《弘道錄》Vol. 27

The Rites of Conduct Between Brothers

Mencius said, “He wished to see him often, so he came again and again, even without waiting for the customary time to present tribute.” This means that when a ruler treated his brothers with affection, he could see them frequently.

The Hongdao Lu explains: “‘Often’ means repeatedly, without interruption. Emperor Jing of Han treated his younger brother Liu Wu, the Prince of Liang, with exceptional honor. When they traveled, he even granted him a ceremonial escort approaching that of the Son of Heaven. Yet even if the Prince of Liang had not become arrogant and unruly, such honors would have been difficult to sustain for long. ‘Again and again’ means continuously, without end. Emperor Xuanzong of Tang once shared a bed and pillow with the Five Princes of the Zhongzong era, showing them great intimacy. But even among close kin, affection can be exhausted. Court audiences and diplomatic visits are dealings governed by court ritual; receiving one’s brothers is an expression of the affection between siblings. If they could meet without waiting for the time to present tribute, their fraternal affection could flourish. If their visits were not constrained by the formalities of state affairs, they would not invite improper interference. Only then could they meet often and keep up an unbroken exchange. Mencius truly understood the Way of the sages!”

Mencius said, “Walking slowly behind an elder is called being dutiful to one’s elder brother. Hurrying ahead of an elder is called failing in that duty. Is it really beyond people to walk slowly behind an elder? Some simply do not wish to do so. In the end, the Way of Yao and Shun is nothing other than filial piety and respect for elders.”

The Hongdao Lu explains: “‘Respect for elders’ also means observing the proper order between the young and the old. This order comes from our nature and is naturally present from the beginning. Thus an older brother walks ahead, and a younger brother follows; once their order is established, it should not be upset. Some people, impatient to get ahead, leave their elders behind, or use power, favor, or personal gain to place themselves above them. Whether one is the ruler of a state or a son in a family, anyone who goes beyond their proper place is headed for ruin. Mencius’s point that people are ‘not unable to do it, but unwilling to do it’ carries the same meaning as his remarks about massaging an elder’s limbs: both aim to awaken the natural human disposition and to remedy a world fallen into disorder, where people have forgotten their proper relationships. This point must be understood clearly.”

One song in the Lesser Odes of the Book of Songs celebrates the joy of feasting with brothers:

“The crabapple blooms, its petals so bright! Among all the people of the world, none compares with a brother. When the threat of turmoil draws near, brothers grieve deeply for one another; when bones lie scattered across the fields and hills, brothers search for one another far and wide.

“When brothers face urgent danger, they always come to one another’s aid. Even a good friend can only sigh in sorrow. Brothers may quarrel at home, but when outsiders threaten them, they stand together; even a good friend may be unable to help.

“When turmoil has passed and life is at peace, even brothers may seem less dear than friends. The plates and cups are set out, and we drink our fill; all the brothers are gathered, joyful and close. Wives and children live together in harmony, like the music of zithers and lutes; and the brothers, too, are at peace with one another…”

“May your whole family live in harmony and peace, with your wife and children all joyful. Think it over carefully and plan it through: is it truly so?”

The Hongdao lu says: After “Deer Calling,” “The Four Stallions,” and “The August Envoy,” the editors placed “Peach Tree Branches” next, because what the Duke of Zhou, the Duke of Shao, and the royal house depended on was the kinship that people themselves rely upon. The sages did not abandon the constant Way when circumstances changed; they did not let moral principle outweigh affection for their kin, nor did they let temporary misfortune alter the regard for family ties that endures through the ages. Their impartial and benevolent hearts were as clear as the blue sky and bright sun, impossible to obscure. Even upheavals like wind and rain, frost and snow could become occasions for teaching and transforming people.

Thus it is said that people’s faults are like eclipses of the sun and moon: everyone sees them. When the sun and moon return to their normal course, everyone looks up at them again. That is the point. If even parents and children, who should live in harmony and affection, must not be set against one another, how much less should outsiders do so? If harmony and intimacy between spouses and children must not be cast aside, how much less should things beyond the family take precedence?

So although the Duke of Zhou was slandered by rumors, and Guan Shu and Cai Shu rebelled, he did not behave like some people in later generations, abandoning regard for his closest kin and losing trust between brothers. Thousands of years have passed since the Duke of Zhou’s time, yet when people sing “Peach Tree Branches,” family affection still arises naturally in their hearts. Who can say that those who heard this poem at the banquet in those days were not moved? Even if they did not go so far as to weep, people far away had already all been transformed by it.

There is another poem about a feast for brothers and relatives. It says:

“Why wear a tall cap upon your head? Your wine is sweet, and the dishes are delicious. Are those who have come strangers? They are all our own brothers. Dodder and climbing plants wind around the pines and cypresses. Before I saw you, my heart was troubled; after seeing you, joy filled me.

“Why wear a tall cap upon your head? What do you hope for? Your wine is sweet, and the dishes are just right. Are those who have come strangers? The brothers have all arrived. Dodder and climbing plants cling to the pines. Before I saw you, I was full of worry; after seeing you, I wish you well.

“A tall cap rests upon the head; the wine is sweet, and the dishes are all set out. Are those who have come strangers? They are brothers, nephews, and uncles. When snow falls, the first to fall are always the little snowflakes. Anyone may leave this world at any time, and there are few days left for us to meet. So tonight, let us drink our fill and feast together.”

The Hongdao lu says: As I read this poem, I see three layers of feeling woven through it, truly enough to move people as a banquet draws to a close. The wagtail is a small bird. Do its flying, calling, walking, and bobbing really seem so intimate and full of meaning? Dodder and climbing plants are small herbs too…

How could bonds of mutual affection and support, once so deeply formed, be easily undone? The sage teaches by following the human heart and understanding the way things naturally work. When a brother faces urgent trouble, one rushes to help without even taking time to arrange one’s hair or straighten one’s clothes. If someone were to treat his brother as indifferently as the people of Qin regarded the people of Yue, what meaning would the “jiling” bird in the Classic of Poetry have? It is often used as an image of brothers helping one another in times of need. Brothers ought to rely on each other and sincerely seek one another’s help. If someone teaches a monkey to climb a tree and pushes it into danger, how could the creeping vine, the niao-luo, match the bond between brothers who depend on one another? These are the essentials of studying the Classic of Poetry and the foundations of ritual. They deserve careful reflection.

Another poem describes a feast held after the sacrifices, in honor of fathers, elder brothers, and other elders:

“Lush reeds grow beside the road; let neither cattle nor sheep trample them. They are putting forth shoots, their leaves tender and glistening. Close brothers, do not keep apart; come together and draw near. Some spread the mats, while others bring the armrests. The mats are laid and the places set; attendants serve one after another. Some offer wine to the guests, and others return the toast. Cups are rinsed and filled, and the goblets respectfully set in place. Meat sauce is presented; some dishes are roasted, others grilled. Tasty morsels, including spleen and cheek, are all prepared. Some sing, while others join in with music. The archery rite begins: the bowstrings are firm, the four arrows evenly matched in weight, and the arrows held in the mouth are ready. Guests are seated in order according to their virtue. The archers draw their bows and fit their arrows; four arrows fly, each standing firm in its mark. Then the guests are seated again according to ritual order, with no one treated slightingly. The descendant of the ancestor serves as host. The sweet wine is rich; it is poured in a great measure, with prayers for the elders’ long lives. Their backs are mottled like a sturgeon’s, and they are guided and cared for. May they enjoy long life and good health, and receive abundant blessings.”

The Hongdao lu comments: “The poet who composed this piece may be said to have understood the principles of ritual. Ritual does not mean trying casually to please others, speaking needlessly, exceeding what is proper, bullying or slighting people, or behaving with frivolous familiarity. The Zhou house passed down generations of loyal and generous virtue. Within the family it cherished the nine degrees of kinship; beyond it, it honored the elderly. All this arose naturally, without forced display. How could it be mere pandering?

“The mats and armrests are all properly provided, but there is no excessive display. Though there are many attendants, no one is overburdened. Though the food is abundant, there is no wasteful extravagance. How could this be ostentatious speech?

“First come the offering of wine and the return toast. Only after the exchanges of courtesy between host and guests are complete does the feast begin. After the meal, music and ritual are fully observed, and finally the archery rite is used to observe people’s virtue. How could this exceed the bounds of ritual?

“The guests exchange bows as they ascend the hall. After the archery rite, they drink according to ritual, and then are seated in order of virtue. Even when there is competition, a gentleman does not contend in a way that violates ritual. How could this be bullying or slighting others?

“The elders are cared for, guided, and supported, and wished long lives and lasting blessings. The state is thereby honored, and ruler and ministers rejoice together. How could this be frivolous familiarity? Since the poem embodies all these things, it may be said to understand the principles of ritual.”

The fathers and elder brothers replied to the “Xingwei” poem with another poem, which says: “We have drunk our fill and received the full measure of virtue’s grace. May the gentleman live for ten thousand years and receive abundant blessings. We have drunk our fill, and the dishes have all been prepared. May the gentleman live for ten thousand years…”

Your radiance is so manifest, bright and vast; your virtue is lofty, bringing things to a good end and beginning them well. The representative of the ancestor at the sacrifice brings a favorable message. What does he announce? The ritual vessels are arranged neatly and beautifully; the guests each assist with the rites, conducting themselves with dignity and observing proper ceremony. The gentleman has filial descendants, and their filial devotion continues without end. You will long bestow blessings upon them. What are these blessings of goodness? They are harmony within the family. May the gentleman live ten thousand years, and may his blessings extend to his descendants. And what are these descendants like? They are the emoluments bestowed upon you by Heaven. May the gentleman live ten thousand years, enjoying a mighty Mandate from Heaven and many assistants. And what are these assistants? They are worthy and virtuous women bestowed upon you; may worthy and virtuous women be bestowed upon you, and bear descendants for you.

The Hongdao lu says: This poem is known as “The Waterfowl” and “Already Drunk.” Even today, those who praise an age of peace often quote it. Why is it always placed at the beginning? The Quli says, “The Dao, virtue, benevolence, and righteousness cannot be fulfilled without ritual.” The scope of the Dao is vast, hence the words “bright and vast”; De is embodied in oneself, hence “conducting themselves with dignity and observing proper ceremony.” Good people gather and their relations are harmonious, hence “a mighty Mandate from Heaven and abundant blessings and emoluments.” Righteousness brings harmony between people, and thus blessings and the flourishing of descendants. These are the deepest wishes of human feeling and expressions of a ruler’s pure and substantial virtue. Yet this can be achieved only when a harmonious and joyful spirit flows throughout, bringing gladness to people’s hearts. That is why the poem begins, “The wine is drunk, the virtue is full”: it reveals the king’s lofty character and the rich ceremonial bearing of the elders of the family. Even ten thousand generations later, people will still use this poem to praise and offer blessings. Ah, once this state is attained, the foundations that sustained the Zhou dynasty for eight hundred years are secure.

On the day after the sacrifice, a “continuation rite” was also performed, with music offered in entertainment of the representative of the ancestor. The poem sings:

Waterfowl on the Jing River: the representative of the ancestor comes to the feast, at ease and rejoicing. Your wine is clear, your dishes fragrant; as the representative feasts, blessings and emoluments will be secured.

Waterfowl on the sandbank: the representative of the ancestor comes to the feast, each at ease with the other. Your wine is abundant, your dishes fine; as the representative feasts, blessings and emoluments will arrive.

Waterfowl on the islet in the water: the representative of the ancestor comes to the feast and settles in comfort. Your wine is clear, your dishes include dried meat; as the representative feasts, blessings and emoluments will descend.

Waterfowl where the currents converge: the representative of the ancestor comes to the feast and is shown honor. The feast in the ancestral temple is complete, and blessings and emoluments descend from it; as the representative feasts, blessings and emoluments will increase.

Waterfowl by the water gate: the representative of the ancestor comes and stays, his expression cheerful. The fine wine brings delight, and the roast meat sends forth its fragrance; as the representative feasts, there will be no further calamity.

The Hongdao lu says: Zheng Xuan’s commentary explains that “representative of the ancestor” refers to a minister serving in that role. This passage concerns a sacrifice performed by the Son of Heaven. If a feudal lord had meritorious virtue and entered the court as a minister of the Son of Heaven, he could serve as the representative during a sacrifice. Those who could serve in this role would therefore have been figures such as the Duke of Zhou, the Duke of Shao, the Duke of Bi, and the Duke of Rong; later, at “not…” the text breaks off.

At this time, the ruler was capable of bearing great responsibility: above him stood a ruler who upheld the achievements of the past, and below him were upright ministers who assisted him. The ruler himself was correct and clear-minded, his clothing and cap neat and proper. He treated his ministers with dignity and kindness, and upheld Virtue. When he performed the rites, government and instruction were harmonious and beautiful, their fragrance moving all who encountered them. The sacrificial offerings were arranged in good order, with jade and silk interwoven. The “Lord of the Corpse,” who represented the ancestors and received the offerings, was at ease in the sacrifice; thus the spirits were all at ease as well. The Lord of the Corpse declared it fitting, and so did all the spirits. The atmosphere was therefore filled with affection and delight, and all were joined in harmony. These were splendid signs of peace throughout the realm and clear government. Otherwise, who does not have clear wine and fragrant dishes? Why, then, praise the poems “The Mallards” (Fuyi, a poem in the Book of Songs) and “Already Drunk”?

Speaking through the poem “The Mallards,” the Lord of the Corpse replied: “How joyful is this noble ruler, whose Virtue is bright and excellent, and who is suited to govern the people and bring them peace. He receives blessings and emoluments from Heaven; Heaven protects him and grants him its mandate, then continues to bestow more from above. He seeks blessings and emoluments, and every kind of good fortune gathers to him; his descendants multiply by the thousands and tens of thousands. Majestic and splendid, he is fit to be a ruler and king. He commits no transgression, does not forget the old statutes, and follows the established laws of his forebears. His bearing is dignified, his words orderly. He provokes neither resentment nor discord, and relies on the support of his worthy ministers; his blessings are without end. He becomes the guiding standard for the four quarters, and his blessings extend to friends, lords, and high ministers. They respect and love the Son of Heaven, remain diligent in their duties, and enable the people to live in peace.”

Master Lü of Donglai said: “When a ruler hosts a feast for his ministers and the ministers love their ruler, those above and below are in accord, and the state is at peace. In times of peace, the greatest concern is that people grow lax and neglect their duties. That is why the poem ends by saying, ‘They remain diligent in their duties, and enable the people to live in peace.’”

The Hongdao lu says: “In times of peace, laxity and neglect are not the only causes for concern. Of greatest concern is that people presume to be clever and disrupt established institutions; use artful argument to upset established government; disregard the views of elder worthies and appoint newcomers; or abandon the opinions of ordinary people and summon those who covet favor and profit. All of these damage bright and excellent Virtue, and corrupt the orderly and worthy words that express it.

“This poem repeatedly says, ‘He commits no transgression, does not forget the old statutes, and follows the established laws of his forebears.’ It also says, ‘He provokes neither resentment nor discord, and relies on the support of his worthy ministers.’ To follow the old statutes is to have established institutions to rely on and settled laws to observe. To rely on worthy ministers is to have mature and steady people to appoint, and Virtue on which one can place one’s trust. If, after doing these things, the people still could not live in peace, Heaven’s blessings could not endure, the state’s governing bonds could not hold, and the good name of the present age could not be passed down to later generations, I would not believe it. For the Lord of the Corpse to have spoken in this way, surely he must have been a worthy minister of the kind of the Duke of Zhou, the Duke of Shao, the Duke of Bi, or the Duke of Rong.”

In the Spring and Autumn period, on the Dingmao day of the eighth month in the second year of Duke Wen of Lu, the state of Lu held a sacrifice in the Grand Temple and raised Duke Xi’s spirit tablet to a more honored position…

The Hongdao lu says: In my view, the acts of rebellion and usurpation in the Spring and Autumn period each had their beginnings. Once Duke Zhuang was permitted to perform the Di sacrifice—a grand rite in which the Son of Heaven or a feudal lord offered sacrifice to his ancestors—Ai Jiang could also be welcomed into the ancestral temple. Once Ai Jiang could be welcomed into the temple, Duke Xi could in turn be raised to a higher place in the sacrificial order. For this reason, the sage kings of antiquity treated ritual institutions with great care, making changes only when they had no choice. Once ritual order is lost, people fall into the ways of the Yi and Di; lose it further, and they sink to the level of beasts. How could one fail to be cautious? Xia Gong Fuji cited the ways of the Yi and Di and of beasts as his argument, saying: “If people can bring themselves to do such a thing, what is there they cannot bring themselves to do?”

The Zuo zhuan records: The Marquis of Jin sent Gong Shuo to present the spoils of victory over Qi to the King of Zhou. The king refused to receive him and sent Shan Xianggong to decline on his behalf, saying: “The Man, Yi, Rong, and Di do not obey the royal commands, indulge themselves without restraint, and disrupt the established order. When the king commands an expedition against them and the feudal lords present the spoils, the king personally receives and commends them. This is meant to punish disrespect and encourage meritorious service. But when a brother state or a state bound to the royal house by marriage encroaches on the royal domain, after the king commands an expedition against it, the campaign need only be reported; the spoils need not be presented. This is meant to honor states bound to us by close ties and to prevent excessive aggression. Now, Uncle, you have defeated Qi and won merit, but instead of sending an appointed senior officer to bring me the report, you have sent Count Gong to present the spoils. I would like to receive Count Gong, but he holds no office at the Zhou court. This would also violate the rites established by the former kings. How would I dare abandon the old precedents and bring shame upon you, Uncle?” Shi Zhuangbo had no answer. The king then ordered him to hand the spoils over to three officials for disposition. He received him according to the rite for a feudal lord who had defeated an enemy state and sent an officer to report the victory, but with honors one rank below those given to a minister.

The Hongdao lu also says: The Marquis of Jin sent Gong Shuo, who presented the spoils from Qi in order to claim credit and seek advantage. The King of Zhou sent Shan Xianggong to respond in order to uphold the Way of righteousness. Jin’s campaign against Qi carried the suspicion that it had been undertaken for the sake of the spoils, so the king reproached Jin in the name of righteousness. The king had good reason to refuse to receive Shi Zhuangbo. But why, afterward, did he host a banquet for him and privately give him gifts?

This is like dealing with a young child: one means to correct him, yet hands him pears, chestnuts, jujubes, and persimmons. Or it is like joining someone in a magic trick: one is playing along together, then suddenly puts on a solemn face and begins lecturing about what is proper. The consequences of such behavior are hard to predict. At the time, Shan Xianggong was at court, and Wangsun Man was also in office. Even if the King of Zhou wanted to treat the matter as a game, he had to take these two ministers into account. But later, Wangsun Su again fomented disorder, and Liu Kangong seized the opportunity to send troops against the Rong. King Ding of Zhou had already lost sight of his original purpose; even if he had not wanted to treat the matter as a game, he could no longer have done otherwise.

The Book of the Later Han records that Emperor Guangwu removed Liu Jiang, Prince of Donghai, from the position of crown prince through no fault of his own. He continued to treat him with the honors prescribed by ritual, granting him extensive lands and the tax revenues of twenty-nine counties in Lu Commandery as an additional fief. He also bestowed on him a guard of elite imperial soldiers, ceremonial banners topped with yak-tail plumes, a palace, and stands for hanging bells and stone chimes. The honors he received nearly matched the formalities of an imperial procession. While governing his princedom, Liu Jiang repeatedly submitted memorials asking to return his Donghai lands. Later, citing the fact that Crown Prince Liu Zhuang had already been appointed, he firmly declined them. Emperor Guangwu refused his request, deeply praised and admired his character, and showed Liu Jiang’s memorials to the high ministers.

In the past, Liu Yu, Prince Gong of Lu, had loved building palaces and had constructed the magnificent Lingguang Hall, which was still standing at the time. Emperor Guangwu therefore ordered Liu Jiang to establish his capital in Lu. In all matters, including palaces and ritual music, his arrangements were to differ from those of the other princes.

In the first year of Yongping, Liu Jiang became gravely ill. Emperor Ming sent a palace attendant and imperial physicians to treat him, then ordered the Princes of Pei, Jinan, and Huaiyang to visit him in Lu. Visitors came and went without interruption. When Liu Jiang died, Emperor Ming was overcome with grief. He accompanied the Empress Dowager to Jinmen Pavilion to mourn, then sent the Grand Minister of Works, bearing the imperial tally, to preside over the funeral. The Grand Herald assisted the Director of the Imperial Clan and the Director of Construction in making the arrangements. The court bestowed funeral items according to special rites, including a dragon standard, ceremonial banners topped with yak-tail plumes, a phoenix carriage, dragon flags, and a hundred elite imperial guards. Emperor Ming also decreed that Liu Ying, Prince of Chu; Liu Xu, Prince of Zhao; Liu Xing, Prince of Beihai; the Lady of the Guantao Palace; and relatives in the capital, the ladies of the Four Surnames, and the junior marquises should all attend the funeral.

Emperor Ming remembered that Liu Jiang had always been respectful and frugal, and did not want to arrange an excessively lavish funeral that would go against his wishes. He therefore issued a special decree to the palace attendant Du Cen and to the tutor and chancellor of the Kingdom of Donghai, officials who assisted the prince, saying: “Liu Jiang was respectful and frugal, cherished ritual, and completed his life through virtuous conduct. The funeral arrangements must be kept simple, to make clear his outstanding and independent purpose.”

The Hongdao lu comments: The Book of Changes, in the first line of the Decrease hexagram, says, “Once the task is complete, go quickly; there will be no misfortune.” The fifth line says, “Someone presents a tortoise worth ten strings of cash. Do not refuse it; great good fortune.” Liu Jiang was the eldest legitimate son, yet lost his position as heir when the emperor appointed a different crown prince. His later act of yielding was like the first line’s teaching: by diminishing himself, he received help. Having yielded the honored position, he continued to restrain himself and did not claim credit. After Emperor Ming had taken his place in the position of honor, he still remembered Liu Jiang’s humility and frugality, and sought to keep the funeral modest. This fully embodied the virtue of meeting others with humility and responding well to them. Liu Jiang cannot be compared with the person in the Tang dynasty known as the “Emperor Who Yielded the Throne”; no one has surpassed Liu Jiang’s goodness and good fortune.

Later, Emperor Suzong treated the Prince of Dongping with honors exceeding those given to princes in earlier generations, and the other princes could not compare. In the seventh year of Jianchu, the Prince of Dongping came to court, and Emperor Suzong received him, specially granting him fifteen million coins. Because the prince had traveled through cold dew, the emperor also sent an usher to present him with a sable fur coat and food from the Imperial Kitchens. The original text ends here, unfinished.

The emperor sent the Grand Herald Dou Gu, bearing the tally of authority, to welcome Prince Xian of Dongping, Liu Cang, in the suburbs. He personally inspected the residence arranged for him, and had curtains, tents, and a couch prepared in advance. Money, silk, vessels, and every other necessity were also made ready.

The emperor issued an edict saying, “The Book of Songs says that an uncle established a great undertaking for you. Such respect for an uncle shows just how deep one’s reverence can be. In the past, when Xiao He served as chancellor, the emperor permitted people not to address him by name. This was a special honor for a loyal and worthy minister. How much more does this apply to Liu Cang, who is both a kinsman and an elder?” Accordingly, in the ceremonial words of praise for the four kings of Pei, Jinan, Dongping, and Zhongshan, Liu Cang’s name was never spoken directly.

When Liu Cang arrived, he entered the hall and performed the formal rites; the emperor personally returned his salute. Later, when the princes came to the palace, the emperor ordered that they be conveyed by carriage to the provincial pavilion, a place in the palace used for handling affairs of state and resting. They did not dismount until they reached it. Liu Cang felt uneasy, believing that the favor shown him exceeded what the rites allowed, so he submitted a memorial declining the honors and expressing his thanks. After reading it, the emperor admired and respected him all the more.

When the emperor saw Liu Cang off on his departure, Liu Cang took his leave in tears. The emperor also bestowed on him imperial robes, precious objects, carriages and horses, and money and silk, together worth as much as one hundred million.

The Hongdao lu comments: Fan Ye wrote that Confucius said, “Though poor, one can remain content in the Dao; though wealthy, one can still delight in ritual.” Prince Xian of Dongping may be called a man who delighted in ritual. In declining such deep family affection and leaving the empress dowager, was he merely seeking an empty reputation, forgetting kinship and duty? Perhaps, when doubts arise in the heart, estrangement follows; and excessive closeness can also damage what is right. This is precisely what makes the wise sigh. Alas, to keep clear of suspicion and preserve loyalty and righteousness, to set aside personal attachments and fulfill filial duty—these must have been Prince Xian of Dongping’s aims. That is why this account has been recorded.

The Book of Wei records that the Yang Bo family had been honest and generous for generations. The brothers valued righteousness and yielded to one another, treating one another as father and son. Yang Chun and Yang Jin were respectful and humble, loyal and principled. They sat together in the main hall throughout the day and never retired separately to their rooms. Even when the household had only a bowl of soup and a serving of rice, they always ate together in the hall. Curtains and screens were often set up around it to create resting spaces. Each would go there to rest, then return to talk and laugh together.

Both brothers were over sixty when they successively rose to high office. Even so, morning and evening each day they continued to inquire after one another. Sometimes Yang Chun would return drunk from drinking elsewhere. Yang Jin would help him back to his room, then wait by the pavilion, checking that he was well. Their sons and nephews stood in rows below the steps. None was permitted to sit, and no one dared take a seat.

When the brothers were about to go out, one of them might say, “There is still time.” Everyone would then wait, not daring to eat first. They would dine together only after he returned, with the elder personally handing spoons and chopsticks to the younger ones. At every dish, everyone first let the eldest brother taste it. When Yang Jin served as governor of four provinces, Yang Chun remained in the capital. Whenever seasonal delicacies were available, Yang Jin would send them to his elder brother by messenger. If they had not yet arrived, Yang Chun would not eat them. The household had more than a hundred men and women. They all wore mourning clothes of the same kind and cooked their meals together, and there was never an argument in the courtyard.

The Hongdao lu comments that the histories praised the brothers of the Yang Bo family for their loyalty, steadfastness, humility, and care, which earned them the court’s esteem…

He held high offices at court and served as a local governor, enjoying great prestige through several dynasties. Yet his manner and expression remained humble and respectful. With wholehearted sincerity, he upheld Virtue reverently and acted with care, becoming a model for the people of his time. Since the Northern Wei, there had been no other family like his. His sons and grandsons were all outstanding, and many members of the household rose to high office. The blessings and honors that came from accumulated good deeds, it seems, were indeed well founded.

Yet rebellious Hu rulers seized control of the government, imposed cruel punishments without restraint, and inflicted suffering at will. This family, too, met with such calamity. Why did the rewards for good and evil seem so completely reversed? I believe they were not. Confucius said, “When a state is governed by the Dao, it is shameful to live in poverty and low station; when a state is without the Dao, it is shameful to enjoy good fortune and high rank.” The ancients did not rely on the blessings left by their ancestors. Instead, they resolved to leave their descendants secure circumstances, and they had good reason for doing so.

Cui Bo belonged to a family of great distinction and lived during the flourishing years of the Yuan-Wei (Northern Wei). He established himself through virtue, served the public, and associated with the ruler. Who could say that this was out of step with the times? But after Emperor Xiaowen, the rulers grew ever younger and the government ever more lax. Women at court seized power, corrupt ministers usurped authority, and the realm fell into turmoil; the Wei state was already in grave danger. Seeing far ahead, Cui Bo understood that the blessings accumulated by his ancestors could not be relied upon, and that leaving danger to his descendants would be lamentable. He therefore resigned from his high post as chief minister. Like the uncle and nephew Shu Guang and Shu Shou of the Han dynasty, who willingly withdrew from prominent office, who could take this wise choice away from them?

By the time the Erzhu clan rose to power, they had murdered the ruler, drowned the Empress Dowager, and slaughtered the people; calamity had likely become impossible to avoid. Thus the disaster that befell the household of Cui Chun and Cui Jin did not become severe only when Shilong falsely accused them; it was already evident when Yuan Xian entered Luoyang. Nor did they fall into danger only after the edict of Emperor Jiemin was issued: the crisis had begun before Emperor Xiaozhuang appointed them as Attendants-in-Ordinary. Seen in this light, the Cui family’s reverence for Virtue and careful conduct left behind only an exemplary reputation. The honors they had enjoyed for generations through their power, by contrast, became a warning to those who came after.

Cui Ting of Boling lived with three generations under one roof, and courtesy and mutual deference prevailed throughout the household. He gave his fields and residence to his younger brother, Cui Zhen, with complete ease and not the slightest reluctance. Cui Ting’s sons—Cui Xiaofen, Cui Xiaowei, Cui Xiaoyan, Cui Xiaozhi, and Cui Xiaozheng—were devoted to their parents and affectionate toward one another, displaying kindness, generosity, and forbearance. When Xiaoyan and Xiaozheng died in turn, Xiaofen and the others wept bitterly. They gave up meat and ate only vegetables, growing thin and haggard with grief; all who saw them were moved to sorrow.

Xiaowei and the others served Xiaofen with the utmost respect and obedience. Whether sitting, eating, or going about their affairs, they waited for his instructions before doing anything. They rose at daybreak, paid their respects to Xiaofen each morning, and watched his expression. They kept not so much as a coin or a foot of cloth for their private use. Whenever money or goods were needed for weddings, funerals, or other affairs, the brothers gathered to discuss how to allocate them. The wives of the different households were also affectionate toward one another, and shared household goods whether there was plenty or not enough. After their uncle Cui Zhen died, they cared for their aunt, Lady Li, just as they would have cared for their own mother.

He attended to his parents’ comfort in the morning and evening, and whenever he went out or came home, he went to greet them. For every matter in the household, great or small, he first sought Lady Li’s advice. Whenever his brothers went out and gained anything, even a small sum of money, they handed it over to Lady Li’s storeroom. When household goods were distributed each season, Lady Li decided how to divide them. They kept up this practice for more than twenty years. He treated Lang, the son of his cousin Xuanbo, just as he would his own younger brother.

The Hongdao Lu comments: Yang Bo, a high official of the Northern Wei, was honest and modest, yet could not preserve his family’s estate. This was because his family had relied for generations on power and imperial favor. Cui Ting, also a high official of the Northern Wei, was kind and generous, yet managed to preserve his clan. This was because his family had for generations lacked important paths to official advancement. Thus, power may inspire awe, but it cannot be relied upon. How fortunate the gentleman who lives in an age when the state is well governed and the scholar-officials observe ritual: in such times, people’s integrity and moral courage naturally win esteem at court and among the people. If ritual and righteousness among the scholar-officials can be used to set an unruly state back on course, then what kind of person—loyal, trustworthy, able to assist in government, and upright—could not be relied upon? Readers should judge appropriately according to their own circumstances.

The Book of Sui records that Wang Ning was always cautious and dignified. If his sons and younger relatives were not wearing court dress, he would not receive them in the inner quarters. Ritual in his household was as strict as at court. Wang Tong, styled Zhongyan and known as Master Wenzhong, praised him, saying: “Wang Ning truly is a man of virtue! He governs his family by teaching the four qualities of refinement, conduct, loyalty, and trustworthiness, and sets its customs in order through the four rites of capping, marriage, mourning, and sacrifice. He never does anything contrary to ritual.”

He always kept a complete collection of the sages’ classics, and never lent his court robes or ritual vessels to anyone. He made sure the courtyard walls and household implements were sturdy and plain, saying, “Do not waste things carelessly.” The fruit trees along the lanes and paths were always planted in orderly rows; he said, “Do not throw things into disorder.” He accepted none of the gifts people sent him, and would not eat food he had not earned through his own labor. When entertaining guests, he bought no extra provisions, saying, “What accords with ritual is enough.”

In the early years of the Zhenguan reign of Tang Taizong, the emperor diligently put the affairs of government in order, while Fang Xuanling, Du Ruhui, Wei Zheng, and others each displayed their abilities in assisting him. When Wang Ning heard that the writings of his elder brother Wang Tong, Master Wenzhong, were about to be widely put into practice, he exclaimed: “My brother’s writings are truly profound! As for the principles of statecraft and the way of rulers, they have already been explained with complete clarity. As for the principles of all things between Heaven and Earth, there is nothing they fail to address. When the world follows the Dao, the sage puts the Dao into practice; when the world departs from the Dao, the sage writes it down and keeps it in reserve. It is like water: when channeled, it becomes rivers; when dammed, it becomes deep pools. Rising, it forms clouds; spreading, it falls as rain. Even when hidden below, it can nourish all things. Wherever it is, it can serve its purpose.”

The Hongdao Lu comments: Wang Ning’s insight seems to have reached the very realm Wang Tong envisioned. Why say this? Wang Tong’s talent and learning were outstanding. Yet if his Twelve Proposals for Great Peace, which set out twelve recommendations for governing the realm, could not be carried out entirely as he wished, then perhaps the higher course was to observe ritual and law throughout his life.

Continuing and completing the classics is a wise course of action. Even when one encounters a ruler capable of governing the world, far beyond the ordinary, he may not accept all of my words. Rather than that, it is better to record them and preserve them in books. This is precisely why Fang Xuanling, Du Ruhui, and others all respected Zhangsun Wuji but could not help him improve, while Zhangsun Wuji alone had more than enough power to refuse them. Better, then, to be like clouds that bring rain when they rise and continue to nourish all things even when hidden: wherever one may be and whatever means one may use, one can remain responsive and beneficial.

The histories of the Tang say that in the twenty-ninth year of the Kaiyuan era, Grand Marshal Prince Ning, Li Xian, died. Emperor Xuanzong was deeply grieved and said, “The empire was originally my elder brother’s; it was only because he steadfastly yielded it to me that I received it. To the Tang, my brother is like Taibo of antiquity. An ordinary posthumous title is not enough to express his virtue.” Xuanzong therefore posthumously titled Li Xian “Emperor Who Yielded the Throne.” His son, Prince of Ruyang Li Jin, submitted a memorial stating that his father’s final wish had been to remain steadfastly humble and decline an imperial title, but Xuanzong did not grant the request.

The Hongdao lu comments: Lu Zhi once said, “When the Dao accords with Heaven, it is called ‘huang’; when De accords with Earth, it is called ‘di.’” Both “huang” and “di” are supreme and exceptional titles, names of the highest distinction. They cannot be used casually, much less to adorn an act of humility.

Out of familial affection, Xuanzong paid his respects to his elder brother in the palace, bowing and kneeling according to the rites between family members. This accords with the proper order of family bonds and social roles, and is understandable. But to grant his brother the supreme imperial title lightly, out of private feeling, left the recipient apprehensive and the giver in violation of principle—a ludicrous outcome. This did not honor the imperial title; it profaned it. It should not become a practice for later generations to imitate.

A Song dynasty biography records that Li Jianzi, Li Suzi, Li Chengzhi, and Li Jizhi were all sons of the chancellor Li Di. Li Chengzhi was orphaned soon after birth and was raised and educated by Li Suzi until he came of age. Later, the two brothers in turn served as attendants at court. When Li Chengzhi was promoted to Academician of the Dragon Diagram Pavilion, he earnestly declined the post and asked that it be given to his elder brother. He said, “My elder brother raised me when I was a child, and he has served as a Hanlin academician for ten years.” The emperor replied, “The courtesy, affection, and mutual regard between you brothers are enough to encourage good conduct in the world. Li Suzi should also be promoted.” He therefore ordered both men to be promoted together.

Li Jizhi was skilled in government affairs and performed his duties well. He once compiled accounts of Tang history, selecting from them material useful for governing the state and writing the book A Mirror for Rulers and Ministers. Li Jianzi was admired by Kou Zhun from a young age. After Emperor Yingzong of Song took the throne, Fu Bi recommended him for his learning and character. Yingzong encouraged him, saying, “You are a Confucian scholar of broad learning and distinguished virtue. I am hoping to consult you to make up for my own shortcomings. Your expertise extends far beyond the Confucian classics, does it not?” Li Jianzi was appointed concurrently as a reader to the Eastern Palace.

The emperor gave Prince Ying birthday gifts. According to the old custom, after receiving the gifts and paying his respects, the prince would withdraw. But Yingzong instructed him to stay and dine with Li Jianzi, hoping that Li Jianzi would have the opportunity to guide the prince in proper conduct.

On the very day Emperor Shenzong ascended the throne, Daofu submitted a memorial requesting retirement. At the time he was Minister of Works and was appointed Grand Guardian of the Heir Apparent; he then retired from office. The court originally had no ceremony for officials to go to the Ge Gate to express their thanks, but he was specially granted entry into the palace to have an audience with the emperor.

Emperor Shenzong summoned him at Yanhe Hall, ordered him to be seated, and held a banquet at Zishan Hall, having all the imperial lecturers and readers compose poems to encourage and comfort him; his gracious treatment was very generous. Shenzong also ordered Wang Gui to record the matter. Daofu’s son Xiaoji also held a palace office; because he wished to support his father, he requested to serve as supervisor of Chongfu Palace. For ten years father and son, one after the other, held only idle posts, and then they resigned together; Xiaoji was only fifty at the time. Scholar-officials praised them and compared them to the Han dynasty brothers Shu Guang and Shu Shou. When Xiaoji’s younger brother Xiaoda entered the palace to report and answer questions, Shenzong asked after Daofu’s recent circumstances and sighed that father and son far surpassed ordinary people.

The Record comments: Hu Mingzhong believed that the brothers Shu Guang and Shu Shou resigned because they saw that the heir apparent was not worth relying on. This view is not necessarily apt. As for Daofu and his son, was their situation not exactly like this? Shenzong acted willfully and liked to make his own decisions; as soon as he took charge of government he adopted Wang Anshi’s proposals and allowed the reforms to proceed in confusion. How could gentlemen versed in the state’s institutions and regulations not worry about this? Later, the brothers Xiaoshou and Xiaocheng also could not escape having charges fabricated against them by Zhang Dun and prison cases launched; and when Zhang Dun and Cai Jing held power, the courtesy and protection they received were far from sufficient. This was why the emperor sighed that they far surpassed ordinary people.

Lü Dafang’s elder brother Dazhong and younger brothers Dagou and Dalin lived together. They compared and refined learning and discussed principles with one another, and when they examined ritual institutions they based themselves on ancient systems. Ritual scholars in Guanzhong held them in high esteem. The Lü brothers once drew up a Village Compact, which included: encouraging one another in virtue and undertakings, admonishing one another when at fault, observing ritual customs in social dealings, and helping one another in hardship.

When Xie Liangzuo lectured in Qinzhou, each time Dazhong went to hear him lecture on the Analects, he would straighten his lapels and compose his expression, saying: “The sage’s words and deeds are right here in these sayings; I dare not be disrespectful.”

When Dagou served as a remonstrance official, from the time of his father’s death until the funeral was completed, he followed those parts of the ancient rites that could be put into practice; during mourning, whether matters were great or small, he handled them according to ritual rules. He also extended these practices to sacrifices, capping ceremonies, weddings, drinking ceremonies, meetings, congratulations, and condolences, not allowing ritual to be conflated with ordinary customs. The various ceremonies were arranged clearly and comprehensively; people felt at ease in their dealings and gradually grew accustomed to the practice.

Dalin understood the Six Classics and was especially proficient in ritual studies. He often wanted to collect and arrange the writings and old institutions left by the Three Dynasties so that they could be actually implemented; he was unwilling merely to talk emptily about ancient systems while proposing ideas that went against current customs and startled the world. After Fu Bi retired to his home, he studied Buddhism. Dalin once wrote to him, saying: “The ancients…”

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When you served at court, you upheld the principles of the Dao; in your home district, you promoted education and moral cultivation. Would any of this change because your rank rose or fell, your career advanced or stalled, or your body was strong or weak? Today, the Great Dao has yet to be made clear. People pursue deviant teachings, doubt that the sages’ instruction is complete, and dismiss ritual and righteousness as unworthy of study. This is precisely the time for someone of advanced years, deep De, and a compassionate heart to revive declining customs. That task depends on you. As for cultivating the spirit, transforming the breath, and devoting oneself to longevity, these are pursuits of those who withdraw to the mountains, shun the world, and seek their own perfection. How could anyone expect a person like you to take them up? Bi thanked him profusely.

The Record comments: The Doctrine of the Mean says that the Dao of the noble person begins in the everyday lives of husband and wife. The covenant of the Lantian Community Compact has been passed down to the present and still shines brightly because Lü Fen was the father of its author. The compact’s call to “encourage one another in virtuous conduct and worthy endeavors, and correct one another’s faults” is especially effective at curbing shallowness and impatience. Its customs of ritual exchange and mutual aid in times of hardship can also spur people to act together and put these principles into practice.

But if one’s conduct in private and family life is flawed, the people of the community will not believe what one says. If one cannot even set a five-foot-tall child on the right path, how much less can one guide the grand minister of state? Moreover, the customs of the Guanzhong region have been renowned for their simplicity and honest character since the Zhou dynasty, and Zhang Zai, styled Hengqu, also had a considerable influence there through his teaching. The several gentlemen of the Lü family were among his outstanding disciples. How could they have been unfamiliar with the study of ritual? This, too, should be borne in mind.

The Tianshun Daily Record states: In the xinhai year of Jingtai (1451), when the former emperor returned to the capital, the court officials discussed the ceremonies for welcoming him and restoring him to the throne. Because the Oirat leader Esen was considered cunning and unpredictable, most wanted to send only one carriage and two horses to receive him. At the time, Supervising Secretary Lin Cong submitted a memorial stating that Esen now revered Heaven’s mandate, had repented, and had submitted. The former emperor’s return to court should therefore be marked with the highest ceremonial honors, the full imperial guard of honor.

Hu Ying, Minister of Rites, showed Vice Minister Ye Sheng a note, saying that the views put forward by Grand Secretary Gao Gu were, for the most part, sincere and well judged. In formal status, the emperor and the Retired Emperor were sovereign and subject; in family ties, they were brothers. The ceremonies for welcoming him and restoring him to the throne should both be conducted with the greatest generosity. This would show the people the court’s respect for the Retired Emperor and make its intentions clear throughout the realm. Wang Zhi, Minister of Personnel, agreed as well, saying that since this ceremony had fallen into disuse, it was right to seek guidance from the people and submit the matter to the emperor.

Only Wang Wen argued that it was merely an anonymous document, and the matter was nearly shelved as a result. Lin Cong remained firm and submitted another memorial. Wang Zhi and Hu Ying were both ministers trusted by the emperor; the matter was of great consequence…

When handling major affairs, one should uphold impartial judgment and not let private interests intrude. For this reason, Nie Cong submitted this proposal.

The rites for welcoming the retired emperor back to court were, for the most part, carried out according to established regulations. This was all thanks to Nie Cong.

The Hongdao lu comments: Zhouzi said that the balance of power in the world is simply a matter of one side waxing as the other wanes. When one side gains strength, the other naturally loses it; this is only to be expected. A sage governing the world must prevent power from tilting to one side, and must not show greater or lesser affection or favoritism toward different people.

Nie Cong put forward this proposal first; only afterward did discussion of the heir apparent arise. If everyone at court had argued their case as he did, the Southern Palace would not have been used to imprison the emperor, nor would the Eastern Progress have seen a change of ruler. This would have upheld the regent’s authority and made clear the legitimacy of his acting in the ruler’s place. It would also have prevented the later Coup at the Gate and spared Prince Cheng the blame he subsequently suffered. Why should relations among ruler and ministers, or between brothers, have had to wait until ritual order was broken before impartial judgment was sought among the people?