrifices according to their respective duties. The Book of Songs says: “I perform the sacrifice and offer its victims, sheep and cattle. May Heaven grant its protection. I follow the institutions of King Wen, bringing peace to all under Heaven. King Wen sends down blessings and partakes of the offerings. Morning and evening I stand in awe of Heaven’s majesty; may Heaven grant us its protection.”

Cheng Yi says: The root of all things is Heaven, and the root of humankind is its ancestors. Therefore, the sacrifice to Heaven at the Winter Solstice includes the ancestors as accompanying offerings, because the Winter Solstice marks the first stirrings of Yang energy. All things take shape through the transforming power of the Supreme Deity, just as people take shape through their fathers. Therefore, at the sacrifice to the Supreme Deity in the last month of autumn, the father is made an accompanying offering, because this is the season when all things ripen.

Mr. Chen says: The suburban sacrifice invokes “Heaven” to show reverence, and so Houji is made an accompanying offering. Houji lived long ago; having him accompany the sacrifice in the open country also expresses reverence for him. The sacrifice in the Hall of Enlightenment invokes the “Deity” to express intimacy, and so King Wen is made an accompanying offering. King Wen was a close relative; having him accompany the sacrifice in the Hall of Enlightenment also expresses intimacy with him. By honoring elders and loving one’s kin, the Zhou established a complete system of rites. The suburban sacrifice, however, was an ancient rite, while the sacrifice in the Hall of Enlightenment was an institution established by the Zhou. The Duke of Zhou created this institution on the basis of principle.

The Hongdao lu says: In my view, the sacrifice in the Hall of Enlightenment was not simply a matter of valuing outward forms of ritual, but rather…

To make King Wen’s institutions the model for ritual and law is the true expression of honoring one’s father and having him share in the offerings to Heaven. Heaven is supremely exalted, and nothing can surpass it. So at a sacrifice one says only, “Perhaps he will partake of the offerings,” and dares not add a single word. There are countless ways in which King Wen is worthy of emulation. Heaven needs no praise from others, yet King Wen modeled himself on the Way of Heaven. The Jing ends by speaking of reverence for Heaven’s majesty without mentioning King Wen, because King Wen belongs to exalted Heaven. To revere Heaven is to revere King Wen; their principles are one.

In later ages, sacrifices in the Hall of Light (Mingtang, a ceremonial building used for sacrifices and court audiences) and offerings to Heaven in the countryside were sometimes performed according to ritual. Yet opinions multiplied and disputes continued, while the results of governance fell short of those in antiquity. This shows that honoring the former kings through ritual alone is less effective than putting their example into practice.

Someone else asked, “What virtue of the sages could surpass filial piety?” Parents raise their children in their arms and on their knees; the children then provide for their parents. This is called “reverence.” The sages teach people to honor others through dignity, and to care for others through affection. Their instruction succeeds without severity, and their government works without harshness, because it rests on what is fundamental. The bond between parent and child arises from nature, as does the duty between ruler and subject. Nothing is a greater kindness than parents giving birth to and raising their children; no relationship is deeper than that between a ruler, whose position is honored, and the people he governs. To fail to love one’s own parents while loving others is to violate De (Virtue); to fail to respect one’s own parents while respecting others is to violate ritual and right conduct. If what follows the proper order is treated as its opposite, the people lose their standard. Without goodness as their guide, all they accomplish will be harmful conduct. A gentleman does not value any benefit gained in this way.

A gentleman acts differently. Before speaking, he considers whether his words accord with reason; before acting, he considers whether his actions deserve approval. His De and moral conduct merit respect, his work can serve as a model, his manner as a host is worth observing, and he keeps proper measure in every advance and retreat. When he faces the people with such conduct, they respect and love him, and willingly take him as their example. In this way, he can establish moral instruction and carry out government. The Book of Songs says, “The good gentleman—his bearing and conduct are without fault.”

The Hongdao lu comments: To teach through respect and to teach through affection is a standard that children in every age should follow. Honoring one’s father and having him share in the offerings to Heaven is the highest form of ritual, too profound to describe fully. King Wen, above us, shines with brilliance in Heaven; he too is difficult to emulate. Yet people do not understand that parents give birth to and raise their children, who were once one with their parents before becoming separate. The bond between parent and child is of the utmost gravity and must never be violated. The Way of parent and child is supremely profound, and nothing can sever it. If one puts it into practice step by step in one’s speech, government, bearing, and every advance and retreat, then the principles that serve as models and rules are all present. Does the Book of Songs not also say, “Carry on the virtue of your ancestors in the courtyard; whether ascending or descending, perform the rites as you move through the household…” When serving one’s elders, …

Those whose ancestors are enshrined alongside Heaven should take this as their model.

The Announcement of the Care of the Deceased King records: On the day yichou, King Cheng died. The Grand Guardian, the Duke of Shao, ordered Zhong Huan and Nangong Mao to go with Marquis Lü Ji of Qi, son of the Grand Duke, carrying two sets of shields and spears and a hundred tiger warriors, the king’s guards. They went outside the southern gate to welcome Crown Prince Zhao and escort him into the side chamber beside the main hall, where he would observe mourning and oversee the ancestral temple’s mourning rites. On the day dingmao, they ordered the appointment document to be written.

Seven days later, on the day guiyou, the Grand Guardian ordered the officials to prepare the ritual objects. Facing south between the windows, they laid out overlapping bamboo mats edged with black-and-white axe patterns and set out tables adorned with fine jade. In the western gallery, facing east; in the eastern gallery, facing west; and in the western side chamber, facing south, they laid out different mats and set out jade tables of varying kinds and grades. They also displayed the treasures: the Red Knife, the Great Instructions—the former kings’ admonitions—the Great Bi disk, and the Wan and Yan jades were placed in the western gallery; the Great Jade, the Yi Jade, the Heavenly Sphere, and the Yellow River Chart were placed in the eastern gallery; dance robes, great shell ornaments, and the great drum were placed in the western chamber; and the halberd made by Dui, the bow made by He, and the bamboo arrows made by Chui were placed in the eastern chamber. The Great Carriage was set before the guests’ steps, the Decorated Carriage before the eastern steps, the Former Carriage before the left gatehouse, and the Second Carriage before the right gatehouse.

The guards were arranged as follows: two wore sparrow-shaped caps and held three-edged spears, standing inside the Bi Gate; four wore dark green caps and held spears with their points raised, standing on either side of the two stairways. One guard apiece wore a ceremonial cap and carried, respectively, a Liu, an axe, a Kui, a Qu, and a Rui. They stood in order at the eastern hall, western hall, eastern outer passage, western outer passage, and side stairway.

King Kang wore a hemp ceremonial cap and a robe embroidered with axe patterns, and ascended the hall by the guests’ steps. The ministers and feudal lords wore hemp ceremonial caps and ant-colored lower garments, entered, and took their places. The Grand Guardian, Grand Scribe, and Grand Ancestral Official all wore hemp ceremonial caps and red lower garments. The Grand Guardian carried the Great Scepter, while the Senior Ancestral Official carried a wine cup and the jade mao. They ascended by the eastern steps. The Grand Scribe carried the written document and ascended by the guests’ steps. He read the appointment to the king: “The former king, leaning on his jade table, proclaimed his final charge: he commands you to carry on the teachings of the former kings, rule the Zhou domain, follow the great laws, and bring harmony to all under Heaven, thereby repaying and extending the luminous teachings of Kings Wen and Wu.”

King Kang bowed twice, rose, and replied: “I am small and young. How could I govern the four quarters and stand in awe of Heaven’s majesty?” He then received the wine cup and the mao, advanced three times, made a libation three times, and set down the cup three times. The Senior Ancestral Official said, “Please partake.” The Grand Guardian took the cup, went down to wash his hands, and took another cup. Holding a jade tablet, he offered a reciprocal toast and handed the cup to the ritual attendant. He bowed to the king, who returned the bow. The Grand Guardian then took the cup again, made a libation, tasted the sacrificial food, and returned to his place, completing the rite.

When noblemen were invested with titles, members of the royal clan performed the rites together. After paying their respects to the king, the king returned their bow. The Grand Guardian, acting on the king’s command, went to welcome the feudal lords, who withdrew from court through the outer gate.

The Record of Broadening the Way says: This passage concerns the rites that all under Heaven, for generations to come, should observe when the Son of Heaven ascends the throne. Confucius took this as his model and included it in the Spring and Autumn Annals. The Son of Heaven receives the Mandate of Heaven and succeeds to the throne; his status is far above that of the feudal lords. Yet, in the fundamental order and legitimate succession emphasized by the Spring and Autumn Annals, both the Son of Heaven and the feudal lords must observe the rites of accession. Thus, the Annals records the first year and the ruler’s accession precisely to honor the beginning of ritual propriety. This may have carried forward the institutions practiced by King Cheng and King Kang of Zhou, and by the Duke of Zhou and the Duke of Shao.

Later rulers such as Emperor Wu of Han and Emperor Taizong of Tang knew of the regency charge, by which a dying ruler entrusted the affairs of state to others, but did not know that armed palace guards should stand ready at the southern gate to welcome the new ruler, thereby displaying the ritual of succession to the throne. Zhou Bo and Di Renjie knew how to install a crown prince, but not how to follow the investiture rites by displaying the jade regalia and issuing the formal commands that would guide the new ruler in observing the great rites. When Emperor Taizu of Song died, not even the palace attendants knew of it; the affair later became an enduring mystery. How could such conduct bring harmony to the hearts of people throughout the realm? And what of accepting a ruler while defying one’s father or elder brother, or of ministers acting in the ruler’s place and expelling him? Such acts often involve force, bribery, and the gathering of private factions. Compared with this ritual order, the difference could hardly be greater.

The Meaning of the Capping Rite says: What makes people human is ritual propriety and righteousness. These begin with a well-ordered appearance, a composed expression, and fitting speech. Only when appearance is correct, expression dignified, and speech appropriate are ritual propriety and righteousness complete. Then the relations between ruler and minister can be put in order, fathers and sons brought closer, and elders and juniors brought into harmony. When ruler and minister are properly aligned, fathers and sons are close, and elders and juniors live in harmony, ritual propriety is established.

Thus, only after a man has undergone the capping rite—the ceremony in which an ancient man received his adult cap—does he possess the full attire of an adult. Once his attire is complete, his appearance, expression, and speech can be brought into order. For this reason, it is said that the capping rite is the beginning of ritual propriety. The sage kings of antiquity valued this rite: they chose an auspicious day and used divination to select the guest who would officiate, showing their reverence for it. To revere the capping rite is to value ritual propriety; to value ritual propriety is the foundation of establishing a state.

The eldest son of the principal wife underwent the capping rite on the eastern steps of the ancestral temple to show that he would inherit the family estate. He performed the libation ceremony, in which wine was offered as part of the capping rite, at the place reserved for guests to signify that he had reached adulthood. At each of the three cappings, the cap and attire became more distinguished, showing that his aspirations were gradually maturing. After the rite, he was given a courtesy name to honor his status as an adult. The ancients valued the capping rite, so they held it in the ancestral temple. They held it there to honor this important occasion. By honoring it and not presuming to conduct it casually, they humbled themselves and showed reverence for their ancestors.

The Record of Broadening the Way also says: Children should attend to their parents by asking after their well-being each morning and evening; after their parents die, they should observe mourning for three years.

When a son undergoes the capping ceremony, the rite marking a man’s coming of age, he must be crowned three times to show him due respect. Thus, although the ceremony changed over the ages, both a shi and a feudal lord should hold it on the eastern steps of the ancestral temple. Ji Wuzi asked a neighboring state to lend him the ritual vessels, but later held his son’s capping ceremony in the ancestral temple of Duke Cheng of Wei. This violated ritual propriety. One might argue that it was done out of respect for the command of a great state; but it is hard to claim that it was a good deed brought about by Duke Xiang of Lu.

The Discourses on the States (Guoyu) records that after Zhao Wenzi (Zhao Wu, a high minister of Jin) underwent the capping ceremony, he paid a visit to Luan Wuzi. Luan Wuzi said, “How splendid! I once served Master Zhuang. A fine appearance is certainly an honor, but without genuine virtue, one does not know how to conduct oneself. You should strive to cultivate genuine virtue.”

Zhao Wenzi then went to see Zhongxing Xuanzi. Zhongxing Xuanzi said, “How splendid! It is a pity that I have grown old.”

Next, he paid a visit to Fan Wenzi. Fan Wenzi said, “Now you can remember these admonitions. When a virtuous person receives favor, he becomes more cautious; when someone lacking virtue receives favor, he grows arrogant. Thus a flourishing ruler rewards ministers who dare to remonstrate, while a disordered ruler punishes them.”

Zhao Wenzi then went to see Xi Jubo. Xi Jubo said, “How splendid! Yet even the strongest young person cannot match the depth of experience of an elder.”

Next, he paid a visit to Han Xianzi. Han Xianzi said, “Be cautious. The capping ceremony marks your becoming an adult. From the beginning, an adult should draw close to good people and follow the right path. As good deeds accumulate, there is no opening for evil deeds to arise. But if you begin by drawing close to bad people, evil deeds will accumulate, and good deeds will have little chance to appear. It is like plants and trees: each grows according to its kind. A person’s capping ceremony is like a house receiving its walls and roof. How the interior is swept and put in order is up to you.”

He then went to see Zhi Wuzi. Zhi Wuzi said, “You must strive. Chengzi (Zhao Chengzi) followed the aims of those before him and assisted his former ruler. He upheld the laws and put them into practice through government affairs. Does that not count as cultivated virtue? During the reigns of Duke Xiang and Duke Ling, Xuanzi remonstrated with all his might. Though his remonstrations brought him resentment, he was not afraid to die and continued to speak out. Does that not count as loyalty? You must strive to carry on their legacy. If you can show Xuanzi’s loyalty and use Chengzi’s cultivated virtue to assist the ruler, you will be able to accomplish things.”

Zhao Wenzi then went to see Cheng Shuzi. Cheng Shuzi said, “So many young people are now taking up official posts. How could I make room for you?”

Next, he paid a visit to Wen Jizi. Wen Jizi said, “If others can do it, surely you can too. You can strive to attain it.”

He then told Zhang Lao what they had said. Zhang Lao replied, “Well said. By following the advice of Luan Bo, you can deepen the instruction of Fan Shu and put Han Zi’s admonitions into practice. You have received guidance from every side. The key lies with you. Without the instruction of these three elders, there would be nothing to say about your understanding of the Way. You have a fine grasp of its principles; this is the protection and instruction of your former lord.”

The Hongdao Lu records: “I believe that the words of these Jin ministers are enough to show what people of that time held in esteem…”

Ritual is the starting point of all codes of conduct. Wen Zi had lost his father in childhood, and when he was young he did not yet have the ability to conduct himself in the world. He especially needed guidance in how to be a son, a younger brother, and a subject, and in how to treat those younger than himself. Such instruction in ritual must not be treated as though it were the same as in other circumstances.

If arrogance, extravagance, and indulgence are allowed to grow unchecked, their consequences are inevitable. Since you gentlemen were able to petition for the restoration of his rank and fief, you may be said to have fulfilled the duty of mutual aid and shared observance of ritual. But without words urging him toward goodness, and without conduct marked by loyalty and deference, how could you bring honor to the virtues of your ancestors?

Earlier, Luan Fan Xianzi had carried out his duties diligently; later, Cheng Ji and Zhang Lao repeatedly upheld ritual principles and offered admonitions. Such models of ritual conduct are truly worthy of praise. Wen Zi’s achievements were no accident.

The Spring and Autumn Annals, under Duke Min, year two, records: “In summer, on the day yiyou of the fifth month, the auspicious Di sacrifice was performed at the temple of Duke Zhuang.” The Spring and Autumn Annals, under Duke Xi, year eight, also records: “In autumn, in the seventh month, the Di sacrifice was performed at the Grand Ancestral Temple, and the lady was received through this ceremony.”

The Record of Promoting the Way says: “Here we are dealing with the most important principles of the Spring and Autumn Annals. The Xia, Shang, and Zhou dynasties all based their rule of the realm on ritual and music; the proper practice of ritual and music was especially crucial. Ritual is not innate, nor does it spring from the earth. It is simply established in accordance with human feelings.

“Di is a rite for sacrificing to the ancestors of a ruler. What principle, then, could justify performing the auspicious Di sacrifice at the temple of Duke Zhuang? And what ritual basis could there be for receiving a lady through the rite of Di? This is like the conduct Confucius criticized: performing the Son of Heaven’s rites in the halls of the Three Huan families. It was a profound violation of ritual.

“Lady Ai Jiang, wife of Duke Zhuang of Lu, overstepped her station and disrupted ritual. She also listened to flattery and used an exalted sacrificial rite to honor her husband. Later, Duke Xi acted against ritual principles and indulged his private feelings by welcoming his mother with an elaborate ceremony. The ministers did not regard this as wrong, and no one throughout the state understood what was right and wrong about it. That is why Confucius later said, ‘If this can be endured, what cannot be endured?’ These words were about far more than the Ji family’s use of the Eight-Row Dance, a formation reserved for the Son of Heaven, in sacrifice. Readers must consider these events together to understand the depth of Confucius’s intention. Hu Anguo, in his Commentary on the Spring and Autumn Annals, interpreted the reception of one’s birth mother as proper, and seems not to have seen the problem.”

The Classic of Etiquette and Its Commentaries records: Confucius was sitting beside Duke Ai of Lu when the duke said, “I have something I would like to ask you.” Confucius replied, “The wise rulers of the Xia, Shang, and Zhou dynasties all held their wives and children in high regard, and for good reason. A wife presides over relationships among parents and kin; how could she not be held in high regard? Children are the descendants of parents and kin; how could they not be held in high regard? Thus, the gentleman regards no person or thing without respect, and what matters most is respecting oneself.

“Oneself is the branch and trunk of one’s parents and kin. How could one fail to respect oneself? To disrespect oneself is to harm one’s parents; to harm one’s parents is to harm the root. When the root is damaged, the branches and trunk wither as well.”

“To honor one’s father as one honors oneself, for a son to honor his wife, and for a wife to honor her husband: when these three things are achieved, moral instruction can spread throughout the world.”

The Record says: This section discusses the ritual by which a father honors his children. What follows discusses the ritual by which a son honors his father.

Duke Ai of Lu asked, “What does it mean to honor oneself?” Confucius replied, “When a gentleman speaks improperly, the people will imitate his words; when he behaves improperly, the people will take his conduct as a standard. When a gentleman speaks and acts without impropriety, the people will naturally show him respect even without being commanded to do so. To achieve this is to honor oneself; honoring oneself enables one to bring honor to one’s parents.”

Duke Ai asked again, “What does it mean to bring honor to one’s parents?” Confucius replied, “‘Gentleman’ is a title by which people confer honor. When the people approve of someone and call him a gentleman, and then call him the son of a gentleman, his parents are honored through him. This is what it means to bring honor to one’s parents.”

Duke Ai asked again, “What does it mean to fulfill oneself?” Confucius replied, “A person fulfills himself when his conduct does not go beyond the proper principles of things. Not going beyond those principles is to accord with the Dao of Heaven.”

Duke Ai asked, “Why does a gentleman prize the Dao of Heaven?” Confucius replied, “He prizes the Dao of Heaven because it never ceases. The sun and moon travel from east to west, completing their circuits again and again without stopping: this is the Dao of Heaven. The Dao of Heaven sets no limits, yet enables all things to find their proper place; it acts without action, yet all things come to fruition; once all things have come into being, it brings them to light. These are all workings of the Dao of Heaven.”

Duke Ai said, “I am ignorant and confused, my thoughts in disarray, but I will keep your teachings in my heart.” On hearing this, Confucius rose solemnly from his seat and replied, “The humane person acts without violating the proper principles of things, and the filial child likewise acts without violating them. Therefore, the humane person serves his parents as he would serve Heaven, and reveres Heaven as he would revere his parents. This is the way a filial child fulfills himself.”

Duke Ai said, “I have heard these words, but what am I to do about the mistakes I made in the past?” Confucius replied, “For a ruler to speak of such things is a blessing to his ministers.”

The Record says: This section fully explains the highest expression of ritual. When the rooster first crows, everyone rises to wash their hands and rinse their mouths; this is the people’s everyday conduct. Fulfilling oneself and bringing honor to one’s name are the cultivation of the gentleman. Going further, the Dao of Heaven moves without ceasing, and utmost sincerity is likewise uninterrupted. The way between father and son connects with the Dao of Heaven: Heaven bestows supreme goodness upon the father, who then passes it on to his children. Thus the nature of the father-son bond is itself heavenly nature. When the gentleman fulfills his heavenly nature, he can stand alongside Heaven and Earth; to fulfill the way of being a father is also to follow the Dao of Heaven. Only when this is truly achieved does one serve one’s parents as one would revere Heaven, and revere Heaven as one would serve one’s parents.

Filial piety and benevolence are one and the same: a person may be called both a filial child and a benevolent person. Only by acting in this way can one fulfill the rites between father and son to the utmost. Faced with such a principle, one can only listen with reverence; it is not something to discuss casually.

The Doctrine of the Mean says that the Way of Heaven moves without cease, and that King Wen followed it completely and never slackened. It also says that virtue, though hidden, can become manifest; that without deliberate action one can transform others; and that by doing nothing one can accomplish great things. These sayings all stem from Confucius’s reply to Duke Ai of Lu. They speak of the wondrous effects of a sage’s teaching and the subtle principles of supreme virtue. No wonder the foolish and benighted Duke Ai remained lost even after hearing them. Though Confucius urged him in this way, he did not blame him for it—a matter that truly invites reflection.

Meng Yizi asked what filial piety was. Confucius replied, “Do not go against the rites.” Later, while Fan Chi was driving his carriage, Confucius told him, “Mengsun asked me about filial piety, and I answered, ‘Do not go against the rites.’” Fan Chi asked what this meant. Confucius said, “While your parents are alive, serve them according to the rites; when they have died, bury them according to the rites and make offerings to them according to the rites.”

The Record of Broadening the Way (Hongdao Lu) says: I have examined the rites of the Zhou dynasty, and so I can understand what “Do not go against the rites” means. When King Wen was crown prince, he visited his father, King Ji, three times each day to ask after him. King Wu did the same, daring neither to add nor to omit anything. This was the proper way to serve one’s parents while they were alive. If the father was a high-ranking official and the son a lower-ranking one, the burial followed the father’s rank, while the ancestral offerings followed the son’s. If the father was lower-ranking and the son higher-ranking, the burial followed the father’s rank and the offerings the son’s. This is what it meant for burial and ancestral observances each to follow their proper rites.

When the rites of the Zhou declined, high-ranking officials usurped the rites and music, while household retainers took control of state affairs. Service to parents no longer accorded with the rites, nor did burial and ancestral observances. Examples included placing ornate objects before tombs and performing the “Yong” ode while removing the offerings from the altar. “Do not go against the rites” did not mean that the rites could be adjusted downward at will.

There was also an edict stipulating that, from the moment officials and commoners throughout the realm received it, they were to lament at the funeral for three days and then remove their mourning clothes; the court would provide separately for funeral expenses. Those attending the mourning were forbidden to go barefoot. The hemp ties on their mourning clothes could be no wider than three inches. Cloth could not be draped over carriages or weapons, and no one could wail aloud inside the palace. Alas, this practice had a long history: it treated sparse burials and brief mourning as the Way of governance, without understanding that from the beginning to the end of a funeral, grief and sorrow at a parent’s death are natural expressions of human feeling, not something feigned or deliberately contrived.

Although the emperor understood the principles described above very well, he did not put them into practice in funeral rites. Moreover, Emperor Jing had an austere and severe nature, while Empress Dou favored the teachings of Huang-Lao. As a result, from ruler to ministers and from top to bottom, people regarded this practice as the most correct and unalterable principle, and passed it down to later generations.

This difficult-to-change practice of shortening the mourning period by counting days as months was therefore carried out firmly. People often failed to understand why it had been adopted and placed all the blame on Emperor Jing. In fact, Emperor Jing himself was not entirely at ease with it. Had Mencius lived in that era, he might have discussed with Emperor Jing the fundamental principle that human nature is good, and then put forward the view that “the three-year mourning period was observed by all, from the Son of Heaven down to the common people, throughout the Three Dynasties.” Even with Emperor Jing’s posthumous edict already in force, the emperor would surely have felt uneasy; perhaps he might even have changed the practice. Alas, by then it was too late. I have recorded this matter in detail to show how closely the way of the sages and the teachings of heterodoxy are bound up with the world and the human heart.

King Hui of Hejian in the Han dynasty was the great-grandson of King Xian of Hejian. At the time, most of the princes who ruled fiefs in the two capitals were arrogant and self-indulgent. Only King Xian of Hejian was renowned for his good name and virtue. King Hui inherited King Xian’s example: when his mother died, he observed the mourning rites for the full three years. Emperor Ai issued an edict praising him: “Liu Liang, King of Hejian, observed three full years of mourning for the Empress Dowager. He may serve as a model for the imperial clan.” The emperor also increased his fief by ten thousand households.

The Hongdao lu records: King Hui was Emperor Jing’s great-great-grandson. From the time of Emperor Jing, the Han had followed the practice of counting days as months for four generations; King Hui alone observed the full three-year mourning rites. This was the only such case in the entire Han dynasty, and so I have recorded it.