《弘道錄》Vol. 28

Rites

The Rites of Friendship

The Mencius records that when Shun was still a commoner, Yao received him and lodged and entertained this son-in-law in a side palace. Yao and Shun also took turns acting as guest and host. This is an example of an emperor befriending a commoner.

The Hongdao lu says: The Qi of Heaven and Earth begins to stir at the zi position and meets at the wu position. The fortunes of emperors rise at the Zhen position and become manifest at the Li position. Yao rose under the virtue of Fire and obtained the central, balanced number of Heaven and Earth; Shun rose under the virtue of Earth and obtained their central, balanced Qi. This is precisely the principle that Heaven’s numbers are five and Earth’s numbers are also five: the five positions correspond with one another, and each is settled in its place. As for an emperor’s friendship with a commoner, although the two had equal virtue and comparable sagacity, it was brought about by the timing and destiny of Heaven. How could people in later generations dare to hope for even one ten-thousandth of such a likeness?

Boyi avoided King Zhou of Shang and lived by the northern sea. When he heard that King Wen had risen, he said, “Why should we not go to him? I have heard that the Earl of the West (King Wen of Zhou) is good at caring for the elderly.” Taigong avoided King Zhou of Shang and lived by the eastern sea. When he heard that King Wen had risen, he too said, “Why should we not go to him? I have heard that the Earl of the West is good at caring for the elderly.” If there is someone in the world who is good at supporting the elderly, people of benevolence will regard him as their place of refuge.

The Hongdao lu says: A study of ritual institutions shows that the rites for caring for the elderly differed from dynasty to dynasty. The Yu used the banquet rite, the Xia used the formal feast, and the Yin people used the meal rite; by the Zhou, all three rites were in use. People aged fifty were cared for in their villages, those aged sixty in the capital, and those aged seventy in the schools. This system was practiced among the feudal lords. Thus the two elders, Boyi and Taigong, gladly came to join King Wen, whose teaching had already begun to flourish.

Later, when King Wu attacked King Zhou of Shang, the two elders acted in clearly different ways. Why? Confucius said, “Among exemplary persons, some take office and some withdraw; some remain silent and some speak. When two people are of one mind, their strength can cut metal.” Taigong rose up like a hawk to wage war, supporting King Wu in the name of right. Boyi ate fern shoots and lived in seclusion, refusing office, thereby preserving himself through righteousness. Doubts about King Wu were to be settled by the Mandate of the Emperor; remonstrating by holding back the horses was to follow the principles of Heaven. Perhaps Taigong took responsibility for the safety or ruin of the world, while Boyi took responsibility for the proper distinctions between ruler and minister. Yet both acted in keeping with what was right in the principles of Heaven and in accord with the people’s hearts. Why insist on whether their actions were the same or different? Though the two elders’ deeds were far apart, in the end both returned to the right path. They should not be divided into separate schools or judged as following different ways.

The Book of Rites records that on the third day after King Wu of Zhou ascended the throne, he summoned the Grand Preceptor Shangfu (Jiang Taigong) and asked him:

The teachings passed down by the Yellow Emperor and Zhuanxu, legendary rulers of high antiquity, are all recorded in the Book of the Elixir. When King Wu of Zhou wanted to hear these teachings, Taigong Wang (Jiang Taigong) said, “If Your Majesty wishes to hear them, you must first observe purification.” King Wu purified himself for three days, dressed properly, and put on his ceremonial cap. Taigong Wang likewise made himself presentable, then entered holding the Book of the Elixir. King Wu stood facing east, and Taigong Wang faced west as he explained the words in the book:

“Reverence prevailing over negligence brings good fortune; negligence prevailing over reverence brings ruin. Righteousness prevailing over desire makes one’s actions go smoothly; desire prevailing over righteousness brings calamity.”

The Hongdao lu says: King Wu of Zhou honored Taigong as his teacher and also called him “Venerated Father.” The respect he showed him could hardly have been greater. King Wu stood facing east and Taigong faced west, expressing the proper rites between teacher and friend. Such a relationship was not found only between Yao and Shun. Reverence is a principle that the learning of sages and worthies must observe from beginning to end. When reverence prevails over negligence, a person remains cautious and respectful from morning to night, not daring to stray from the right path; this brings good fortune. Negligence is the beginning of disrespect and indulgence. When negligence prevails over reverence, people slight the Five Phases and reject the Three Correct Standards—the proper calendar or the established order of governance and teaching—and so they meet ruin. Righteousness is the foundation for weighing and handling affairs. When righteousness prevails over desire, people are not led astray by their eyes, ears, and other senses, and their actions remain upright; this makes things go smoothly. Desire is the beginning of danger in the human heart. When desire prevails over righteousness, people become absorbed in drink and sensual pleasure, act without restraint, and thus bring calamity upon themselves. These teachings were handed down from high antiquity by the Three Sovereigns and Five Emperors and recorded in the Book of the Elixir. The Yellow Emperor and Zhuanxu are singled out here to illustrate the teachings. No wonder King Wu had to dress properly and purify himself before he could hear them.

“The Cutting of Wood” in the Book of Songs, “Lesser Odes,” is a poem about the joy of friends gathering. It sings:

“The sound of chopping wood rings out, and birds call to one another. They leave the deep valley and move to the tall trees. The birds call out, seeking an answering voice from their companions. Look at those birds: even they seek the calls of their companions. How much more should people seek friends? May the spirits hear this wish, so that we may at last live together in harmony and peace.”

The Hongdao lu says: The Book of Songs describes birds calling to one another and moving from the deep valley to the tall trees. This shows that the people depicted here are not destitute or lonely. The poem also says, “The phoenix calls from the high ridge,” again using birdsong to symbolize worthy gentlemen at court. But how could the spirits hear a person’s wish? The ancients often spoke of the spirits in their words and actions to show that they harbored no private or selfish intent. As the poem says, “Heaven on high sees clearly, accompanying you as you go out and come in; Heaven on high shines brightly, accompanying you in your games and amusements.” Gentlemen take benevolence and righteousness as their companions, and virtue as their neighbor. Their intentions are in accord, so even if they told Heaven and Earth, they would be united. Together, they work to bring peace to the world…

The ministers of the Zhou royal house worked diligently day and night to assist their ruler, standing by one another with complete sincerity. Their words could benefit all under Heaven, and the work they established could bring peace to the people. In this way, the blessings of harmony could continue without end, and the beauty of peace could be passed down for generations. If, instead, they harmed the people and damaged all things, envied the worthy, and excluded the capable, then the court and the realm would also fall into ruin and disorder. This way of friendship bears directly on whether the world is well governed or in chaos. It is of the utmost importance, and is not merely a matter of exchanging words and knowing one another.

When trees are felled, everyone works together, calling out in unison. The wine is filtered until fragrant, and the food is plentiful. A fine lamb has been prepared, and the elders are invited to gather. If they come in peace, I will treat them well; if they do not come, it is not because I have failed to think of them. The banquet has been cleaned and set in order, with eight gui vessels of food laid out. A strong ram has also been prepared, and the uncles are invited to the feast. If they come in peace, I will welcome them warmly; if they do not come, the fault is not mine. We cut trees on the hillside, filter plenty of wine, and arrange the bamboo baskets and wooden dishes in neat rows. Brothers should not grow distant from one another. If poor food causes people to lose their virtue and breed resentment between them, that should not be so. If there is wine, I will filter it and serve you; if there is none, I will go and buy some for you. We beat the drums and dance with abandon. While I have some free time, come and drink this clear wine with me.

The Hongdao Lu says: “Whatever you ask of a friend, you should first do yourself. Even when they have not yet managed it themselves, the ancients always treated others with such generosity. Who would be unwilling to pay attention to me?” Thus the poem also says: “If there is wine, I will filter it and serve you; if there is none, I will buy wine and serve you.” The point is to do everything one ought to do to the best of one’s ability, leaving nothing undone.

King Xuan of Zhou ordered Yin Jifu to lead an army on a northern campaign. When he returned victorious, the poet praised him: “Jifu rejoices at the banquet and receives many blessings. He returns from Haojing after a long campaign. A feast is set, and wine is served to the friends. Turtle is cooked, and carp is sliced. Who else is at the table? There is Zhang Zhong, filial and devoted to his family.”

The Hongdao Lu says: Jifu was honored as commander-in-chief, served for generations as a key minister assisting the royal house, and won distinguished victories in battle, bringing the Xianyun—the ancient northern people—to heel. He must have had advisers at his side, who took part in planning during peacetime and served as deputies on campaign, helping to manage the affairs of command. Why, then, does the poem single out Zhang Zhong? Because filial devotion to parents and affection among brothers are foremost among good deeds, and are virtues that the state’s teachings and laws should promote above all. When the state appoints officials, it should rely on such virtues to bring peace to the people; when families set their rules, they should rely on them to educate their descendants. Thus the principles by which Junya governed were in keeping with Zhang Zhong’s fine virtue, and the poet was glad to praise Jifu’s banquet gathering. Ah, when a host gives a feast and recommends worthy people, there is no trace of arrogance or indulgence. When turtle is cooked in order to…

What is the purpose of ritual institutions and ceremonies? It is to restrain excessive extravagance and unbridled desire. If a banquet can serve three good purposes, is it not only natural to say that it brings many blessings?

The “Bin zhi Chu Yan” (“At the Beginning of the Banquet”) in the Greater Elegantiae says: When the banquet first begins, guests and host conduct themselves in good order. The bamboo baskets and wooden dishes are neatly arranged, and the dishes and fruits are laid out in an orderly fashion. The wine is mellow and sweet, and everyone drinks in harmony. The bells and drums have begun to sound; people raise their cups to toast in turn, observing the rites with unhurried restraint.

The great target, used for ceremonial archery, has been set up, and the bows are drawn. Those taking part in the archery rite gather together. Each guest displays their skill with the bow; their arrows strike the center of the target in prayer for the blessings and good fortune that come with drinking wine.

At the beginning of the banquet, the guests are mild and respectful. Before they are drunk, their bearing is composed and restrained. Once drunk, their conduct grows frivolous and disorderly: they leave their seats and dance again and again. When they are more heavily intoxicated, they lose all sense of decorum. They shout and make a commotion, disturb the dishes, and stagger about dancing; even their hats become askew. To remain at the banquet after getting drunk damages one’s De (Virtue). Drinking can itself be a good thing; what matters is keeping to the rites.

Some of the drinkers get drunk and some do not, so a wine monitor is appointed, with a scribe assigned to help record what happens. If the drunkards fail to restrain themselves and instead bring shame on those who are sober, do not join their dancing or let them make you slack. Do not say what should not be said, or idly discuss principles that should not be spoken of. Drunken people babble nonsense, sometimes saying things as absurd as wanting to find a hornless ram. If they cannot drink even three cups without losing their sense of ritual, how could they dare drink more?

The Hongdao Lu says: Some believe this poem was composed to warn against drunken misconduct and to urge repentance and self-correction. In my view, the deeds of Duke Wu of Wei recorded in the Book of Songs are plainly different from the scene described in the poem. Perhaps he first made a mistake and only later corrected it? The gentleman says that Duke Mu of Qin was deeply praised by the sages. So, if someone recites “At the Beginning of the Banquet” without knowing to reflect on it, are they not even less worthy than Duke Mu of Qin?

The Analects records Confucius saying: “Yan Pingzhong (Yan Ying) was skilled at dealing with people. Even after knowing someone for a long time, he continued to respect them.”

The Hongdao Lu says: I have heard Zhangzi say that Yan Ying was wise but did not understand Confucius. If so, why did Confucius praise him for being skilled at making friends? In his dealings with others, Confucius valued only what was right, and so he especially stressed that people should continue to respect one another even after a long time together. Later generations, in their dealings with others, often valued power and profit, and tended simply to curry favor in the hope of winning someone’s approval. As for the word “fate,” Confucius indeed spoke of it only rarely. Who can say that Zhangzi failed to understand this?

Qu Boyu, a worthy minister of the state of Wei, sent someone to visit Confucius. Confucius invited the messenger to sit down and asked him:

Confucius replied, “I would like to make fewer mistakes, but I have not yet managed to do so.” After the messenger had left, Confucius said, “A messenger! A messenger!”

The Record of Broadening the Way (Hongdao Lu) says: On examination, among Confucius’s friends were Qu Boyu of Wei, Yan Ying of Qi, and Zichan of Zheng. They all held high positions and governed their states. When they sent people to visit Confucius, those people did not speak of social courtesies or conveying instructions; they said only, “Make fewer mistakes.” This shows that the ancients encouraged one another in the Way and in moral conduct. Even an ordinary messenger would not be swayed by wealth, status, fame, or prospects of office. Qu Boyu devoted himself to practicing the Way and carefully cultivating De. He remained tireless in old age, so no one would doubt that the message the messenger conveyed came from Qu Boyu himself.

When a friend sent Confucius a gift, even a carriage and horses, Confucius did not bow in thanks unless the gift included sacrificial meat.

The Record of Broadening the Way says: A person should always keep this principle in mind. Without it, one would think that receiving a gift meant being treated generously, and receiving none meant being treated coldly. Reasoning from this principle, even when Shun accepted the realm from Yao, the transfer was governed by the rites and obligations between ruler and subject. If the proper arrangement had not been to return the realm to the virtue of the founding ancestor, how could those honors have been carried out? To attach great importance to the officials, cattle and sheep, and grain in the storehouses, then bustle about thanking each person with a bow, is precisely what Zisi disapproved of. Would Shun or Confucius have acted that way?

Mencius says that Duke Mu of Lu repeatedly visited Zisi and asked, “In ancient times, what would it have been like for a ruler of a state with a thousand chariots to treat a scholar as a friend?” Zisi was displeased and said, “There is an old saying: does it mean to serve him? How could it mean to befriend him?” Was Zisi displeased because, in terms of rank, you are the ruler and I am your subject, so how could I dare to be your friend? And in terms of virtue, you have come to seek instruction from me, so how could you call me your friend? A ruler of a state with a thousand chariots might not even succeed in befriending a scholar. How much less could he treat a scholar as someone he could summon at will?

The Record of Broadening the Way says: I see that the ancient sages valued the Way above all else, and Zisi was not alone in this. Zengzi said, “I cannot match the wealth of Jin and Chu. They rely on wealth; I rely on benevolence. They rely on rank; I rely on the Way and its righteousness. What do I lack?” Mencius also said, “The things they possess are things I would not stoop to do for. What I uphold is the law of the ancients. Why should I fear them?”

The Way of a sage is vast, and his De is deep. He handles things with a well-judged sense of proportion and does not cling to one approach. The worthy adjust their conduct according to the heights and depths of the Way: when they encounter the right Way, they follow it; when they encounter unrighteous customs, they carefully hold to their principles. Whether one understands this is worth considering closely.

Mencius Xianzi, a high official of the state of Lu, held a fief that provided for a hundred war chariots. He had five friends, including Yuezheng Qiu and Mu Zhong. I can no longer recall the names of the other three. Xianzi associated with these five because they were worthy friends in their own right. Had they valued only his family background, Xianzi would not have befriended them. Conversely, if the five had themselves come from illustrious families, Xianzi would not have befriended them for that reason either.

The Hongdao lu says: When one person is eminent and another poor and lowly, the sincerity of their relationship becomes clear. If someone associates with another merely to rely on their power, theirs is a friendship of opportunism. When one person is wealthy and another impoverished, the true nature of their relationship likewise comes to light. If someone seeks the other’s company only to covet their possessions, theirs is a friendship in pursuit of profit. Thus, friendships formed through power do not last, and friendships formed through wealth do not grow close. Can such relationships be called friendships? Because people failed to understand this, the wealthy and powerful grew ever more arrogant, while the poor and lowly became ever more obsequious. As opportunism and self-interest flourished, moral principle declined. Mencius made these remarks to set an example of people supporting one another through benevolence and righteousness, and to close off the path to flattery and fawning. We must understand this point.

This way of making friends was practiced not only by high officials whose fiefs provided for a hundred war chariots; even the ruler of a small state followed it. Duke Hui of Fei said, “I treated Zisi as my teacher, Yan Ban as my friend, and Wang Shun and Chang Xi as my attendants.”

The Hongdao lu says: No other records about Duke Hui of Fei’s conduct have survived. Yet he could distinguish those of especially high virtue and invite them to be his teachers, while befriending those of somewhat lesser virtue. This alone shows that he was no ordinary person. After the rites and music of the Zhou declined, the song “Felling Trees” was no longer sung, and the feudal lords often made war on one another. Yet rulers and high officials still regarded honoring teachers, making friends, and seeking guidance as worthy subjects of praise. Was this not the moral teaching of Confucius’s school moving people? Such examples became rare thereafter.

This way of acting was practiced not only by rulers of small states; there were examples even among rulers of great states. Duke Ping of Jin would enter only when Hai Tang invited him in, sit only when Hai Tang asked him to sit, and eat only when Hai Tang told him to eat. Even when served only coarse grain, vegetables, and vegetable broth, Duke Ping always made sure to eat his fill, apparently because he did not dare leave his meal unfinished.

The Hongdao lu says: During Duke Ping of Jin’s reign, he imprisoned Luan Ying and Shuxiang, indulged in sensual pleasures that clouded his mind, and built the Xiqi Palace. Yet he still understood that the worthy should be treated with courtesy. He behaved with respect and humility, and his movements and manner of advancing and withdrawing followed proper measure; throughout, he observed the rites. Therefore, the gentleman does not erase this one commendable quality merely because of his failings in other respects.

The Zizhi tongjian records that Marquis Wen of Wei made Bu Zixia and Tian Zifang his teachers. Whenever he passed Duan Ganmu’s residence, he would lean forward over the crossbar of his carriage to salute him. As a result, worthy men from all four directions came to join him.

The Hongdao lu says: In ancient times, even kings were expected to have teachers. Zixia was a learned and outstanding disciple in Confucius’s school…

That still does not amount to disgrace. As for worthy men such as Tian Zifang and Duangan Mu, I cannot say.

Even so, it is already remarkable that someone who seized the throne by usurpation and inherited the rulership could understand this.

Later, Marquis Ying of Wei (King Hui of Wei) set aside the airs of ceremony and sent generous gifts to invite worthy men. Mencius (Meng Ke) also came to the small state of Liang. If one wished to have great worthies once again assist the state, how could one fail to strive to set a precedent? Sadly, King Hui used the name of honoring the worthy merely to win a reputation and curry favor. Relying on his wealth and status, he treated people arrogantly. He had the empty reputation of showing courtesy to worthy men, but did not actually appoint them. Small wonder, then, that he ultimately met the same fate of usurping the throne.

Mencius paid a visit to King Hui of Liang. The king said, “Sir, you have come a thousand li without thinking the journey too far. Surely you must have some benefit to bring to my state?” Mencius replied, “Why must Your Majesty always speak of benefit? Benevolence and righteousness are enough. No benevolent person has ever abandoned their parents, and no one who speaks of righteousness has ever put their ruler last.”

The king asked, “How can I bring benefit to my state?” The great officers asked, “How can I bring benefit to my family?” The scholars and common people asked, “How can I benefit myself?” In this way, those above and below struggle with one another for gain, and the state is placed in danger. In a great state with ten thousand chariots, the ministerial house capable of killing its ruler must be one with a thousand chariots. In a state with a thousand chariots, the ministerial house capable of killing its ruler must be one with a hundred. A house of ten thousand chariots taking a thousand, and a house of a thousand taking a hundred, is already gaining a great deal. If people put righteousness behind them and benefit first, they will never be satisfied unless they take what belongs to others.

The Records of the Grand Historian says: After King Zhao of Yan ascended the throne, he humbled himself, lowered his status in ceremony, and sent generous gifts to invite worthy men. He said to Guo Wei, “Qi took advantage of the disorder in my state to attack and defeat Yan. I know well that Yan is small and weak, and cannot avenge itself. But if I can find worthy men and plan with them to wipe away the shame of my late king, that is my wish. Sir, please consider who might be of use. I am willing to serve them in person.”

Guo Wei said, “In ancient times, a ruler offered a thousand gold pieces and sent a palace attendant to seek a thousand-li horse. The horse had already died, but the attendant still spent five hundred gold pieces to buy its bones and bring them back. The ruler was furious. The attendant explained, ‘If you were willing to pay for the bones of a dead horse, how much more so for a living one? A thousand-li horse will soon arrive.’ In less than a year, three such horses had come. If Your Majesty truly wishes to attract worthy men, please begin with me, Guo Wei. Would men more worthy than I be put off by the distance?”

King Zhao therefore built a residence for Guo Wei and served him with the courtesy due a teacher. From then on, scholars flocked to Yan. Yue Yi came from Wei, and Ju Xin came from Zhao. King Zhao appointed Yue Yi as second minister, a rank below the chief minister, and entrusted him with the affairs of state.

The Hongdao Lu comments: During Mencius’s lifetime, Shen Tong once questioned him in a personal capacity; as for what happened later…

Sima Qian, the Grand Historian, said: “Whenever I read the Mengzi and come to King Hui of Liang’s question, ‘How can I benefit my state?’ I cannot help putting down the book and sighing. Alas! Confucius spoke little of profit because he had long understood the roots of people’s pursuit of gain and guarded against them. From the Son of Heaven down to the common people, how could the harm caused by a fondness for profit differ?”

Who, then, was responsible for the story of the palace eunuch in charge of miscellaneous affairs buying horses? By that time, the damage done to benevolence and righteousness had already become severe, and the harm caused by desire for profit had grown intense. Mengzi, endowed with outstanding intelligence suited to his age, offered insights far beyond the ordinary. Set these two matters side by side, and it becomes clear that such honorific titles as “guest and teacher” and “elder” were not empty names.

As for King Zhao of Yan and Yue Yi, they pursued profit single-mindedly and had no chance to hear of the Way of benevolence and righteousness. The reason they failed to end well, both ruler and minister, is therefore plain. Yue Yi’s saying, “If I do not take what belongs to others, I will never be satisfied,” is especially worth keeping as a warning. Perhaps it begins with taking from others and then passes into one’s own hands; in the end, others will take from you in turn. As the saying goes, “As you treat others, so will they treat you.” Then there is nothing one would not do, even betray one’s family or slight one’s ruler. Could Mr. Kui or Mr. Xin have understood this? Alas, later generations have even compared themselves to those men, showing just how shallow their understanding is.

The Book of the Western Han records: In ancient times, Confucian scholars studied widely the texts of the Six Arts—ritual, music, archery, charioteering, writing, and mathematics. Through these, they established the standards of the Five Teachings: a father’s righteousness, a mother’s kindness, an elder brother’s affection, a younger brother’s respect, and a child’s filial devotion. In this way, they formed established principles for governing the world. After the Zhou dynasty declined, Confucius’s teachings went unheeded, and the Confucian Way could no longer be put into practice. Confucius therefore accepted invitations from the feudal lords and acted according to ritual and righteousness, while his seventy disciples dispersed across the land to pursue their studies. Those with profound learning served as teachers and advisers; those whose learning was less advanced became guests and friends. Zizhang lived in Chen, Tantai Ziyu in Chu, Zixia in the West River region, and Zigong eventually in Qi.

After Qin Shi Huang unified the realm, he burned the Poetry and the Documents and killed Confucian scholars, leaving the learning of the Six Arts in ruins. When Chen She declared himself king, Confucian scholars from Lu went to join him, carrying the ritual vessels of the Kong family. Kong Jia was then appointed Chen She’s Erudite, and later died alongside him. Chen She was a commoner who led conscripted men in revolt and established a new regime; yet in less than a year, he was defeated and perished. Why, then, did Confucian scholars among the educated elite still go to join him? Because the Qin dynasty had forbidden them to practice Confucian learning. Their resentment had built up over a long time, and they used the cause of King Chen to vent their anger.

When Gaozu of Han defeated Xiang Ji and led his troops to besiege Lu, the Confucian scholars there were still teaching and reciting the texts, studying ritual, and keeping the sounds of string music and song alive. Was this not the enduring influence of the sages’ teachings? By the reign of Emperor Wu, Gongsun Hong had risen from humble origins; within a few years, he became chancellor and was enfeoffed as a marquis.

Gongsun Hong, Marquis of Pingjin and chancellor under Emperor Wu of Han, established a guesthouse in the chancellor’s residence and opened an eastern pavilion to welcome worthy scholars.

After him, Li Cai, Yan Qingdi, Zhao Zhou, Shi Qing, Gongsun He, and Liu Quli successively served as chancellor. From Li Cai through Shi Qing’s tenure, the guesthouse at the chancellor’s residence fell into ruin. Gongsun He and Liu Quli then demolished it and turned the site into stables and quarters for servants.

The Hongdao Lu comments: We Confucians live between Heaven and Earth. Our foremost duty is to inherit the learning of the sages of the past and develop scholarship for generations to come. Next, we should promote good government and moral instruction, and help bring about peace and prosperity. The practice of honoring worthy people must never be abandoned, even for a single day. Even Chen She, though of low status, understood this principle. Sadly, after the great Han arose, worthy scholars were neither respected nor given important posts. As a result, men such as Jia Yi and Dong Zhongshu could not fully put their talents to use, while Gongsun Hong later won a fine reputation through this very practice. When the histories recount these events, they repeatedly express regret and lament. Can they really have had no deeper meaning? The sorrow runs deep; readers should reflect on it carefully.

In the early Han, there were four men known as the Lord of the Eastern Garden, Qili Ji, the Yellow Hermit of Xia, and Master Luli. During the Qin rule, they had withdrawn from public life and lived in the remote mountains of Shangluo, in present-day Shangluo, Shaanxi, waiting for the realm to become stable. When Emperor Gaozu of Han heard of them, he summoned them, but they declined. Later, when Emperor Hui was still Crown Prince, he respectfully prepared bundles of silk as gifts and sent a comfortable carriage, suitable for an elderly person, to invite them with due ceremony. When the four arrived, they accompanied the Crown Prince to pay their respects to Emperor Gaozu, who honored them as guests.

Later, there was Zheng Zizhen at Gukou and Yan Junping in Shu. Both cultivated themselves and preserved their integrity. They would wear no clothes that violated ritual propriety and eat no food that did so. During the reign of Emperor Cheng of Han, the court formally invited Zheng Zizhen to serve, but he never consented, remaining firm until his death. Yan Junping, meanwhile, told fortunes in the marketplaces of Chengdu. He believed that although fortune-telling was a lowly occupation, it could help people avoid misfortune. When people asked wicked or improper questions, he used divination to explain their likely gains and losses. To sons, he spoke of filial devotion; to younger brothers, of deference; and to ministers, of loyalty. He always guided people toward goodness by speaking to their circumstances. He said, “More than half of those who heed my advice have already changed their ways.”

When Yang Xiong was young, he studied under Yan Junping. After entering official service, he repeatedly praised Yan’s virtue to powerful figures at court. When Yang Xiong went to Duling, Li Jiang, governor of Yizhou, said with delight, “At last, I have truly met Yan Junping.” Yang Xiong replied, “Though you have prepared every courtesy to receive him, you can only meet the man; you cannot make him submit to you.” After Li Jiang arrived in Shu, he paid Yan Junping a visit in accordance with proper etiquette. After meeting him, he exclaimed, “Yang Ziyun truly knows how to judge people.”

The Hongdao Lu further comments: The Han dynasty succeeded the Qin. At the founding of the Han, the age ended with the burning of books and the burying of scholars; later, the dynasty again treated scholars with contempt…

Insulting scholars can almost bring matters to the point where there are no scholars and no friends left. Once, a crown prince sought worthy men with humble words, and scholars once again appeared at the Han court, wearing tall caps and wide-sleeved ceremonial robes and carrying themselves with refinement. This shows that the way scholars associate with one another had not been entirely lost. Later, too, the bearing and enduring influence of figures such as Zizhen (the recluse Zheng Zizhen) and Junping (the recluse Yan Junping) circulated in their time. Is this not just as Mencius said: when rulers employ such men, they can make the state secure and prosperous, and win it respect; their sons and younger brothers, following their example, can be filial to their elders, devoted to their brothers, loyal, and trustworthy. Surely he was speaking of men like these?

When Cao Can served as chancellor of Qi, the empire had only just been pacified. King Hui of Qi was still young, so Cao Can summoned elders and learned men from across the region and asked how the people might be settled. Gai Gong, from Jiaoxi, was one such man. Cao Can sent someone with generous gifts to invite him. When they met, Gai Gong told him that the key to governing a state was stillness and Wuwei (non-action): the people would then settle of their own accord. He went on to explain the principles of governance in detail. Cao Can gave up the main hall for Gai Gong to live in and adopted all of his methods. During Cao Can’s nine years as chancellor of Qi, the state remained stable and the people lived in peace. He was therefore called a worthy chancellor.

The Hongdao Lu comments: Cao Can could have governed by this method not only in Qi, but also across the empire. This episode shows that even prominent Han officials would actively seek teachers and advice; they did not merely want their subordinates to follow their own instruction. Does this not make them more worthy than people of later generations?

When Wei Qing served as Grand General, the feudal lords were all under his command. He held the highest position among the ministers, and everyone from the high ministers down treated him deferentially. Only Ji An treated him as an equal. Someone advised Ji An, “The Grand General holds an exalted position. You cannot refuse to bow to him.” Ji An replied, “Doesn’t it make the Grand General seem all the more distinguished to have a guest who merely salutes him?” When Wei Qing heard this, he respected Ji An even more. He often sought his advice on difficult matters of state and court, and treated him with greater courtesy than before.

The Hongdao Lu comments: What gave Ji An the confidence not to bow to Wei Qing? Perhaps it is that desire makes people less upright, while those who can be upright do not submit to desire. Those who treated Wei Qing with deference all had something to gain. Ji An had no private ambitions, so he dared to point out problems to Wei Qing’s face, without thinking he was being excessively disrespectful. He stood by what was right and did not consider that a humiliation. If one could be this upright even before a ruler, how much more so before a subordinate? Some say that Ji An often hoped to come and go within the palace precincts. Does that mean he had no desires? One must understand that those who are plainspoken and upright and who value what is right act consistently in word and deed; they are people of understanding. Those who appear submissive while acting against their true convictions have only heard and echoed what others say. Ji An belonged to the former kind. Why should being in court make him more highly regarded? And why should being outside it make him less so?

Ma Yuan and Gongsun Shu were originally fellow townsmen and had been close friends. Later, Gongsun Shu declared himself emperor…

Kuei Xiao sent Ma Yuan to Chengdu to observe Gongsun Shu. Gongsun Shu assumed that when Ma Yuan arrived, they would clasp hands and chat warmly like old friends reunited after many years. So he put on an elaborate display of ceremonial guards and insignia to welcome Ma Yuan inside. After they had exchanged greetings, Gongsun Shu told Ma Yuan to rest first at the guest residence. He then had a plain tunic made specially for him from Du cloth, along with a Jiaorang crown made from Jiaorang wood and other materials. In the ancestral temple, he summoned all the officials and arranged a seat for his “old friend.” Riding in a carriage adorned with flags bearing phoenixes, Gongsun Shu led a mounted guard carrying ceremonial plumes, who sounded warning signals as they cleared the way to the guest residence to welcome Ma Yuan. He bowed low in greeting, invited Ma Yuan into the carriage, and hosted a banquet for his officials. The occasion was exceedingly grand.

Later, Ma Yuan was ordered to travel to Luoyang. When he first arrived, Emperor Guangwu was sitting beneath the southern corridor of Xuande Hall, wearing a simple cap, and received him with a smile. “You have traveled between two emperors,” he said. “Now that you have come to see me, I feel rather ashamed.” Ma Yuan replied, “In this world, it is not only rulers who choose their ministers; ministers also choose their rulers. Gongsun Shu and I are from the same county, and we were close when we were young. When I went to see him earlier, he made me wait behind his ceremonial spears and halberds before agreeing to receive me. Now I have come from far away. How can Your Majesty know that I am not an assassin or a criminal, yet receive me so casually?” Emperor Guangwu laughed again and said, “You are no assassin; you are merely a persuader.” Ma Yuan said, “The situation in the world shifts back and forth, and those who usurp others’ titles are too numerous to count. Now that I have seen Your Majesty’s broad mind and imposing bearing, so like those of Emperor Gaozu of Han, I know that a true emperor has a manner all his own.”

The Hongdao lu comments: Was it not improper for Emperor Guangwu to treat people so casually? Wang Liao wore heavy armor, yet Zhuan Zhu could still assassinate him; Qin law strictly forbade weapons, yet Jing Ke still managed to reveal his dagger. It is clear, then, that whether an assassin succeeds does not depend on how casually a ruler receives him. But Emperor Guangwu must have had his reasons for acting this way. Ordinary people may be approached through their words and conduct, but with outstanding figures one should open one’s heart and treat them sincerely. Ma Yuan had already reached his judgment from what he saw and heard. It is a pity that the label “persuader” failed to understand him. Ma Yuan chose his ruler from the heart. He had long been devoted to the East, and was never a fickle opportunist who acted through deceit. If a ruler was worthy of service, even strict guards at the palace gates and on its steps could not keep him from giving his life in loyal service. If a ruler was unworthy, even a warm handshake and a familiar welcome could not make him feel that the ruler deserved his closeness. Later, when Ma Yuan defeated Kuei Xiao and captured Gongsun Shu, he acted entirely in keeping with his principles. Ma Yuan, then, was no persuader, but a virtuous guest. Why, then, would Emperor Guangwu need to feel ashamed of himself?