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《弘道錄》Vol. 30

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Xu Daozang 續道藏 Vol. 30 / 41 7,265 characters

About this page. The original text of 《弘道錄》 Vol. 30 (Xu Daozang 續道藏, 41 volumes) is shown in Classical Chinese as transmitted in the Kanripo (Kyoto University) edition. An English interpretation of the 15 passages on this page accompanies it: select a passage or press “Interpretation” to show it. All texts in English

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Source textInterpretation

弘道録卷之三十七相六  智   君臣之智 家語孔子稱堯曰其智如神  録曰繫辭曰神而明之夫萬事也萬物也  出於天也夫茍出於天也視之而弗見聼  之而弗聞理無形也未可以爲神也貝衆  理宰萬事係於人也夫苟係於人也疑之  而可言擬之而可動心有覺也此所以爲  神也非所以疑擬於杳冥之鬼神也 中庸子曰舜其大智也歟舜好問而好察迩 言隱惡而揚善執其兩端用其中於民其斯 以爲舜乎  録曰堯之智曰如神言其用之所及不可  測度也舜之智曰用中言其心之所存無  過不及也若乃曲徇己見必人以難從則  不可謂之用傾駭聽聞示人以難及則不  可謂之邇拒諌飾非以察爲明則不可謂  之好優柔不斷讒佞不分則不可謂之執  忠諌者謂之誹謗深計者謂之妖言又安  在隱惡而揚善乎斯皆智之賊也過與不  及之故也故聖人不由焉 孟子曰智者無不知也當務之爲急堯舜之 智而不徧物急先務也不能三年而緦小功 之察放飯流□而問無齒决此之謂不知務  録曰夫所惡不知務者若唐德宗猜忌刻  剥以剛明自任而忘受欺於廬杞趙賛之  謂也然則何如而後能察之哉夫虞庭之  法具在也其所以教之者直而温寬而栗  剛而無虐簡而無傲其所以察之者𡩖而
Interpretation

Yao's wisdom is like that of a spirit (shenming).

The Commentary on the Appended Statements (Xici) of the Classic of Changes (Yijing) says: "To make principles subtle and spirit-like, and clear..." All things in the world issue from Heaven. Since they issue from Heaven, people cannot see them when they look or hear them when they listen. Principles have no physical form, so they cannot be called "spirit" for that reason. The various principles govern all affairs, and these affairs in turn concern people. Since they concern people, when a person encounters a doubt, he or she can discuss it, and after careful thought the mind can be stirred and attain awareness. This is the sense of "spirit-like" (shenming) here. It does not mean harboring suspicions about dark and unknowable ghosts and spirits and speculating about them.

The Doctrine of the Mean (Zhongyong) says: "Confucius said: Shun was perhaps the most wise! Shun loved to ask questions and was good at examining even shallow remarks. He concealed others' faults and publicized their strengths. He grasped the two extremes of a matter and adopted the moderate course in governing the people. This is perhaps why Shun became Shun."

The Record of Expanding the Dao (Hongdao lu) says: Yao's wisdom is called "like a spirit" (ru shen), meaning that wherever his wisdom was applied, it was unfathomably deep. Shun's wisdom is called "employing the mean" (yong zhong), meaning that what his heart held to was neither biased nor excessive nor deficient.

If one stubbornly clings to one's own views and insists that others accept proposals that are hard to carry out, this cannot be called "employing the mean." If one deliberately shocks the world and displays unreachable abilities to others, this cannot be called "shallow." Rejecting remonstrance and concealing one's errors while believing oneself discerning also cannot be called "fond of examining." Hesitating and failing to distinguish slander from upright words cannot be called "grasping the two extremes." To call loyal remonstrance slander and carefully considered counsel demonic talk is no way to conceal faults and publicize good deeds. These are all practices that harm wisdom, and their root lies in leaning too far to one side or in falling short. Therefore the sage does not act this way.

Mencius said: "A wise person does not need to know everything. What matters most is to attend first to what is urgent. Even Yao and Shun, though wise, could not understand every single thing. They valued dealing first with what was pressing. If someone does not pay attention even to the details of the mourning garments of the lesser grades during the three years of mourning, yet fixes on gulping down food at meals and slurping soup loudly, or asks whether food can be bitten through with the teeth, this is called not knowing what is light and what is heavy, what is first and what is last."

The Record of Expanding the Dao says: What is meant by "not knowing what is light and what is heavy" is exemplified by Tang Dezong. He was suspicious and harsh, believed himself upright and enlightened, and yet forgot that he was deceived by Lu Qi and Zhao Zan. How, then, can one achieve discernment? The laws of the court of Yu Shun are recorded in the classics. The method of teaching others is to be upright yet gentle, generous yet solemn, firm yet not cruel, and simple yet not arrogant. As for examination... (The original text breaks off here; the remainder is missing.)

 栗柔而立愿而恭亂而敬擾而毅直而温  簡而亷剛而塞强而義而尤致愼於巧言  令色則雖有祀賛百輩何所容哉此四凶  不能危舜而一祀足以亂唐孟子之言吃  緊而不可忽也 又曰所惡於智者爲其鑿也如智者若禹之 行水也則無惡於智矣禹之行水也行其所 無事也如智者亦行其所無事則智亦大矣  録曰禹之智鯀之所謂不智也夫父子之  道天性也一以率性而利一以穿鑿而害  未至於聖者可不勉哉今天下之鑿者非  獨於鯀也或苛察自在或壅閼自賢或躁  急自用或刻薄自恣或僥倖自多奚啻其  一端乎孟子發爲行所無事之說於世道  極有益未可以行水小事言也 成湯放傑於南巢惟有慙德曰予恐來世以 台爲口實仲虺乃作誥曰嗚呼惟天生民有 欲無主乃亂惟天生聪明時乂有夏昏德民 墜塗炭天乃錫王勇智表正萬邦  録曰湯何以謂之勇智乎夫禪受以文革  命以武然非内秉剛明之德何以知一日  之間天命已絶果能上應天心下順民心  乎而猶曰已日乃孚者湯恐後世以台爲  口實也然其實人心喜悅未占有孚而猶  曰革言三就者仲虺作誥以解湯之惑也  不然雖以咨嗟涕滂如莽之金縢自陳千  鬲如操之下令而不知人之視己如見其  肺肝然果何益哉果何益哉
Interpretation

His heart was simple and unpretentious, and he could stand on his own. When he set his aim, he was reverent and cautious. He handled affairs with order and respect, and when confusion arose he remained resolute. His temperament was upright yet gentle. His words were concise and incorruptible, firm yet sincere, steadfast yet in accord with righteousness. Above all, however, he had to be wary of glib talk and of an ingratiating countenance. Even if a ruler were surrounded by hundreds or thousands of ritual officers and ceremonial attendants, where could such people find a place? The Four Villains could not harm Shun, yet one sycophant named Si, a treacherous minister of legend, was enough to disturb the government of Tang Yao. Mencius spoke sternly here, and this warning cannot be overlooked.

Mencius also said: "People despise what is called cleverness because clever people like to act on their own judgment and force their views to fit the facts. If clever people acted as Yu did in controlling the floods, people would not despise their cleverness. Yu controlled the floods by following the course of the water and never obstructing it by force. If clever people could likewise follow the natural course of things without forcing their interference, their cleverness would be admirable indeed."

The Hongdao Lu comments: The wisdom of Yu is precisely what Gun called "lack of wisdom." The bond between father and son arises from human nature. One man acted in accord with nature and benefited the people, while the other acted on his own judgment, forced his designs, and brought disaster. How could anyone who has not reached the state of a sage fail to cultivate himself diligently? Those in the world today who insist on their own judgment are far more numerous than Gun alone. Some scrutinize details harshly. Some regard themselves as wise and block the way of reason. Some are impatient and obstinate, acting only on their own wishes. Some are cruel and indulgent, and some hold to luck and feel pleased with themselves. Such faults are not limited to one kind. Mencius's teaching of "acting in accord with what requires no forcing," meaning following the natural situation of things without forcing intervention, is of great benefit to the moral condition of the world, and it should not be regarded merely as a lesson about the small matter of flood control.

When Cheng Tang banished Xia Jie to Nanchao, he still felt ashamed and said, "I fear that later generations will use this event as a pretext." Zhong Hui then composed "Zhonghui's Charge," which says: "Alas! Heaven gives life to the people, and the people have many desires. Without a ruler to govern them, they fall into chaos. Heaven then produced wise men to govern the people. Xia Jie was foolish and lacked virtue, and the people suffered. Heaven therefore granted Your Majesty courage and wisdom, so that you might become a model for all under heaven."

The Hongdao Lu comments: Why is Cheng Tang praised as both courageous and wise? The ruler's position may pass peacefully through abdication, or it may change through force. Yet without an upright and clear-sighted virtue in the heart, how could one know that the Mandate of Heaven had ended within a single day? And how could one truly accord with Heaven above and comply with the hearts of the people below? Cheng Tang still said that he must wait until the appointed time, when the people would be convinced, because he feared later generations would use him as a pretext. In truth, the people were already sincerely satisfied, and one needed no divination to know that they trusted him. Zhong Hui's words about "three rounds of remonstrance" were meant precisely to dispel Cheng Tang's doubts. Otherwise, even if someone like Wang Mang wept and defended himself in the "Jinteng" chapter, or someone like Cao Cao issued proclamations to reveal his inner intentions, they could not change the plain facts that everyone could see: people had already seen through their hearts. What use would such acts be? What use would they be?

萬章問曰百里奚自鬻於秦養牲者五羊之 皮食牛以要秦穆公信乎孟子曰否不然好 事者爲之也百里奚虞人也晋人以垂棘之 璧與屈產之乘假道於虞以伐虢宫之奇諫 百里奚不諫知虞公之不可諫而去之秦年 已七十矣曾不知食牛於秦繆公之爲汙也 可謂智乎不可諫而不諫可謂不智乎知虞 公之將亡而先去之不可謂不智也時舉於 秦知繆公之可與有行也而相之可謂不智 乎相秦而顯其君於天下可傳於後世不賢 而能之乎自鬻以成其君郷黨自好者不爲 而謂賢者爲之乎  録曰夫所謂之智者乃達於事理而周流  無滯之謂也然仁可勉强智不可勉强此  三代以下論人物者不能純乎天理而百  里奚管仲晏子之徒亦在所録也故觀於  四智二賢之論則知當時所以爲之惓惓  焉者亦必有其道矣觀者詳之 國語桓公使鮑叔爲宰辭曰君加惠於臣使 不凍餒君之賜也若必治國家則非臣之所 能也其唯管夷吾乎臣之所不若夷吾者五 寬惠柔民弗若也治國家不失其柄弗若也 忠信可結於百姓弗若也制禮義可法於四 方弗若也執抱皷立於軍門使百姓加勇焉 弗若也桓公曰夫管仲射寡人中金是以濱 於死鮑叔曰夫爲其君勤也君若宥而反之 夫猶是也桓公使人請諸魯比至三釁三浴
Interpretation

Wan Zhang asked, "It is said that Baili Xi sold himself to a herdsman in Qin for five sheepskins, and that he tended oxen in order to win an audience with Duke Mu of Qin. Is this true?"

Mencius replied, "No, this is a fabrication by busybodies. Baili Xi was a man of the state of Yu. Jin used the jade bi of Chuiji and the fine horses of Qu to ask Yu for passage so that it could attack Guo. Gong Zhiqi remonstrated with Duke Yu, but Baili Xi did not, because he knew the Duke would not listen. So he left Yu and went to Qin, and by then he was already seventy years old. If he truly did not know that tending oxen in Qin would damage his reputation, can he be called wise? If he knew he could not persuade Duke Yu and yet did not try, can he be called unwise? If he knew that Yu was about to perish and left early, he cannot be called unwise. Later, when he was recommended in Qin and judged that Duke Mu could be entrusted with great affairs, and so assisted him, can this be called unwise? He assisted Qin, and Duke Mu became famous throughout the realm, and his achievements have been handed down to later ages. If he were not a worthy man, could he have done this? Yet to sell oneself in order to accomplish a ruler's undertakings is something that the people of the village who cherish their good name would not do. Would worthy men, then, do such a thing?"

The Hongdao lu comments: What is called "wisdom" is to thoroughly understand principle, so that one handles affairs completely and without obstruction. Benevolence and virtue can be achieved through effort, but wisdom cannot be forced into being. Since the Three Dynasties of Xia, Shang, and Zhou, those who judge people have often failed to rely fully on heavenly principle. For this reason, figures such as Baili Xi, Guan Zhong, and Yanzi are also recorded in this book. Anyone who reads the discussion of the "Four Wise Men and Two Worthies" will understand that the reasons for repeatedly debating these men at that time must have had their grounds. Readers should reflect on this carefully.

The Guoyu records that Duke Huan of Qi wished to appoint Bao Shuya as chancellor. Bao Shuya declined, saying, "You have treated me generously, so that I neither freeze nor go hungry; this is your grace. But to govern the state is beyond my capacity. Only Guan Yiwu (Guan Zhong) is likely equal to it. I fall short of him in five respects. In generosity and kindness, and in comforting the people, I fall short of him. In governing the state without losing its authority, I fall short of him. In gaining the people's trust through loyalty and good faith, I fall short of him. In establishing ritual and righteousness so that the four quarters comply, I fall short of him. And in standing before the army gate with the war drum so that the people become braver, I also fall short of him."

Duke Huan said, "Guan Zhong once shot at me and struck my belt hook, and I nearly lost my life." Bao Shuya replied, "He was exerting himself for his own lord. If you can forgive him and bring him back to Qi, he will exert himself for you just as he did before." The Duke then sent men to Lu to request Guan Zhong's return. When Guan Zhong arrived, the Duke had him fumigated and bathed again and again, as a mark of solemn courtesy.

之桓公親逆之於郊而授之以政  録曰序卦曰物不可以終否故受之以同  人傳曰天地不交爲否上下相同則爲同  人世之方否必與人同力乃能濟也桓當  否極之後蹶然興起思以智力服天下茍  非得先幾之士同心之言何由聽信之乎  牙之推賢讓能無暱比之私桓之諌行言  聼有剛明之德齊國之亨夫是之由也 桓公與管仲坐而問曰昔吾先君築室以爲 高位田狩畢弋不聼國政卑聖侮士而唯女 是崇戎士凍餒戒車待優游笑在前賢才在 後是以國家不曰引不月長爲此若何對曰 吾昔先王昭王穆王世法文武遠績以成名 合羣叟比校民之有道者設象以爲民紀式 權以相應比綴以度縛本肇末勸之以賞罰 糾之以刑罰班序顛毛以爲民紀統公曰爲 之若何對曰昔者聖王之治天下也叅其國 而伍其鄙定民之居成民之事而愼用其六 柄焉  録曰序卦與人同者物必歸焉故受之以  大有爲卦火在天上其明及遠萬物之衆  無不照見此桓公管仲坐而論道之時也 公曰成民之事若何對曰四民者勿使雜處 昔聖王之處士也使就間燕則父與父言義 子與子言孝其事君者言敬其幼者言悌少 而習焉其心安焉不見異物而遷焉是故其 父兄之教不肅而成其子弟之學不勞而能 今夫工使處就官府審其四時辨其攻苦權
Interpretation

Duke Huan of Qi went out to the outskirts in person to greet Guan Zhong and entrusted him with the affairs of government.

The Lu commentary says: The Xugua Zhuan (Commentary on the Sequence of the Hexagrams) explains that things cannot remain blocked forever, so the hexagram Tongren (Fellowship with Men) follows the hexagram Pi (Stagnation). The phrase "when Heaven and Earth do not interact, there is Pi" means that the qi of Heaven and Earth cannot communicate, and this is called stagnation. When those above and below share one heart, this is called Tongren.

When the world is at a standstill, people must join hearts and strengths in order to get through its difficulties. After the fortunes of stagnation had run their course, Duke Huan roused himself and wished to rule the world through his wisdom and strength. Had there been no one who could foresee the crucial moment and offer counsel with him in one heart, how could he have been willing to heed their advice? Guan Zhong recommended worthy and capable men and did not favor his close associates out of personal ties. Duke Huan, for his part, could accept remonstrance and hear advice, and he possessed an upright and clear-sighted virtue (De). This is the reason Qi was able to flourish.

The duke and Guan Zhong sat together and discussed government. The duke asked: "My late predecessor built high terraces and treated them as lofty positions. He hunted and shot birds and never gave heed to state affairs. He looked down on sages and worthies, slighted the scholars, and honored only beauty in women. Brave warriors went cold and hungry, the drivers of carriages waited on entertainers who amused him, and the jesters were placed in front while the worthy men were placed behind. For this reason the state declined day by day and could not flourish for a long time. What should be done about this?"

Guan Zhong replied: "The former kings King Zhao and King Mu imitated King Wen and King Wu, and through lasting achievements they won fame. They gathered many worthies, compared and examined the people for those who possessed virtue, and established norms to serve as the standards for the people. They weighed affairs so that each was matched to its proper measure, arranged and restrained matters according to regulations, began from the root and extended to the branches, and used rewards and punishments to encourage and order the people. They also arranged people by age and by rank of honor and humility, and took these as the guiding principles for governing the people."

The duke asked: "How exactly should this be carried out?"

Guan Zhong replied: "The sage kings who governed the world divided the capital into three parts and the countryside into five parts. They arranged where the people would live, helped the people accomplish their respective undertakings, and carefully employed the six powers (the authority to govern the state)."

The Lu commentary says: The Xugua Zhuan explains that when people share one heart, the myriad things will come to them, so the hexagram Tongren is followed by the hexagram Da You (Great Possession). The image of Da You is fire above heaven, whose light shines far, so that all the myriad things are made manifest. This is exactly the moment when Duke Huan and Guan Zhong sat together and discussed the Way.

The duke asked: "In helping the people accomplish their undertakings, how exactly should this be done?"

Guan Zhong replied: "Scholars, farmers, artisans, and merchants should not be allowed to live mixed together. The sage kings arranged the scholars so that they dwelt in quiet and unhurried places. Fathers spoke with fathers about righteousness, sons spoke with sons about filial piety, those who served the ruler spoke of reverence, and the young spoke of respect and love for elder brothers. When people learn these things from childhood, their hearts become settled, and they do not change their aspirations upon seeing other things. For this reason, fathers and elder brothers could teach their children and younger brothers without harsh pressure and still be effective, and the children and younger brothers could master what they learned without exertion.

As for the artisans, they should be made to live in the places arranged by the government, carefully observe the seasons of the year, distinguish the fine from the coarse in their crafts, and measure……"

節其用論比恊材日暮從事施於四方以飭 其子弟相語以事相示以巧相陳以功今夫 商使處就市井察其四時而監其鄕之資以 知其巿之賈負任儋荷服牛軺馬以周四方 以其所有易其所無市賤鬻貴旦暮從事於 此以𩛙其子弟相語以利相示以賴相陳以 知今夫農使處就田野察其四時權節其用 及寒繫莫除田以待時耕及耕深耕而疾病 之以待時雨時雨既至挾其槍刈耨鎛以旦 暮從事於田野是三者少而習焉其心安焉 不見異物而遷焉是故其父兄之教不肅而 成其子弟之學不勞而能其秀民之能爲士 者必足賴也桓公曰善  録曰此不易之定論豈惟一國爲然一人  一家莫不然也上失其道民失其義士甘  於游衍農奪於末技朝不信道工不信度  君子犯義小人犯刑國之不亡幸矣此仲  所以深慮也 公曰定民之居若何對曰制國以爲二十一 郷工商之郷六士郷十五公帥五郷焉國子 帥五郷焉高子帥五郷焉參國起案以爲三 官臣立三宰公立三族巿立三郷澤立三虞 山立三衡  録曰此魯作三軍所由起也智者在於善  觀而已矣 公曰吾欲從事於諸侯可乎對曰未可國未 安脩舊法擇其善者而業用之遂滋民與無 財而敬百姓則國安矣公曰諾國安矣其可 乎對曰未可君若正卒伍脩甲兵則大國亦
Interpretation

Regulate expenditure, and compare and coordinate the various kinds of talent. By evening, still engaged in labor, they apply what they have gained across the four quarters, and so put affairs in order.

The sons and younger brothers discuss with one another the methods of their trades, display their skills, and recount their achievements. For example, let the merchants live near the markets in the towns, observe the changes of the four seasons, and investigate the goods of the villages to understand market conditions. They carry loads on their shoulders and backs, drive oxcarts and ride in horse carts, and travel back and forth to the four quarters, exchanging what they have for what they lack, buying cheap and selling dear, busy from dawn to dusk with these affairs in order to support their sons. The sons discuss profit with one another, display their means, and recount what they know.

Again, let the farmers live near the fields, observe the four seasons, and arrange the farm work according to the times. In the winter cold, they stop plowing and await the proper season. When the time for sowing comes, they plow deep and cultivate carefully, awaiting timely rain. When the rain arrives, they take up their tools and labor in the fields from dawn to dusk.

These three kinds of people learn their trades from childhood, so their minds are settled, and they do not change their aspirations upon seeing other things. Therefore, fathers and elder brothers need not press them harshly for instruction to succeed, and the sons need not struggle to master their skills. Those of outstanding wisdom who are capable of holding office are likewise certain to be worthy of reliance.

Duke Huan said, "Good."

The Record (Lu) says: This is an unalterable conclusion. How could it apply only to one state? It is the same for a single person and for a single household. When those in high position lose the proper Dao (the Way), the common people lose their sense of righteousness. Scholars indulge in idleness and dissipation, and farmers have their energy drawn away by all manner of secondary occupations. In the morning they no longer believe in the Dao, and craftsmen do not keep to their standards. Gentlemen turn away from righteousness, and petty people violate the penal laws. That the state has not perished already counts as good fortune. This is precisely what Zhong (that is, Guan Zhong) deeply feared.

Duke Huan asked, "How should the common people be settled in their residences?"

Guan Zhong replied, "Divide the capital into twenty-one districts, of which six are districts of artisans and merchants and fifteen are scholar districts. You take command of five districts, the Guozi (the Heir's Official) commands five, and the Gaozi commands five. Divide the state into three parts and establish three kinds of offices. The great ministers have three chief assistants, and the ruler has three clans. Set up three districts in the markets, appoint three Yu officers to manage the marshes, and three Heng officers to manage the mountain forests."

The Record says: This is the origin of the three armies established in the state of Lu. Clever people need only be observant.

Duke Huan asked, "I wish to devote my energy to the affairs of the feudal lords. Is that permissible?"

Guan Zhong replied, "Not yet. The state within is not yet stable. One should repair the old laws, select the good ones and put them into practice, then gradually increase the population and the wealth, and make respect for the people the essential task. Only then will the state be stable."

Duke Huan said, "Good. Once the state is stable, will that be enough?"

Guan Zhong replied, "Not yet. If the ruler regulates the organization of the army and repairs armor and weapons, then the great states will also..." The original text breaks off here.

將正卒伍脩甲兵君有攻伐之器小國諸侯 有守禦之備難以速得志矣君若欲速得志 於諸侯則事可以隱作内政而寄軍令焉公 曰善於是制國五家爲軌軌爲之長十軌有 里里有司四里爲連連爲之長十連爲郷郷 有良人以爲軍令五家爲軌故五人爲伍軌 長帥之十軌爲里故五十人爲小戎里有司 帥之四里爲連故二百人爲卒連長帥之十 連爲郷故二千爲旅郷爲人帥之五郷爲帥 故萬人爲一軍五郷之人帥之春以猥振旅 秋以獮治兵是故卒伍整於里軍旅整於郊 内教旣成勿使遷徙伍之人祭祀同福死喪 同恤禍灾共之人與人相疇世同居少同游 故夜戰聲相聞足以不乖晝戰目相視足以 相識其懽忻足以相死是故守則同固戰則 同强君有此士也三萬人以方行於天下以 誅無道以屏周室天下大國之君莫之能禦 也  録曰此内政而寓軍令徒以仲之設心外  則一以欺人内則急以彊己惓惓焉惟以  得志爲事夫是而君子不由也若乃先王  聯屬其民寓兵於農之法大率類此嗚呼  齊一國也仲一人也以三萬人橫行天下  誅無道屏王室莫之能禦何况堂堂之天  下乎夫是而不可不措之思也 公曰吾欲從事於諸侯可乎曰未可鄰國未 吾親也君欲從事於諸侯則親鄰國審吾疆
Interpretation

The duke said, "Good." He then organized the entire state into units of "five households to a gui (track)," with a guizhang (track head) over each track. Ten tracks made a li (hamlet), under a lisi (hamlet overseer). Four li made a lian (company), under a lianzhang (company leader). Ten lian made a xiang (district), in which a liangren (district officer) was responsible for military orders. Because five households formed a track, five men made a wu (squad) under the track head. Because ten tracks formed a li, fifty men made a xiaorong (small chariot unit) under the hamlet overseer. Because four li formed a lian, two hundred men made a zu (company) under the company leader. Because ten lian formed a xiang, two thousand men made a lü (brigade) under the district officer. Finally, because five xiang formed a shuai (command), ten thousand men made an jun (army) under the officers of the five districts.

Each spring the troops held a wei zhen lü (a review and drill of the army), and each autumn they held a xian (autumn hunt, which also served to train the troops), thereby keeping the military in order. In this way, soldiers were organized in good order within their hamlets, and the army could form battle lines swiftly in the open country. Once the training within the state was complete, these men were not to be moved or scattered. Members of a squad shared blessings during sacrificial rites, comforted one another in death and mourning, and bore calamities together. They knew one another well, lived as neighbors for generations, and played together in their youth. Therefore, in night battle they could recognize their comrades by their voices and would not fall into confusion, and in daytime combat they could identify one another by sight. Bound together by affection and joy, they were willing to die fighting for their companions. In defense, they could hold their ground together, and in attack, they could combine their strength.

If a ruler commands such an army, then thirty thousand men are sufficient to traverse the world, punish the unrighteous, and assist the royal house of Zhou, and no ruler of the great states of the realm will be able to resist him.

The commentary on the Record observes: This method secretly carries out military orders within domestic administration. Guan Zhong (a statesman of the Qi state in the Spring and Autumn period) devised it in such a way that, on the surface, it deceived others, while in reality it hastened to strengthen the state itself, single-mindedly aiming at the goal. A man of gentlemanly character would not adopt such a method. As for the former kings' system of organizing the people into interlocking groups and integrating military service with agricultural labor, it is broadly similar to this. Alas, Qi was only one state and Guan Zhong was only one man, yet with thirty thousand troops they could traverse the world, punish the unrighteous, and assist the royal house, so that no one could stop them. How much more could be achieved in a realm of vast territory and great strength? This matter truly deserves serious reflection.

Duke Huan said, "I wish to act against the feudal lords. May I?" Guan Zhong replied, "Not yet. Our neighboring states have not yet drawn close to us. If the ruler wishes to accomplish something against the feudal lords, he should first win over the neighboring states, and examine the borders of our own state……"

場而反其侵地無受其資而重爲之幣頫於 諸侯則曰鄰親我矣四鄰大親正封彊地南 至於陶陰西至於濟西北至於河東至於紀 酅有革車八百乘擇天下之淫亂者而先征 之即位數年遂征萊莒徐夷吴越一戰帥服 三十一國  録曰孟子曰以力服人者非心服也力不  贍也是故就其開悅君心織㣲畢照則可  見其眀智而有餘究其反覆傾險立心措  志則又見其光大之不足君子可不務帝  王之大智以正己而格物乎 左傳齊景公田於沛既還晏子侍於遄臺梁 丘據馳而造焉公曰唯據與我和夫晏子對 曰據亦同也焉得爲和公曰和與同異乎對 曰異和如羹焉齊之以味濟其不及以洩其 過君子食之以平其心君臣亦然君所謂可 而有否焉臣替其否以成其可君所謂否而 有可焉臣獻其可以去其否是以政平而不 干民無爭心故曰亦有和羹既戒既平奏假 無言時靡有爭今據不然君所謂可據亦曰 可君所謂否據亦曰否若以水濟水誰能食 之同之不可也如是  録曰孔子曰君子和而不同小人同而不  和和與同正相反而公私義利之所由分  也蓋同之言利害不分是非莫辨惟上之  言而莫予違是故言之可聼聼之可入和  之言祗求無背於理不求無背於言誰能  無叛於道不能無叛於迹必不肯阿諛曲
Interpretation

After returning in triumph from the campaign, Qi reclaimed the lands it had lost and refused the goods the enemy offered, returning gifts in double measure. Qi conducted itself with humility and respect before the other states, and the lords said, "Our neighbors have drawn close to us." The neighboring states in every direction came to be on friendly terms with Qi, which then redrew its borders: south to Taoyin, west to the area west of the Ji River, north to the Yellow River, and east to the region of Ji and Xi. Qi possessed eight hundred chariots, and it chose the realm's most disordered and unrighteous states to attack first. A few years after he ascended the throne, the duke campaigned against Lai, Ju, the Xu Yi, Wu, and Yue, and in a single campaign he brought thirty-one states into submission.

The Hongdao Lu comments: Mencius said that when people are subdued by force, they are not truly convinced; their strength is simply insufficient to resist. Therefore, by observing how a person accommodates a ruler's wishes and examining the subtleties of affairs, one can discern his acuity and intelligence. But when one further examines his inconstant, slanted, and deceitful intentions and aims, one finds that his breadth of mind is not bright or expansive. How could a gentleman fail to devote himself to the great wisdom appropriate to a sovereign, using it to rectify himself and govern the myriad things?

The Zuo Zhuan records that Duke Jing of Qi went hunting at Pei, and on his return Yanzi attended him at the Zhuan Terrace. Liang Qiuju arrived in his carriage at speed. Duke Jing said, "Only Liang Qiuju and I are in agreement." Yanzi replied, "Liang Qiuju merely echoes you. How can that be called true harmony?" The duke asked, "What is the difference between harmony and echoing?" Yanzi said, "Harmony is like preparing a broth: various flavors are blended together to supply what is lacking and correct what is excessive, so that the gentleman who partakes of it is calmed in spirit. It is the same between ruler and minister. When the ruler judges something acceptable, a minister who sees a flaw in it should point it out, so the matter can be improved. When the ruler judges something unacceptable, a minister who sees merit in it should offer his counsel, so that what is inappropriate can be removed. Only then will government be even and balanced, and the people will have no inclination to contend. An ancient ode says: 'The broth must be seasoned just right; at the sacrifice, all is quiet and no one quarrels.' Liang Qiuju is not like this. When the ruler says yes, he says yes; when the ruler says no, he says no. This is like adding water to water. Who would want to drink it? The difference between echoing and harmony lies here."

The Hongdao Lu comments: Confucius said that the gentleman is harmonious but not conformist, while the petty person conforms but is not harmonious. Harmony and conformity are opposites, and they also bear on the distinction between public righteousness and private gain, between moral principle (dao yi) and profit. What is called conformity means ignoring advantage and harm, failing to distinguish right from wrong, and listening only to those above, never opposing them. True harmony seeks only not to violate principle, not merely not to violate the words of one's superiors. Anyone may differ from others in word or deed, but one must not for that reason depart from righteousness. A true person does not bend his views to flatter others.

 從䧟君不義是故言之未必聼聼之未必  入要之進無面從退無後言者和也以利  害爲從違得失爲進退者同也易曰差之  毫釐謬以千里爲人上者可不察哉 景公欲更晏子之宅曰子之宅近巿湫隘囂 塵不可以居請更諸爽塏者辭曰君之先臣 容焉臣不足以嗣之於臣侈矣且小人近巿 朝夕得所求小人之利也敢煩里旅公笑曰 二近巿識貴賤乎對曰既利之敢不識乎公 曰何貴何賤於是景公繁於刑有鬻踊者故 對曰踴貴履賤景公於是省於刑及晏子在 晋公臾其宅反則成矣既拜乃毁之而爲里 室皆如其舊則使宅人反之且曰非宅是卜 惟鄰是卜二三子先卜鄰矣違卜不祥君子 不犯非禮吾敢違乎卒復其舊宅公弗許因 陳桓子以請乃許之  録曰智哉晏子仲乎郤慶氏殿鄙六十弗  受一也與季札言納邑與政二也辭宅卒  復其舊三也彼不知自保者今雖眩美輪  奂以奸私寵焉知他日不變革改毁以盡  公論乎故曰非惡富也恐失富也以齊之  多難崔慶亂於前樂飽踵於後晏獨端委  植立而不可變者讓爲之懿也故利不可  强思義爲愈藴利生孽君子其戒之哉 魯饑臧文仲言於桓公曰國病矣君盍以名 器請糴於齊公曰誰使對曰國有饑饉卿出 告糴古之制也辰也備卿請如齊公使徃從
Interpretation

To follow the ruler in ways that lead him into unrighteousness is why a minister's counsel may go unheeded, and even when it is heeded, it may not truly be adopted. When a minister attends an audience, he should not agree blindly to the ruler's face, nor should he gossip behind the ruler's back after withdrawing. This is called he (harmony). To decide whether to comply or defy for the sake of advantage, and to advance or withdraw for the sake of gain and loss, is called tong (sameness). The Yi says: "A difference of a hair's breadth can lead to an error of a thousand li." How can those in high position not examine such matters carefully?

Duke Jing of Qi wished to move Yanzi to another residence, saying, "Your house is close to the marketplace. It is low, cramped, noisy, and dusty, and not fit to live in. Allow me to relocate you to a place that is high, dry, and spacious." Yanzi declined, saying, "This is the house where my late predecessor lived, and I am not worthy to inherit it. For me, it is already spacious enough. Moreover, a humble man who lives near the market can buy whatever he needs at any hour of the day. This is a convenience for a humble man. How could I dare trouble the official who oversees the affairs of the lanes and neighborhoods?"

The duke smiled and said, "Living near the market, do you know what is expensive and what is cheap?" Yanzi replied, "Since I benefit from it in this way, how could I not know?" The duke asked, "What is expensive, and what is cheap?" Yanzi answered, "Artificial feet are expensive, and ordinary shoes are cheap." (Yong was the false foot worn by those who had undergone the penalty of amputation; lü was an ordinary shoe. Here the point is that punishment raised the price of the artificial feet that the condemned needed, while ordinary shoes became cheap by comparison.) At that time, Duke Jing applied many punishments, so there were people in the market selling artificial feet. Upon hearing this, the duke reduced the punishments.

When Yanzi was in the state of Jin, Duke Jing had his residence enlarged. On Yanzi's return, he first bowed in thanks, then tore down the enlarged portions, converted the land back into lanes and streets, and restored the house to its original form. He had the members of his household move back to the old residence, saying, "Whether a house is good or bad is not the focus of my divination. It is my neighbors that I care about. You have already chosen good neighbors for me. To act against the outcome of divination is inauspicious, and a gentleman does not do what is contrary to ritual. How could I dare go against it?" In the end, he restored the house to its former state. The duke at first refused, but later Yanzi asked Chen Huanzi to make the request on his behalf, and only then did the duke consent.

The Hongdao Lu (Record of Expanding the Way) comments: Yanzi was truly wise! He demonstrated this in three matters. When the Xi Qing clan offered him sixty settlements from Dianbi, he did not accept them. When Ji Zha spoke of fiefs and political authority, he also declined. And when Duke Jing had his residence expanded, he declined and ultimately restored the old house. Some people do not know how to preserve themselves. Though they now take pleasure in lavish mansions and private favors, how can they know that, with a change in the political situation, these will not be torn down, bringing public criticism upon them? Thus it is said: "It is not that one dislikes wealth and rank, but that one fears losing them." Qi suffered many disorders. The turmoil of the Cui and Qing clans came first, and the calamities of the Yue and Bao clans followed in quick succession. Only Yanzi conducted himself with rectitude, held firm to his position, and did not waver, because he regarded humility as a virtue. Therefore, gain should not be pursued by force, and reflecting on righteousness is what is truly valuable. Those who hoard profit invite disaster, and the gentleman should be on his guard.

There was a famine in the state of Lu. Zang Wenzhong said to Duke Huan of Lu, "The state has fallen into difficulty. Why not use your ritual vessels and titles to request grain from Qi?" The duke asked, "Whom shall we send?" Zang Wenzhong replied, "When the state suffers famine, it is the ancient custom for the ministers and grandees to be commissioned as envoys to request grain from other states. I hold the rank of a grandee, so please let me go to Qi." The duke then dispatched him to...

者曰君不命而請之其爲選事乎文仲曰賢 者急病而讓夷居官當事不避難我不如齊 非心病也在上不恤下居官而惰非事君也 遂以鬯圭與玉磬如齊齊人𡚖其玉而與之 糴  録曰葵丘之會曰毋遏糴遏糴者五霸之  所戒也於是有文仲之請齊人之與焉何  以今之世反不然乎彼胡越尚猶一家以  秦人而視楚人之肥瘠且不敢若是恝而  况溥天之下莫非王土率土之濱莫非王  臣胡爲乎閉之糴乎夫常平社倉其制遠  矣三年耕九年積亦云邈矣而預備倉今  之要務募民既曰無策和糴亦朱盡善勸  借者不得已而一行𧷢罰紙劄未能盡知  無已俾其有無自相兼濟何得以當官威  令參預乎其間耶且如一府一郡所産幾  何出自本土非由外來猶之可也四通八  達之道豊年尚且資之纔一壅閼四路風  聞市井又從而関之小民又從而訛之來  者阻絶居者騰湧安得而不坐索高價耶  惟其無阻人各趨利不分遠邇不伺號招  自然遠來民心至愚而神索價高下不約  而同又况我之可得而止者皆出於其塗  之人而未出於塗者尚多也民之所仰而  糴者多未出於塗之家而已出於𡍼者尚  少也曾是而不反思之乎此移民移果所  以有限而自謂盡心者亦未甞得也 臧武仲多智時號爲聖人邾庶其以漆閭來
Interpretation

Someone asked, "The ruler gave no order, yet he volunteered his request. Doesn't this count as overstepping one's office?" Wenzhong replied, "The worthy person hastens to relieve others' distress, and Rang, while in office, did not shrink from difficulties when they arose. In this, I fall short of him. My action does not come from any sickness of mind. Rather, those in high position do not show compassion for the common people, and those in office grow lax and fail to act. That is what constitutes disloyalty to the ruler."

Thereupon, Wenzhong took the changgui (a ritual jade vessel used in sacrifice) and the yuqing (a jade chime, a musical instrument of jade) and went to the state of Qi. The people of Qi accepted the jade and gave him grain.

The Hongdao Lu (Record of Broadening the Dao) comments: At the Kuiqiu assembly (a covenant gathering of feudal lords in the Spring and Autumn period), it was agreed that "the trade in grain must not be blocked." Obstructing the circulation of grain was something the Five Hegemons warned against. Wenzhong asked Qi to purchase grain, and Qi agreed. Why, then, are things different today? The Hu and Yue peoples might still be regarded as one family, and the people of Qin would not be so indifferent to Chu's harvests and failures. Moreover, all under heaven is the king's land, and within the four seas all are the king's subjects. Why, then, should the trade in grain be sealed off?

The systems of the changping granaries (granaries for stabilizing grain prices) and the she granaries (community granaries) have existed for a long time, and the ideal of "three years of tilling, nine years of storage" lies far in the past. Establishing reserve granaries is now a pressing matter. Some have said that recruiting the common people to run them cannot be done. Official and private price negotiations for buying grain are not necessarily ideal, and encouraging people to lend grain is something done only when there is no alternative. As for enforcing these measures through punishments and documents, the actual situation cannot always be fully understood. Since this is so, let those with grain and those without adjust to one another. Why should officials use their authority and decrees to interfere?

Moreover, a single prefecture or commandery produces only limited grain, so if grain circulated only locally, this might be acceptable. But the roads that run in every direction must be relied upon even in good years. Now, if they are blocked even slightly, news spreads to all quarters, merchants add their own blockades, and the common people repeat rumors: grain from outside cannot get in. The local people then scramble to buy, and how could grain prices not be driven up?

So long as no one obstructs the trade, people pursue profit each in their own way, regardless of distance. They need not wait for an official summons, and grain will naturally come from afar. The common people, though simple, understand how to weigh gain and loss, and the prices of grain in different places often converge without any prior agreement. Furthermore, what the authorities can control is only the grain already on the road, while much that has not yet set out remains. The grain the people depend on purchasing has mostly not yet been shipped, and what has departed is only a small part. Should we not reflect on this in reverse? Therefore, relocating disaster victims and transporting grain have their limits, and believing oneself to have done one's utmost may not truly be the case.

Zang Wuzhong (a grandee of the state of Lu in the Spring and Autumn period) was resourceful and wise, and in his time he was called a sage. Shuqi of the state of Zhu came bringing the lands of Qi (lacquer) and Lü (the lands of Lü) to submit……

奔季武子以公姑姊妻之皆有賜於其從者 於是魯多盗武子謂紇曰子盍詰盗武子曰 不可詰也紇又不能季孫曰我有四封而詰 其盗何故不可子爲司㓂將盜是務去若之 何不能武仲曰子招外盗而大禮焉何以止 吾盜子爲正卿而來外盗使紇去之將何以 能庶其竊邑以來子以姬氏妻之而與之邑 其從者皆有賜也是賞盜焉賞而去之其或 難焉紇也聞之在上位者洒濯其心一以待 人軌度其信而後可以治人夫上之所爲民 之𡚖也上所不爲而民或爲之是以加刑罰 焉而莫敢不懲若上之所爲而民亦爲之乃 其所也又可禁乎  録曰夫子嘗告季孫曰茍子之不欲雖賞  之不竊其言與紇正相合孰謂武子之智  而可少哉夫有宣公之命莒僕而後有季  孫之賞庶其有桓公之納郜鼎而後有陽  虎之竊寳玉誨盗之驗如影隨響人可不  務洗濯其心乎以紇之智足以服季孫外  盗之言孰不敬信而内寵之私孰可殉之  雖然以甲從已則讚犯門斬關則誣紇以  正論而宿以憾施言之禍人一至此夫 奉穆公納晋公子及河舅犯以璧授公子曰 師負羈紲從君巡於天下臣罪多矣請由此 辭公子曰所不與舅氏同心者有如此水投 其璧於河遂入於曲沃是爲文公文公元年 王室有亂襄王出居於鄭秦穆公師於河上
Interpretation

Ji Wuzi (a Lu minister) gave his paternal aunt and his elder sister, both of the ducal house, in marriage to the men of Ju, who had fled to Lu, and he bestowed rewards on those who had followed them.

At that time, Lu suffered from many bandits. Ji Wuzi said to Ji (Ji was a Lu minister, Hé in pronunciation): "Why do you not hunt down the bandits?" Ji replied: "It cannot be done." Ji Wuzi pressed on: "I hold the lands within the four borders. What difficulty is there in tracking down bandits? You serve as Minister of Crime (the official in charge of punishments and public order), and you ought to make the bandits your foremost task. You say it cannot be done, so what are we to do?"

Wuzi (here referring to Ji) said: "You summon outside bandits and treat them with great ceremony. How then can you restrain the bandits of our own state? You occupy the position of chief minister, yet you summon outside thieves. If you send me to drive them away, by what means could I succeed? Shuqi (of Ju) stole a city and came to you for refuge, and you gave him a daughter of the Ji clan in marriage and granted him a fief; his followers were all rewarded. This is rewarding bandits. If you reward them first and then order them to leave, they may refuse to obey. I have heard that those who occupy high positions must cleanse their own hearts and treat others with sincerity and impartiality; only when they first rectify their own conduct can they govern others. What those in high position do becomes the model for the common people. When a superior does not act and the people do, punishment should be applied so that the offenders are chastised. But when a superior acts, and the people follow suit, that is simply the people imitating their superior. How could such conduct be forbidden?"

The Hongdao Lu comments: Confucius once warned Ji Sun, "If you yourself do not covet, the people will not steal even if you reward them." This accords fully with Ji's correct argument. Who says Wuzi's cleverness is not to be taken lightly?

Yet, Duke Xuan first issued an order to receive the servants of Ju, and only afterward did Ji Sun bestow rewards on Shuqi. Duke Huan first admitted the tripod of Gao, and only afterward did Yang Hu steal the jade. These cases prove that teaching people to become bandits produces results as a shadow follows a form or an echo answers a sound. How can a person fail to strive to cleanse his own heart?

With Ji's wisdom, he was sufficient to win Ji Sun's trust. When outside bandits heard his words, who would not respect and trust him? And for the private affections of those favored within the inner court, who would be worth sacrificing principle for? Yet if someone armed himself to follow along, they praised him; if someone broke into the gates and cut the bars, they slandered Ji. Because bitterness in the heart is used to inflict harm through speech, human beings can go to such lengths!

When serving Duke Mu and welcoming the son of the Jin ruler (later Duke Wen of Jin) into his state, they reached the Yellow River. Jiu Fan handed the jade disc to the prince and said, "Permit me to take my leave here. I will hold the horses' reins and follow you as you travel the world; my faults already weigh heavily." The prince replied, "If I do not share one heart with my maternal uncle, may I be like this river!" Having said this, he threw the jade disc into the Yellow River, then entered Quyu. This was Duke Wen. In the first year of Duke Wen's reign, turmoil broke out in the Zhou royal house, and King Xiang went into exile in Zheng; meanwhile, Duke Mu of Qin led his army to encamp on the banks of the Yellow River.

將以納王勇犯言於文公曰永諸侯莫如勤 王諸侯信之且大義也公以爲然故辭秦師 而下次於陽樊右師圍温左師逆王入襄王 於周取王弟叔帶於温殺之  録曰蠱序卦曰以喜隨人者必有事故受  之以蠱夫喜悅以隨於人者必有事也無  事則何喜何隨然則授璧請亡豈得已哉  介子推之事可以鑒矣彖又曰蠱元亨而  天下治也治蠱之初茍能使尊卑上下止  齊安定何事不可治何功不可成然則求  諸侯莫如勤王豈無徵哉文侯仇之事可  以法矣故又曰利涉大川徃有事也其諸  亡人子犯之謂乎 楚子及諸侯圍宋公孫固如晋告急先軫曰 報施救患取威定霸於是乎在狐偃曰楚始 得曹而新昏於衛若伐曹魏楚必救之則齊 宋免矣於是乎蒐於被廬作三軍謀元帥晋 侯始入而教其民二年欲用之子犯曰民未 知義未安其居於是乎出定襄王入務利民 民懷生矣將用之子犯曰民未知信未宣其 用於是乎伐原以示之信民易資者不求豊 焉明徴其詞公曰可矣乎民未知禮未生其 共於是乎大嵬以示之禮作執秩以正其官 民聼不惑而後用之出穀戍釋宋圍一戰而 霸文之教也  録曰孔子曰上好禮則民莫敢不敬上好  義則民莫敢不服上好信則民莫敢不用  情晋雖伯國天意興之而猶藉以先焉其  是之謂夫
Interpretation

Xian Zhen said, "To win the allegiance of the feudal lords, nothing is more important than honoring the King of Zhou." The lords would believe that Jin acted for this reason, and it was also in accordance with righteousness. Duke Wen of Jin agreed with him, so he dismissed the Qin troops and led his army south, encamping at Yangfan. The right army surrounded Wen, while the left army escorted King Xiang back to the Zhou capital and seized his younger brother, Shu Dai, from Wen, where he was executed.

The Hongdao Lu (Record of Spreading the Dao) comments: The Xugua Zhuan (Commentary on the Sequence of the Hexagrams) on the hexagram Gu (Decay) says, "When one delights in and follows others, there must be affairs, and therefore Gu follows." If one delights in and follows others, events will necessarily arise; if no events arose, what would there be to speak of delight and following? From this perspective, was the handing over of the jade disc and the request to depart truly done willingly? The affair of Jie Zitui may serve as a warning. The Tuan Zhuan (Commentary on the Judgments) of Gu further says, "Gu brings great penetration, and the world will be set in order." To govern the beginning of decay, if one can keep the noble and the humble, the superior and the inferior, each in their proper place and order secure, then what affairs could not be governed and what achievements could not be accomplished? Thus, to win the allegiance of the lords, nothing surpasses honoring the King of Zhou. Is there not a precedent that proves this? The case of Marquis Wen Qiu of Jin may serve as a model to emulate. Therefore the Gu hexagram also says, "It is advantageous to cross the great river; going forth will bring affairs to attend to." Perhaps this refers to the exiled Prince Chong'er and his follower Zi Fan.

King Cheng of Chu, together with the feudal lords, laid siege to the state of Song, and the Song minister Gongsun Gu went to Jin to report the emergency. Xian Zhen said, "Repaying the kindness of others, rescuing those in danger, establishing prestige, and laying the foundation for hegemony: the opportunity lies in this moment." Hu Yan said, "Chu has just acquired the state of Cao and has formed a marriage alliance with Wei. If we attack Cao and Wei, Chu will surely come to their rescue, and then Qi and Song can be relieved." Thereupon Jin held a review of its troops at Beilu, organized three armies, and deliberated on the choice of commander.

When Duke Wen had just ascended the throne, he first set the people in order and instructed them in moral conduct. After two years he wished to send out troops, but Zi Fan said, "The people do not yet understand righteousness, and their dwellings are not yet settled." Thus the duke sent troops to secure King Xiang's throne and devoted himself to making the people profit, and only then did they live in peace. The duke again wished to send out troops, but Zi Fan said, "The people do not yet understand trustworthiness, and the government's orders have not yet been fully carried out." So Jin attacked the town of Yuan, using action to demonstrate good faith. Things that the people can easily obtain are not pursued in excess; Duke Wen thus proved his words through deeds. The duke asked, "Can we now send out troops?" Zi Fan said, "The people do not yet understand ritual propriety, and they have not yet cultivated a spirit of reverence." Thereupon Jin held a review of its troops at Dawei, to make the ritual system manifest, and established the office of Zhizhi (Regulator of Rank) to put the system of officials in order. Only after the people obeyed the orders and were no longer confused did Jin dispatch its army. The Jin forces withdrew their garrison from Gu Valley, lifted the siege of Song, and later established their hegemony through a single battle. This was the result of Duke Wen's teaching of the people.

The Hongdao Lu comments: Confucius said, "When those in high position love ritual, the common people do not dare to be disrespectful; when those in high position love righteousness, the common people do not dare to be disobedient; when those in high position love trustworthiness, the common people do not dare to hold back their true feelings." Although Jin was the hegemon among the feudal states, even if Heaven intended to make Jin prosper, it would still first have Jin practice these teachings. This is what the matter refers to.

文公問元帥於趙衰對曰邵穀可行年五十 矣守學彌篤夫先王之法志德義之府也德 義生民之本也能惇篤者不忘百姓公從之 使趙衰爲卿辭曰欒枝貞愼先軫有謀胥臣 多聞皆可以爲輔臣弗若也又使辭曰夫三 德者偃之出也以德紀民其章大矣不可廢 也使狐偃爲卿辭曰毛之智賢於臣其齒又 長也不在位不敢聞命乃使狐毛將上軍狐 偃佐之毛卒使衰代之辭曰城濮之戰先且 居之佐軍也善軍伐有賞善君有賞能其官 有賞且居有三賞不可廢也公曰趙衰三讓 其所讓皆社稷之衛也廢讓是廢德也  録曰愚觀成子志而有文豈不信哉夫以  人事君曰忠三讓三獲曰文有天下者可  不務哉徒以其霸而廢其文乃攘取高位  以饕異寵今之視之習不若腐鼠其視衰  也爲何如哉 成子卒宣子將中軍始爲國政制事典正法 罪辟刑獄董逋迯由質要治舊洿本秩禮續 常職出滯淹既成以授太傅陽處父太師賈 佗使行諸晋國以爲常法  録曰蠱之六五曰幹父之蠱用譽晋侯本  以陰柔之質詭而不正而能任剛陽之臣  觀其立政制治豈非大有爲之才乎故曰  成季之勲宣孟之忠君臣父子之間令聞  長世所謂承以德者也 鄭子皮授子産政辭曰國小而倡族大寵多 不可爲也子皮曰虎帥以聼誰敢犯乎子善
Interpretation

Duke Wen of Jin asked Zhao Cui who could serve as commander. Zhao Cui replied, "Shao Gu is capable. He is nearly fifty, yet he still devotes himself earnestly to learning. The laws of the former kings are the treasury recording De (Virtue) and righteousness, and De and righteousness are the root of nurturing the people. One who is sincere and solid in character will never forget the common people."

Duke Wen followed his advice and wished to make Zhao Cui a high minister (qing), but Zhao Cui declined, saying, "Luan Zhi is upright and cautious, Xian Zhen has strategy, and Xu Chen has broad knowledge and experience. All of them can assist the ruler, and I am not their equal." Duke Wen offered him the position again, and Zhao Cui declined once more, saying, "The Three Virtues were proposed by Hu Yan. Governing the people through De is a great merit that must not be abandoned." Duke Wen then appointed Hu Yan as minister. Hu Yan declined, saying, "Hu Mao is wiser and more capable than I, and he is older. As long as he does not hold office, I dare not accept the appointment." Duke Wen then had Hu Mao command the Upper Army, with Hu Yan assisting him. After Hu Mao died, Duke Wen had Zhao Cui succeed him. Zhao Cui again declined, saying, "At the Battle of Chengpu, Xian Juju assisted the army, was skilled in warfare, and achieved merit, so he should be rewarded. He was skilled at assisting the ruler, so he should be rewarded. He was competent in his duties, so he should likewise be rewarded. Xian Juju has these three merits, and his achievements must not be discarded." Duke Wen said, "Zhao Cui has declined three times, and those he deferred to are all bulwarks of the state. If I discard his humility, I discard De."

The Hongdao Lu (Record of Propagating the Dao) comments: When I consider Zhao Cui's aspirations and cultural virtue, is he not worthy of trust? To serve the ruler as a subject is called loyalty; to decline three times and accept appointment three times is called refinement (wen). Anyone who holds the realm should strive for this. Yet merely because he later became a hegemon, people set aside his refined virtue and seize high positions in pursuit of special favor. Looking at it now, this habit is worse than a rotten rat, and what would Zhao Cui think of such people?

After Zhao Cui died, Zhao Dun commanded the Central Army and began to direct state affairs. He established the statutes of government, rectified laws and penal cases, pursued fugitives, examined contracts, corrected long-standing abuses, restored officials' salaries and ritual order, continued the regular duties of each office, and promoted those who had long been suppressed and gone unemployed. When the government was in order, he entrusted these institutions to Grand Tutor Yang Chufu and Grand Preceptor Jia Tuo, directing them to implement the measures throughout Jin as standing laws.

The Hongdao Lu comments: The fifth line of the Gu (Decay) hexagram reads, "Correcting the faults of the father brings praise," meaning that setting right the ills left by one's fathers wins good repute. The ruler of Jin was at first of yielding disposition and not upright in conduct, yet he could employ strong and capable ministers. Looking at how he established institutions and governed the state, is this not the talent of one who accomplishes great things? Thus it is said that the merit of Chengji and the loyalty of Xuanmeng allowed the good names of ruler, minister, father, and son to endure, and this is precisely how one inherits the ancestral enterprise through De.

When Zichi of Zheng handed over the government to Zichan, Zichan declined, saying, "Zheng is a small state, yet its administrators come from powerful great clans, and many favored people hold sway. This government will be difficult to manage." Zichi said, "I will lead by following you. Who would dare to disobey? You should..."

相之國無小小能事大國乃寛子產爲政使 都鄙有章上下有服田有封洫廬井有伍大 人之忠儉者從而與之泰侈者因而弊之從 政一年輿人誦之曰取我衣冠而褚之取我 田疇而伍之孰殺子產吾其與之及三年又 誦之曰我有子弟子產誨之我有田疇子産 殞之子産而死誰其嗣之  録曰愚觀子産之治鄭國乃知井田學校  當時皆可復也夫鄭與魯與滕等也其自  稱國小而偪族大寵多初非臆說也一旦  取我田疇而伍之使都鄙有章上下有服  田有封洫廬井有伍而非鹵莽也又取我  衣冠而褚之使大人之忠儉者從而與之  泰侈者因而弊之而非姑息也斯二者先  王井田教化之遺風也其始欲殺之者習  寵枯勢之爲也其終欲嗣之者心悅誠服  之公也然則田疇之殖者誰耶子弟之誨  者誰耶蓋已寖寖乎回心向道之俗矣此  有子孟子未爲空言而子産能見之行事  人豈可以弱小而自畫耶觀者詳之 子皮欲使尹何爲邑子產曰少子皮曰使夫 徃而學焉子產曰不可人之愛人求利之也 今吾子愛人則以政猶未能操刀而使之割 也其傷實多子於鄭國棟也棟折榱崩僑將 厭焉敢不盡言乎子有美錦不使人學製焉 大官大邑身之所庇也而使學者製焉僑聞 學而後入政未聞以政學也子皮曰善吾聞
Interpretation

Governing a small state requires serving a great state with skill, and only then will affairs of government be moderate and easy.

When Zichan governed, he set regulations for both the towns and the countryside, and he established ritual order between superiors and inferiors. He marked the boundaries of fields, dug drainage ditches, and organized both homes and fields into groups of five households. He appointed and worked with officials who were loyal and frugal, and he sought to curb the power of those who were extravagant and unrestrained.

After one year in office, the people sang: "He took away our robes and caps and stored them away; he took away our fields and organized them into groups. Whoever wants to kill Zichan, I will go with him." By the third year, the people sang again: "My children are taught by Zichan, and my fields are tended by Zichan. If Zichan dies, who will carry on his work?"

The Hongdao Lu comments: From Zichan's governance of Zheng, I see that the well-field system and the teaching of schools could both have been restored in that age. Zheng, like Lu and Teng, was truly a small state, troubled by powerful clans and great officials, with many favored ministers; its weakness was not imagined. Zichan's organization of fields and groups, which gave towns and countryside order and set ritual rank between superiors and inferiors, was not done carelessly. His regulation of robes and caps and ritual, his appointment of the loyal and frugal, and his restraint of the extravagant were not mere indulgence. Both measures reflect the customs left by the well-field system and moral instruction of the former kings.

At first the people wanted to kill him because they were accustomed to favorites monopolizing power and to entrenched old interests. Later, when they wished to support his successor, they did so out of genuine conviction. Who was responsible for fields being put in order and children being taught? From this we see that the people had gradually changed their minds and turned toward customs in accord with righteousness. The governing Way that Confucius and Mencius described was not empty talk, and Zichan had already put it into practice in public affairs. How can a person limit himself simply because his state is small? Those who read this should reflect on it carefully.

Zipi wanted to appoint Yin He as magistrate of a town. Zichan said, "Yin He is still young." Zipi said, "Let him go there and learn while doing the work." Zichan said, "That will not do. When a person loves others, he hopes to benefit them. Now you are fond of him, yet you give him government affairs to handle. This is like having someone who does not yet know how to hold a knife try to cut; he will surely wound himself many times. You are the ridgepole of Zheng. If the ridgepole breaks, the rafters will collapse, and I will be crushed beneath them. How could I dare not speak fully? If you have a fine bolt of brocade, you would not let someone who is still learning to tailor make your clothes. High office and great cities are what you rely on for security, yet you would hand them to someone still learning to govern. I have heard of first learning and then taking part in government, but I have never heard of using government affairs as a means of learning."

Zipi said, "Well said."

君子務知大者遠者小人務知小者近者我 小人也衣服附在吾身我知而愼之大官大 邑所以庇身也我遠而慢之㣲子之言吾不 知也今而後請聼子而行  錄曰尹何之不可使即子羔之不可仕可  見當時議論之合也而操刃製錦之說至  今十古膾炙人口人可不務學乎録之 子産之從政也擇能而使之馮簡子能斷大 事子大叔美秀而文公孫揮能知四國之爲 而辨於其大夫之族姓班位貴賤能否而又 善爲辭令禆諶能謀謀於野則獲謀於邑則 否鄭國將有諸侯之事子產乃問四國之爲 於子羽且多爲辭令與禆諶乘以適野使謀 可否而告馮簡子使斷之事成乃授子大叔 使行之以應對賓客是以鮮有敗事  録曰愚觀鄭之詞命其膾炙人口者若晋  徵朝論幣獻捷晋讓壞垣辭楚公子以至  爭承讓陴立駟對苑獻子對士景伯其詞  具在也至今讀之者使人耳目爽快心悲  開明而况親聆謦咳者乎信乎言之無  文行之不遠詞可不待潤色耶 禆竈言於子產曰宋衛陳鄭將同日火若我 用瓘斚玉瓚鄭必不火子產弗與夏五月火 始昏見丙子風梓愼曰是謂融風火之始也 七曰其火作乎戊寅風甚壬午大甚宋衛陳 鄭皆火禆竈曰不用吾言鄭又將火鄭人請 用之子産不可子太叔曰寳以保民若有火
Interpretation

The gentleman devotes himself to understanding great and far-reaching matters, while the petty person devotes himself to understanding small and immediate ones. As a petty person, I know to cherish and be careful with the clothes on my body. Great offices and great fiefs (large domains) were meant to shelter oneself, yet I regarded them as distant and neglected them. I did not understand your words before. From now on, let me follow them.

The Hongdao lu (Record of Spreading the Way) says: Yin He could not be employed, and Zi Gao could not take office. These outcomes can all be seen, and the discussions at the time agreed with one another. As for the metaphors of "wielding the knife" and "weaving brocade," they are still widely known and often praised today. How could people not strive to learn? Therefore this passage was recorded.

When Zi Chan governed, he chose capable men for office. Feng Jianzi could decide great affairs. Zi Taishu was handsome in bearing and outstanding in literary talent. Gongsun Hui knew the circumstances of the feudal lords in all directions, could distinguish the clans, surnames, ranks, status, nobility, and abilities of the great officers of each state, and was skilled at drafting diplomatic language. Bi Chen was good at planning; his plans often succeeded when devised in the open countryside but failed when devised within a city. When Zheng was about to handle affairs among the feudal lords, Zi Chan would ask Zi Yu about the circumstances of each state and the proper forms of diplomatic exchange. He then had Bi Chen ride in a carriage to the countryside to plan and judge whether the matter was feasible. Afterward, he would give the plan to Feng Jianzi, who made the final decision. Once the matter was settled, it was handed to Zi Taishu to carry out, and he was responsible for receiving guests and handling negotiations. Because of this, Zheng seldom bungled its affairs.

The Hongdao lu says: Among Zheng's diplomatic speeches, those still praised today include the reply to Jin's request for an audience, the statements presenting gifts and reporting the presentation of captives, Jin's refusal to build city walls, the reply declining the son of the Chu prince, the answers in which Zheng sought to undertake tasks, declined to guard the walls, and established the Si clan, and the words Yuan Xianzi gave in reply to Shi Jingbo. All of these are recorded in the classics. Even when read today, they clear the ears and open and brighten the mind. How much more so when one hears the voice and manner of the speaker himself? This shows that words without literary grace cannot be passed down for long. How could diplomatic language not be refined?

Bi Zao said to Zi Chan: "Song, Wei, Chen, and Zheng will have fires on the same day. If you adopt my method and sacrifice with the guan-jia and yu-zan (two kinds of jade ritual vessels), Zheng will not have a fire." Zi Chan did not agree. In the fifth month of summer, at dusk, a fire star appeared. On the day bingzi, Zi Shen said: "This is the rong wind, a sign of fire. In seven days there will probably be a blaze." On the day wuyin the wind grew strong, and on the day renwu it blew even harder, and Song, Wei, Chen, and Zheng all suffered fires. Bi Zao said: "Zheng did not listen to my words, and Zheng will suffer fire again." The people of Zheng asked that his method be adopted, but Zi Chan still refused. Zi Taishu said: "Treasures are meant to protect the people. If a fire should break out..."

國幾亡可以救亡子何愛焉子產曰天道遠 人道邇非所及也何以知之竈焉知天道是 亦多言矣豈或不信遂不與亦不復火  録曰校人之譏曰孰謂子産智然則其郤  禆竈獨非智與智故以祝吏爲末自强爲  本茍國無政令安能消變於未然乎有國  有家者可不致愼耶是知吉凶禍福固有  可移之理古人所以必先人事而後言數  與命也
Interpretation

"The state is about to perish, but it can still be saved. Why do you begrudge these words?" Zichan replied: "The Way of Heaven (tiandao) is profound and hard to fathom, while human affairs (renshi) are right before our eyes, and I am not capable of discussing the Way of Heaven. How could you know that the Kitchen God (Zao Shen) is able to understand it? Those words have already been spoken too often. I fear that someone would not believe them, and so they would neither listen nor offer sacrifices to the fire again."

The Hongdao Lu comments: The sarcastic remark of Xiaoren (an official) was, "Who says Zichan is wise?" Yet when Zichan refuted Pi Zao (a Zheng minister who had divined auspices and misfortunes from celestial phenomena), was he not showing wisdom? Zichan held that praying to the ritual officials (zhuli) was only a minor matter, while exerting oneself was fundamental. If a state has no governing decrees, how could it eliminate calamities before they have arisen? Those who govern a state and maintain a household must surely be especially cautious.

From this we can see that good and ill fortune, blessing and calamity, are inherently subject to change. For this reason the ancients always first exhausted human effort, and only afterward spoke of fate (mingshu) and the Mandate of Heaven (tianming).

弘道録卷之三十七

Source text: Kanripo 漢籍リポジトリ(KR5h0033); Licence: CC BY-SA 4.0 · Report an error / feedback

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