《老子翼》Vol. 5

In the "Biography of Laozi" from the Records of the Grand Historian, Sima Qian records: Laozi was a native of Quren Village, Lixiang Township, Ku County in the state of Chu. His surname was Li, given name Er, courtesy name Boyang, and posthumous name Dan. He served as the archivist in charge of the royal library during the Zhou dynasty. Confucius once traveled to the Zhou capital to consult Laozi about rites. Laozi told him: "Those who established the rites you speak of—their bones have long decayed, leaving only their words behind. When a noble man encounters an enlightened ruler, he rides forth in service; when the times are unfavorable, he drifts like tumbleweed in the wind. I've heard that wise merchants conceal their wealth, and virtuous gentlemen appear outwardly dull. You must rid yourself of arrogance, excessive desires, ostentatious mannerisms, and impractical ambitions—none of these benefit you. This is all I can tell you." After departing, Confucius told his disciples: "I know birds can fly, fish can swim, and beasts can run. We can trap running animals with nets, catch swimming fish with lines, and shoot flying birds with arrows. But as for the dragon—I don't know how it rides wind and clouds to ascend the heavens. Today, meeting Laozi was like encountering a dragon!"

Laozi studied the teachings of Dao (the Way) and De (Virtue/Power), advocating self-effacement and avoiding fame. After serving the Zhou court for many years and witnessing its decline, he departed. When passing through Hangu Pass, the guardian official Yin Xi said: "Since you're retiring into seclusion, I insist you write your teachings for me." Thereupon Laozi composed the two-part Daode Jing, expounding the essence of Dao and De in just over five thousand characters, then left—his ultimate fate unknown.

Some say Lao Laizi was also from Chu and authored fifteen texts on Daoist teachings, being a contemporary of Confucius. Legends claim Laozi lived 160 years, some say over 200, attributing this longevity to his cultivation of Dao and life-nourishing practices. One hundred twenty-nine years after Confucius' death, the Zhou court historian Dan predicted to Duke Xian of Qin: "Qin's initial union with Zhou will be followed by five centuries of separation before reuniting; seventy years later, a hegemon-king will emerge." Some believe Dan was Laozi, others dispute this—the truth remains obscure. Laozi was a recluse; his son Li Zong became a Wei general enfeoffed at Duangan. Li Zong's son was Li Zhu, whose son Li Gong had a great-grandson Li Jia serving under Emperor Wen of Han. Li Jia's son Li Jie became chancellor to Liu Ang, King of Jiaoxi.

This passage traces the origins and influence of Laozi's philosophy. It notes that followers of Laozi's teachings often reject Confucianism, just as Confucian scholars dismiss Daoist thought, due to their fundamentally different principles. Laozi advocated "governing through non-action (Wuwei) and achieving natural order through tranquility," emphasizing alignment with the spontaneous flow of nature.

In his stele inscription at Laozi's temple, Xue Daoheng recounts the cosmic genesis beginning with the Supreme Ultimate (Taiji), from which heaven and earth formed, with sun, moon, mountains and rivers each finding their proper place. As all things grew and transformed, human society developed accordingly. In antiquity, people lived simply, with rituals and music harmonizing perfectly with nature. Yet as virtue (De) declined, doctrines of benevolence and righteousness arose. Society grew increasingly complex, with Confucians, Mohists, Legalists and other schools locked in contention, while ritual laws proved inadequate to restrain human nature.

Laozi's (Li Er) birth was shrouded in wonder—his mother carried him for seventy years before he emerged as a white-haired elder, hence the name "Old Master." His extraordinary appearance remained unchanged across dynasties. When Confucius met him, he marveled at Laozi's unfathomable depth, while Guan Yinzi (Laozi's disciple) foresaw this perfected being's impending retirement from the world. Laozi composed the two-part Dao De Jing, whose concise language conveys profound meaning, expounding the principle of "accomplishing through non-action."

Applied to self-cultivation, this doctrine clarifies the spirit (Shen); applied to governance, it restores societal simplicity. Ultimately, Laozi transcended the mundane world, riding rainbows and crane-drawn carriages between celestial palaces, attaining immortality through drinking golden elixirs and jade nectar. The text elevates Laozi's Dao De Jing to the same stature as the flying dragon hexagrams in the Book of Changes and Confucius' composition of the Spring and Annals upon sighting the qilin, highlighting its sublime metaphysical profundity.

This passage extols the Daoist vision of eternal realms while depicting the ideal governance of a sage-king. In essence:

The pure Daoist realm (Qingdu), like celestial nectar, shines with the sun and moon, coexisting with heaven and earth. Ordinary minds cannot comprehend this state, just as mayflies cannot grasp the life cycle of giant trees, nor can the river god Fengyi fathom the ocean's depths. When Zhuangzi recorded Laozi's passing, Qin Yi offered condolences then departed with three sighs—hinting at the Daoist wisdom transcending life and death.

The text then portrays a sagely ruler's reign: bearing the Mandate of Heaven, his Virtue (De) matches the cosmos, clear as a polished mirror, mellow as fine wine. During the Zhou dynasty's decline when chaos reigned, this ruler cultivated benevolent governance internally while demonstrating martial prowess externally, quelling rebellions (symbolized by mythological figures Gonggong and Chiyou representing treacherous ministers), restoring cosmic order so winds and rains harmonized, and people lived in prosperity.

He ascended altars for heavenly rituals, governed from the Bright Hall, emulating ancient sage-kings like the Yellow Emperor and Zhuanxu. Constructing palaces with frugality, he never exhausted the people's resources; establishing laws with compassion, he installed the "Lung Stone" (ancient red stone for grievances) to hear petitions. Under his rule, peace prevailed—even prison constellations disappeared from the sky, leaving jails empty. Collecting classics (referencing Han dynasty libraries Stone Canal and Wall Moat), he promoted Confucian learning, guiding people toward virtue.

Juxtaposing Daoist transcendence with sagely governance, the text expresses the political ideal of "Dao models nature" (Dao fa ziran)—simultaneously pursuing spiritual transcendence while embodying benevolent rule in reality.

The text describes the achievements of ancient sage-kings who governed the world through the civilizing influence of ritual and music. During an era when ritual propriety had collapsed and musical harmony was lost (referring to the ancient system of Five Rituals and Six Musical Forms), these sage-kings restored order by reorganizing ceremonial practices and synthesizing various methods of moral cultivation.

The sage-kings implemented virtuous governance both domestically and abroad: externally rectifying order among all states, while internally promoting the Three Virtues (referring to the proper relationships between ruler and subject, father and child, and husband and wife). Their radiance shone like the sun and moon, ensuring the nation's foundation remained unshaken and its prosperity flourished. Numerous worthy officials assisted the royal house—men equally accomplished in civil and military affairs who served as the kingdom's protective bulwark, helping the sage-kings achieve governance akin to divine instruction.

By guiding worldly affairs toward the proper path, the sage-kings enabled common people to live in peace and contentment. Though northern nomadic tribes (Xunxian, referring to northern pastoral peoples) had long posed threats, the sage-kings subdued them not through military force but by virtuous influence, inspiring their voluntary submission and tribute. From the ancient kingdom of Yelang in the southwest to the northern deserts, from Minyue to Gouwu (ancient states), all regions received this civilizing influence and offered regular tribute. Even distant peoples like the Fuyu and Sushen (northeastern tribes) came to pay homage.

Reflecting on history, the author observes that since the Three Dynasties of Xia, Shang, and Zhou, successive regimes had either ruled through hegemony or allowed the intermixing of civilized and barbarian customs. Only with the emergence of the current sage-king has governance comparable to the Three Dynasties' golden age reappeared, accompanied by numerous auspicious signs: three-legged divine crows (mythical solar birds), sweet springs and dew, propitious stars and clouds—all indicating the appropriate time for the Fengshan sacrifices (imperial ceremonies honoring Heaven at Mount Tai). Yet the sage-king remains humble, having not yet consented to ministers' proposals for these grand rites.

Though the ruler has already offered green bi disks and yellow cong vessels (jade ritual objects) in sacrifices to Heaven and Earth, and established offices like the Southern Rectifier and Fire Rectifier (ancient astronomical positions) to venerate the spirits, he still worries about imperfections in ceremonial observance. Noticing the neglect of sacred spaces like the Longevity Palace's spirit altars and the deterioration of ritual canopies and woolen platforms, he orders their restoration to express utmost reverence toward the celestial and terrestrial deities.

This passage records the Sui Dynasty official Yuan Zhou's construction of a Laozi temple in Bozhou (present-day Anhui Province). When the emperor inspected this region—formerly under the jurisdiction of Han Dynasty's Metropolitan Commandant and later part of Cao Cao's Yanzhou territory—he recognized its exceptional feng shui characteristics. Situated between two ancient cities of Ku County, encircled by three rivers including the Guo and Gu streams, it connected to fertile Liangyuan plains in the north and the historic lands of Qiao State to the east.

Following celestial alignments and modeled after the mystical Xuanpu garden of Kunlun Mountain, the temple complex was built with carved beams and painted pillars. Square wells and round ponds were artfully arranged, housing a solemn statue of Laozi flanked by silent guardian figures. This serene sanctuary attracted Daoist practitioners from across the land, who conducted zhaijiao purification rituals with devout hearts—simultaneously honoring imperial virtue and praying for communal blessings.

The author reflects on the ineffable profundity of the Dao (the Way), preserved only through such inscribed stelae for posterity. Dated to March 586 CE (the sixth year of the Sui Dynasty), this imperial-commissioned inscription extols Laozi: In primordial times when heaven and earth first separated, all beings followed nature's course. Later, human society degenerated into power struggles until Laozi descended to resolve conflicts and return humanity to its original purity. His De (Virtue) surpassed the Five Sacred Mountains; his compassion embraced the Nine Provinces. Ultimately, he rode his green ox westward through Hangu Pass, leaving sacred traces by the Guo River as purple qi (vital energy) emanated eastward. Now, the abandoned temple stands desolate, its nine wells surrounded by overgrown phoenix trees—a poignant testament to time's passage.

(Notes: "Xuanpu" denotes the immortal realm of Kunlun; "Jade Capital" refers to the Daoist celestial court; "sun-horn moon-horn" describes a sage's physiognomy; the "green ox and purple qi"典故 alludes to Laozi's legendary departure through the western pass.)

This passage records the historical account of Confucius seeking instruction on rites from Laozi (Lao Dan), along with related descriptions of Daoist architecture. Here is a layered interpretation:

During the Zhou dynasty, Confucius's disciple Jing Shu advised the ruler of Lu that Confucius, as a descendant of sages well-versed in ancient royal rituals, should receive support to study at the Zhou capital. The Duke of Lu thus provided carriages and horses, with Jing Shu accompanying Confucius to the royal capital.

In the Zhou capital, Confucius consulted Laozi on ritual propriety and Chang Hong on music theory. They examined the architectural standards of the Mingtang (the Hall of Enlightenment where grand ceremonies were held), observing murals depicting virtuous rulers like Yao and Shun contrasted with tyrants like Jie and Zhou, illustrating principles of statecraft through historical examples. Particularly moved by a mural showing the Duke of Zhou assisting young King Cheng while receiving homage from feudal lords, Confucius sighed in realization of how the Duke's sagely governance brought prosperity to the Zhou dynasty.

At their parting, Laozi offered this advice: "The wealthy give material gifts, but the virtuous offer words of wisdom. As one who values virtue, I give you these words: Those brilliantly perceptive yet doomed often perish through criticizing others; the profoundly learned who court danger frequently expose others' faults. As ministers, do not constantly seek self-promotion; as children, do not always prioritize personal gain."

The earlier section also describes the serene temple built for Laozi: constructed on elevated open ground with plum wood beams and cassia pillars, its winding corridors often veiled in mist where Daoist practitioners cultivated themselves. Such sacred architecture embodies the pursuit of the "Great Sound is Faintly Heard" (the Dao's supreme simplicity).

(Note: "Pillar's Below" refers to Laozi's historical post as Zhou archivist; "Supreme Venerable" is an honorific for Laozi; "Feathered Guests" denotes Daoist adepts in feather robes; "Mingtang" was the ancient imperial hall for proclaiming governance.)

This passage recounts the encounters between Laozi (Lord Lao) and both Confucius and Yin Xi (Master Guan Yin), along with the circumstances surrounding Laozi's composition of the Daode Jing.

Confucius once sought Laozi's guidance on the essence of ritual propriety, and many references in the Book of Rites derive from Confucius's studies under Laozi. Confucius later reflected that had it not been for Nan Gong Jingshu traveling in his carriage to spread his teachings, his philosophical system might have been lost to time.

Laozi lived in seclusion at Jingshi Mountain (encompassing the nearby Jingshan, Taishi, and Shaoshi Mountains near Luoyang), withdrawn from worldly affairs except for exchanges with five elders. Together they contemplated the patterns of heaven and earth, during which Laozi composed scriptures totaling approximately 100,000 characters. At that time, the floating kingdom of Futipo sent two envoys skilled in writing—adepts capable of invisibility and transformation—who recorded the mysteries of cosmic and human origins using black ink from golden urns to inscribe seal and clerical scripts on wood and stone. Laozi's texts were preserved on jade tablets bound with golden cords and stored in jade caskets.

During King Zhao of Zhou's reign, Yin Xi served as a high official proficient in astronomy. Observing vital energy (Qi) resembling coiling dragons moving westward, he foresaw a sage's imminent passage through Hangu Pass and requested appointment as its warden. On the renwu day of the fifth month in the guichou year of King Zhao's reign, purple vapors indeed appeared in the east as an old man arrived riding a white carriage drawn by a black ox—none other than Laozi. Yin Xi reverently entreated him to compose a text, whereupon Laozi resided at the Grass Tower on Zhongnan Mountain and the following year transmitted the 5,000-character Daode Jing. This scripture encompasses the transformations of heaven and earth, the relationships between rulers and subjects, and the affairs of common people, emphasizing the veneration of Dao and De (Virtue) over artificial righteousness. It advocates governing through orthodox principles while employing strategic flexibility in military matters.

This passage primarily examines the dating of Laozi's transmission of the Dao De Jing (Classic of the Way and Virtue) and the subsequent lineage of his disciples.

Regarding the era when Laozi imparted this classic, some scholars suggest it occurred during King Zhao of Zhou's reign (when the trend of feudal lords vying for supremacy was not yet pronounced), while others argue for King Jing of Zhou's time. Through textual research, the author points out that precedents of feudal lords asserting dominance—such as Kunwu, Dapeng, and Shiwei—already existed during the decline of the Xia and Shang dynasties. By the time King Zhao of Zhou embarked on his southern campaign (from which he never returned), the trend of warlords competing for power had already emerged. Thus, it was reasonable for Laozi to reference "功*力*" (strategies of statecraft and military tactics) in the Dao De Jing during King Zhao's reign.

The text also cites astronomical records (such as the three stars of Hegu, symbolizing the Son of Heaven's three armies) and classical texts like the Rites of Zhou and The Travels of King Mu to confirm that Laozi transmitted the scripture during King Zhao's reign. Among his disciples, Guan Yinzi (also known as Yin Xi) authored the nine-chapter Guan Yinzi.

The passage then details the transmission of Laozi's teachings: Xin Jian (styled Jiran), a native of Jin, studied under Laozi before traveling south to the states of Chu and Yue. Fan Li, a high official of Yue, became his disciple and received the twelve-chapter Wenzi. Notably, the text recounts Fan Li's use of Jiran's strategies to advise King Goujian of Yue, as well as Jiran's famous prophecy that Goujian was "a ruler one could share hardships with, but not prosperity."

Finally, it mentions Lie Yukou (Liezi), who secluded himself in the state of Zheng for forty years and composed eight chapters expounding Laozi's philosophy, and Zhuangzi, who declined King Wei of Chu's offer to serve as prime minister and instead retired to write the fifty-three chapters of the Zhuangzi (of which thirty-three survive today). Other disciples who studied under Laozi and carried forward Daoist teachings—such as Gengsang Chu, Nanrong Chu, and Cui Qu—are also listed, each leaving behind their own works.

Through historical analysis and biographical accounts, this passage illustrates the widespread dissemination and profound influence of Laozi's teachings during the Spring and Autumn and Warring States periods.

Laozi traveled extensively during the Shang and Zhou periods, personally encountering sages like Confucius (who was revered as the "Dragon-like Sage"). Unfortunately, after Sima Qian grouped Laozi with Han Feizi in the Records of the Grand Historian, the lineage transmission of Laozi's disciples was severed. This led to the loss of both Confucian and Daoist teachings in later generations—a truly regrettable historical rupture.

The designation of "Laozi" as a jing (classic scripture) began during Emperor Jing of Han's reign. Kan Ze of Wu once advised Sun Quan: "Master Xu Cheng, Master Yuan Yang, Laozi, and Zhuangzi were all recluses who cultivated body and nature (xiushen yangxing), roaming freely through mountain forests. Their teachings pursued tranquility and non-attachment." When Emperor Jing of Han recognized the profound depth of Huang-Lao thought (the Yellow Emperor and Laozi's philosophy), he formally elevated their works to jing status, establishing Daoist doctrine as an official school. Imperial decree mandated their study both at court and among commoners.

Ban Gu's records mention several scholars who studied the Laozi: Lin Shi composed commentaries, while Fu Shi, Xu Shi, and Liu Xiang each produced exegeses. Fu Shi wrote thirty-seven chapters, Lin Shi four, Xu Shi six, and Liu Xiang four—though all these works are now lost. Modern editions of the Dao De Jing vary: some divide it into two parts (upper and lower), others into eighty-one or seventy-two chapters (Heshang Gong's version has eighty-one chapters—thirty-seven in the upper section corresponding to heavenly numbers and forty-four in the lower matching earthly numbers; Yan Zun's seventy-two-chapter version follows yin-yang principles with forty upper and thirty-two lower chapters, completely differing from Heshang Gong's arrangement). These textual variations have spawned divergent interpretations, making original verification nearly impossible today.

Song dynasty recluse Xie Shouhao noted that Tang scholar Fu Yi once collated multiple Dao De Jing editions. The "Concubine of Xiang Yu" version was excavated in 574 CE from the tomb of Xiang Yu's concubine during Northern Qi's Wuping era; the "Anqiu Wang" version was discovered by Kou Qianzhi during Northern Wei's Taihe period; and the "Heshang Zhangren" text was transmitted by hermit Qiu Yue of Qi. All three contained 5,722 characters, cross-verified with Han Feizi's "Yu Lao." Other editions included the Luoyang official copy (5,635 characters), Wang Bi's version (5,683 or 5,610 characters), and Heshang Gong's text (5,355 or 5,590 characters), with further variations among commentators' editions.

Regarding the word count of the Dao De Jing, historical records present varying accounts. Sima Qian's Records of the Grand Historian mentions that Laozi composed a text on Dao and De exceeding five thousand characters, though explicitly stating it fell short of six thousand. The Daoist tradition commonly refers to it as the "Five Thousand Character Classic," a rounded approximation.

Du Guangting, a renowned Tang dynasty Daoist master, clarified that the "slightly over five thousand characters" description wasn't meant as an exact count. Some editions artificially reduced or fragmented text (like splitting "thirty spokes" into two words for counting purposes) to meet this number—an approach as rigid as "gluing pegs to tune a zither" or "notching a boat to mark a lost sword," demonstrating excessive literalism.

Over sixty notable commentators have annotated the Dao De Jing throughout history, including:

• Jiejie (Two Volumes, traditionally attributed to Laozi and Yin Xi)
• Neijie (Two Volumes, Yin Xi's commentary from an internal cultivation perspective)
• Xiang'er Commentary (Two Scrolls, by Zhang Daoling, founder of the Celestial Masters tradition)
• Heshanggong's Chapter-and-Verse (annotated by the deified Heshanggong during Emperor Wen of Han's reign, with temples still extant in Shaanxi)
• Yan Junping's Elucidations (Fourteen Scrolls, by Western Han recluse Yan Zun of Shu)
• Wang Bi's Commentary (by Cao-Wei official Wang Bi)
• He Yan's Commentary (by Cao-Wei imperial son-in-law He Yan)
• Guo Xiang's Commentary (by Jin dynasty scholar-official)
• Zhong Hui's Commentary (by Cao-Wei minister under Emperor Ming)
• Sun Deng's Commentary (by Wei dynasty recluse)
• Yang Hu's Commentary (Four Scrolls, by Western Jin general)
• Kumarajiva's Commentary (Two Scrolls, by Later Qin Central Asian monk)
• Fotudeng's Commentary (Two Scrolls, by Later Zhao Central Asian monk)
• Sengzhao's Commentary (Four Scrolls, by Eastern Jin monk)
• Tao Hongjing's Commentary (by Liang dynasty Daoist master under Emperor Wu)

These commentaries—each with distinct characteristics—reflect evolving interpretations across eras. Notably, the annotators included Daoist practitioners, Buddhist monks, and Confucian scholars alike, demonstrating the classic's trans-religious influence.

This passage enumerates scholars and Daoist priests throughout history who annotated the Daode Jing, briefly recording their identities and works. During the Northern Wei period, Lu Yu (also known as White-Headed Elder) composed a two-volume commentary, while Liu Renhui (a native of Liang County, Yizhou in Northern Wei) also produced two volumes. The Southern Qi dynasty hermit Gu Huan (courtesy name Jingyi, who once served as Erudite) completed a four-volume annotation.

Other commentators include the recluse Immortal Songling of Qingxi Mountain (name unknown), the Jin dynasty's Pei Chuen (from Hedong) with two volumes, Du Bi of Jingzhao in Qin territory with two volumes, and the Southern Song's Zhang Ping (courtesy name Changzong, who served as Grand Chang's Erudite during Emperor Ming's reign) with four volumes. Emperor Wu of Liang, Xiao Yan, personally annotated the Daode Jing in four volumes, while Emperor Jianwen of Liang, Xiao Gang, composed Exposition on the Daode in ten volumes.

Additionally, Zhang Si of Qinghe (period unknown) wrote four volumes; Liang dynasty Daoist priest Zang Xuanjing (courtesy name Daozong) produced a four-volume subcommentary; Meng Anpai (sobriquet Great Meng) authored Scriptural Meanings in two volumes; Meng Zhizhou (sobriquet Little Meng) annotated five volumes; and Dou Lue's four-volume commentary aligned with Emperor Wu of Liang and Kumārajīva's interpretations.

Southern Chen dynasty Daoist priest Zhu Rou composed Mystical Insight in six volumes; Sui dynasty Daoist Liu Jinxi created a six-volume subcommentary; Li Bo annotated two volumes (upper and lower). Tang dynasty Grand Astrologer Fu Yi produced both a two-volume commentary and phonetic annotations, while renowned minister Wei Zheng (chancellor under Emperor Taizong) wrote Meanings in five volumes. Dharma Master Zong Wenming authored Meanings in five volumes, and Hu Chao produced Detailed Commentary in ten volumes.

Daoist priest An Qiu wrote Guidance to the Essence in five volumes; Wang Xuanbian compiled Master Heshang's Exegesis in ten volumes. Su Mingguan's abbot Yin Yin (Remonstrance Official) composed New Interpretations in fifteen volumes; Daoist priest Xu Miao annotated four volumes. Hanlin Daoist He Siyuan authored Directional Purport in two volumes and Mystical Revelations in eight volumes; Hengshan Daoist priest Xue Jichang wrote Golden Cord in ten volumes and Numerical Matters in one volume; Master Hongyuan Wang Di produced a two-volume commentary.

(Note: The terms "subcommentary" [shu], "exegesis" [yi], etc. refer to specific genres of Daode Jing annotations. "Master Heshang" refers to the legendary recluse who explained the Daode Jing to Emperor Wen of Han—his commentary holds profound influence in Daoism.)

This passage documents the scholars throughout history who annotated the Daode Jing (Classic of the Way and Virtue) and the distinctive features of their works. Prior to the Tang dynasty, scholars from various schools interpreted the text from their respective perspectives, forming three major annotation traditions:

The Governance of States School: Represented by Heshang Gong and Yan Junping, this approach emphasized interpretations for statecraft and social stability. The Han dynasty's Yan Junping centered his commentary on the concept of "mysterious emptiness" (xuanxu), while Western Jin scholars like Wang Bi (styled Fusi) advocated governance through "ultimate emptiness and non-action" (wuji wuwei).

The Self-Cultivation School: Including Eastern Jin's Sun Deng, Southern Dynasties' Tao Hongjing (known as Tao Yinju), and Gu Huan. Gu Huan particularly stressed the cultivation principle of "non-action" (wuwei), with these commentaries primarily exploring methods for personal cultivation and longevity practices.

The Twofold Mystery School: Originating with Liang dynasty scholars Meng Zhizhou and Zang Xuanjing, then developed by Tang dynasty Daoists like Cheng Xuanying and Li Rong. They employed the dialectical method of "twofold mystery" (chongxuan – double negation) to elucidate the nature of Dao, forming the Tang dynasty's distinctive Daoist philosophical system.

The text meticulously lists over thirty annotators from Wei-Jin to Tang periods, noting their official positions and work volumes. For instance, Emperor Xuanzong of Tang personally annotated the Daode Jing in two scrolls, Daoist Cheng Xuanying composed the six-scroll Lecture Commentary, and Wang Zhen wrote the militarily-focused Discourse on Military Strategy. The conclusion observes that while all schools revered the Daode Jing as their foundation, their theoretical frameworks differed significantly, creating a rich and diverse interpretive tradition.

(Note: The original text contained parenthetical textual variants for certain names, which have been integrated into the main narrative. The term "twofold mystery" represents a crucial Tang dynasty Daoist philosophical concept, referring to the cognitive approach of realizing Dao's nature through negation of negation.)

This passage discusses the historical interpretations of the Laozi (also known as the Daode Jing) by various scholars.

Emperor Wu of Liang (the founding emperor of the Southern Liang dynasty) took "neither being nor non-being" as the core concept in his reading of the Laozi, while Sun Deng emphasized the doctrine of "Double Mystery" (Chongxuan). Among these interpretations, Sun Deng's insights were considered the most profound.

Dong You of Guangchuan recorded in his Bibliography of Collected Books that after Emperor Xuanzong of Tang (Emperor Ming of Tang) personally annotated the Laozi, he reorganized the chapters of the Daode Jing—placing all sections discussing "Dao" in the first volume and those discussing "De" in the second. This version was later inscribed on stone steles at the Laozi Temple in Wokou.

The Tang dynasty Daoist priest Zhang Daoxiang once compiled annotations from thirty scholars into a seven-volume Collected Commentaries on the Daode Jing. Among those whose names survive today are: Heshang Gong, Yan Zun, Wang Bi, He Yan, Guo Xiang, Zhong Hui, Sun Deng, Yang Hu, the Indian monk Kumarajiva, and Lu Jingyu. However, upon examining the Old and New Tang Bibliographies, it becomes clear that over forty other commentators—such as Muqiu Wangzhi, Cheng Shao, and Wang Shang—were not included.

Notably, Zhang Daoxiang's original compilation consisted of four volumes; the seven-volume version seen by Dong You may have been expanded by later scholars. By the Chongning era of the Northern Song dynasty (1102–1106), during the revision of the Daoist Canon, this collected commentary had already been lost. At that time, only the annotations of Emperor Xuanzong, Heshang Gong, Yan Zun, and Lu Xisheng remained, along with the ancient edition of the Daode Jing collated by Fu Yi. Additionally, Li Yue, Li Rong, Jia Qingyi, and others each produced their own commentaries, while figures like Wang Gu were commissioned by Emperor Xuanzong to participate in the editorial work.

This passage primarily discusses the transmission of commentaries on the Laozi through history and the contributions of several key scholars.

During the Tang dynasty, Du Guangting composed annotations and subcommentaries for the Laozi, later expanding them into the Guang Shengyi. These works were included in the Daoist Canon (Daozang). Unfortunately, while many related texts are known by name, roughly eighty to ninety percent of the original books have been lost.

The text records a Daoist lineage of transmission: Master Heshang (an enigmatic figure of unknown origin) taught An Qisheng, who passed the teachings to Mao Xigong. Mao Xigong then transmitted them to Yue Xiagong, who in turn taught Yue Chengong. Yue Chengong then instructed Master Gai. Master Gai disseminated the teachings in the regions of Gaomi and Jiaoxi in the state of Qi and later became the teacher of Cao Shen, the chancellor of the early Han dynasty.

Huan Tan of the Han dynasty noted that the two chapters of Laozi's Daodejing were highly revered in later times, even considered superior to the Confucian Five Classics (Wujing). From Emperor Wen and Emperor Jing of the Han to Sima Qian, this view was widely held.

Yan Junping made a living in Chengdu by practicing divination. When faced with improper questions, he used the divination process to guide people toward virtue. He received only a few clients each day, and once he earned enough for his livelihood, he closed shop to study the Laozi. Based on his insights, he wrote over a hundred thousand characters of commentary.

Ruan Ji, in his Tong Lao Lun, stated: "The Dao (Dao) is that which follows the natural order (Ziran). If rulers uphold it, the myriad things will flourish spontaneously. The Book of Changes (Yijing) calls it the Supreme Ultimate (Taiji), the Spring and Autumn Annals (Chunqiu) names it the Origin (Yuan), and the Laozi refers to it as the Dao."

Wang Bi (courtesy name Fusi), a native of Gaoping in Shanyang, was exceptionally bright from childhood and mastered the teachings of Laozi and Zhuangzi by his teenage years. His commentary on the Laozi was so profound that even He Yan admired it, believing Wang Bi to be a worthy interlocutor on the relationship between Heaven and humanity.

During the Eastern Jin dynasty, Yin Zhongkan excelled in qingtan (pure conversation) and metaphysical discourse. He once remarked that if he went three days without reading the Daodejing, he would feel his tongue stiffen and lose its fluency.

Yu Zisong, a renowned scholar of the Jin dynasty, possessed an expansive mind and declared himself a follower of Lao-Zhuang philosophy. He remarked: "Even before reading the Laozi and Zhuangzi, I sensed the highest truth should be thus. Now having studied them, I find they perfectly resonate with my own understanding."

Ruan Xuanzi (Ruan Xiu) delighted in studying the Laozi and Book of Changes (Yijing), excelling in discussions of profound metaphysics while shunning mundane company. When occasionally encountering worldly people, he would immediately withdraw—his nature lofty and detached. Though his household couldn't store even a single dan of rice, he remained serenely content.

Zhou Yanlun (Zhou Yong) mastered metaphysical debates. At gatherings, his eloquent discourse, adorned with exquisite phrasing, would entrance listeners. Particularly versed in the Laozi and Yijing, when meeting Zhang Siye (Zhang Rong), they could engage in metaphysical discussions lasting entire days without pause.

When Ruan Zhan (son of Ruan Xian) visited Minister Wang Rong, the latter asked: "Confucianism emphasizes ritual propriety and social norms, while Lao-Zhuang advocates natural spontaneity (ziran) and non-action (wuwei). What fundamentally distinguishes them?" Ruan cleverly replied: "Aren't they ultimately the same?" Wang, deeply impressed, immediately recruited him for office—an incident later called "securing office with three words."

Zong Ce, a Southern Dynasties recluse of tranquil disposition, refused official posts. When Prince Xiao Yi of Yuzhang offered him a military advisory position, he declined: "Why harm seabirds or fell mountain trees?" Hanging his grandfather's painting of the hermit Xiang Ziping on his wall, he took only the Laozi and Zhuangzi to wander famous mountains. As weeping descendants bid farewell, he departed without looking back, his long whistle fading into the distance.

Zhongchang Ziguang, a Sui dynasty hermit, drifted through Hedong doing odd jobs—no fixed abode, no wife or children. In later years he dwelled on a river islet selling herbs. The scholar Fenyin Sheng, upon meeting him, marveled: "Not even Dongfang Shuo or Guan Lu could match him!" Though fame spread, he feigned muteness when officials visited. His works The Ode of Solitary Wandering and Biography of River Islet Master revealed his enlightenment. When seekers asked about the Dao, he'd simply write "Lao-Yi" (Laozi-Yijing) in response, eventually passing away while playing the zither and taking elixirs.

Wang Ji, the Tang poet, indulged in wine while ignoring worldly affairs—his servants grew grain for wine, raised ducks, and cultivated medicinal herbs. By his bed always lay three texts: the Yijing, Laozi, and Zhuangzi, with few other books read. Retiring to Donggao in the northern mountains to write, he styled himself "Master Donggao."

Wang Xiyi secluded himself on Mount Song, studying longevity arts under Huang Yi while cherishing the Yijing and Laozi above all.

(Note: These historical figures—whether engaging in "pure conversation" (qingtan) metaphysics or reclusive cultivation—shared devotion to natural spontaneity and transcendence of worldly concerns. Parenthetical context clarifies relationships and historical settings.)

This passage records dialogues between several renowned Tang Dynasty hermits and emperors. It mentions a septuagenarian who regularly consumed pine needles and wildflowers yet maintained robust health. When Governor Lu Qiqing sought his advice on governance, the elder simply replied: "Do not impose on others what you yourself do not desire" — this principle alone sufficed.

Master Zhenyi, Sima Chengzhen (courtesy name Ziwei), dwelt in reclusion at Mount Tiantai. Emperor Ruizong dispatched the master's elder brother to summon him. Upon entering the palace, the emperor inquired about cultivation methods. He responded: "Cultivating the Dao (the Way) means continuous reduction—reduce and reduce again until attaining Wuwei (non-action). The perceptions and thoughts of the human mind are difficult to cease even through constant reduction, let alone by pursuing miscellaneous studies that increase mental agitation." When the emperor asked how this applied to statecraft, he answered: "Governing a state resembles self-cultivation—maintain mental serenity and harmonious Qi (vital energy), follow natural laws without selfish intent, and peace will prevail under heaven." The emperor marveled that these words resembled those of Guangchengzi from the Yellow Emperor's era.

During the Kaiyuan era, Emperor Xuanzong summoned him again, commissioning a Daoist temple at Mount Wangwu for his residence. Skilled in seal and clerical scripts, Sima Chengzhen was commanded to transcribe the Laozi in three calligraphic styles and collate scriptural texts.

Lu Hongyi (courtesy name Haoran) lived reclusively at Mount Song. Summoned to Luoyang in 716 CE, he refused to perform ceremonial bows. When questioned by the chancellor's envoy, he explained: "I recall Laozi's teaching that ritual propriety stems from deficient loyalty and sincerity. I, Lu Hongyi, wish to attend court with genuine loyalty and sincerity."

Master Zongyuan, Wu Yun, originally a Confucian scholar from Shandong, later cultivated the Dao at Mount Song before wandering to Mount Tiantai. When Emperor Xuanzong consulted him about Daoist methods, he replied: "The essence of Daoist practice lies entirely within Laozi's five thousand characters—all other elaborate theories merely waste paper." Questioned about immortality elixirs, he maintained such pursuits belonged to mountain recluses, unworthy of imperial attention.

Qin Xi, a native of Kuaiji, fled the turmoil of war to Shanxi during the Tianbao era (742-756) and later settled in Nan'an, Quanzhou. There stood a century-old pine tree where Qin built a thatched hut to live in. He carved stone into inkstones and devoted himself to annotating the Laozi (Dao De Jing). For years he never descended the mountain, and people named the place "Peak of the Eminent Scholar."

Emperor Xianzong of Tang once asked his chancellor: "Can we believe in matters of immortality?" Chancellor Li Fan replied: "The theory of immortality originates from Daoism, which takes Laozi's Dao De Jing as its foundation. Laozi's teachings don't contradict the classics, but later generations fond of strange theories fabricated immortality doctrines under Laozi's name. Thus both Emperor Qin Shi Huang and Emperor Wu of Han were misled, ultimately gaining nothing." The emperor deeply agreed.

Tang chancellor Lu Xisheng authored the four-volume Commentary on the Dao De Jing. In his preface he wrote: Laozi's doctrine takes Dao (the Way) as its root and names as its application, advocating wuwei (non-action) that accomplishes all things, ultimately reaching supreme perfection. Yang Zhu inherited Laozi's ontological aspect but incompletely, leading to excessive self-regard and disregard for external things; Zhuangzi developed Laozi's practical aspect but extremely, advocating abandoning all wisdom. Shen Buhai and Han Fei misunderstood Laozi's concept of "names," falling into harsh severity; Wang Bi and He Yan deviated from Laozi's "Dao," lapsing into empty talk and indulgence. These six all betrayed Laozi. Therefore he wrote this commentary to clarify Laozi's true meaning.

Lu Xisheng further stated: In antiquity, Fu Xi drew the bagua (Eight Trigrams) to symbolize all things, exhaustively investigating the principles of nature and life, harmonizing the relationship between Dao and De (Virtue). Laozi explored the origin of heaven and earth, deduced the transformations of yin-yang, deeply investigated the ultimate of nature and life, and illuminated the profundity of Dao and De - sharing common origins with Fu Xi. King Wen of Zhou observed the transformations of yang (ninth) and yin (sixth) lines in the Yi Jing (Book of Changes), valuing vigorous change yet taking centrality as essential; Laozi grasped the balance of lesser yang (seventh) and lesser yin (eighth) in the Yi Jing, advocating soft stillness and unity to encompass the whole - sharing common purpose with King Wen. Confucius carried forward the traditions of Yao and Shun, emulating Kings Wen and Wu of Zhou, using humaneness and righteousness to educate the people; Laozi followed Fu Xi, synthesizing the thought of the Yellow Emperor, transforming the world through Dao and De - different paths reaching the same end. These three were all supreme sages, yet Laozi could synthesize comprehensively, investigate mysterious mechanisms of change, and grasp subtle essentials - truly the supreme divine sage.

Li Yue, Vice Minister of War in Tang (son of Li Mian), also annotated the Dao De Jing in four volumes.

Many people mistakenly believe that the Laozi (also known as the Daodejing) is merely a book about immortals and empty fantasies, and they criticize Sima Qian's assertion that it "exalts Huang-Lao thought while disparaging the Confucian Six Classics." But in my view, the Confucian Six Classics are actually branches derived from the Huang-Lao tradition.

During the Kaiyuan era of Emperor Xuanzong of Tang, an imperial decree ordered the Chief Minister Zhang Yue to recommend scholars well-versed in the Yijing, Laozi, and Zhuangzi. Hou Xingguo, an academician of the Jixian Academy, recommended Kang Ziyuan from Kuaiji and Jing Huizhen from Pingyang. These two later became imperial lecturing scholars, joining Feng Chaoyin in expounding Lao-Zhuang philosophy to the emperor. Jing Huizhen held the Laozi in particular reverence, always purifying himself with incense and ablutions before each lecture.

In his memorial admonishing Emperor Jingzong of Tang about seeking out Daoist masters, Li Deyu wrote: "Since ancient times, the most profound practitioners of the Dao have been Guangchengzi (the legendary immortal) and Laozi (the Mysterious Origin Emperor), while the wisest sages were the Yellow Emperor and Confucius. When the Yellow Emperor sought the way of nurturing life from Guangchengzi, the immortal advised: 'Do not overuse your eyes and ears; maintain mental tranquility and your body will naturally be healthy. Do not exhaust your form or deplete your jing (essence), and you may attain longevity.' When Laozi admonished Confucius, he said: 'Discard your arrogance, excessive desires, affected expressions, and lofty ambitions—these all harm you.' Thus the Yellow Emperor sighed at the 'profound mystery of the Heavenly Dao,' while Confucius marveled that 'Laozi was like a dragon.' Were these two sages not the most penetrating in their understanding of the Great Dao?"

Bai Juyi observed: "To restore simple customs and achieve social harmony, the best method is to practice the Huang-Lao way. This principle emphasizes valuing generosity and simplicity while avoiding displays of cleverness or forced ingenuity. Those skilled in applying this principle—whether governing a city, a region, or the entire realm—can achieve the effects of wuwei (non-action). In ancient times, when Fu Zijian (a disciple of Confucius) practiced this principle, he transformed the customs of Shanfu district without leaving his door; when Ji An (a famous Han official) applied it, he brought harmony to Donghai Commandery without stepping beyond his office; when Cao Shen (Han dynasty chancellor) followed it, by not interfering with prisons and markets, the state of Qi became peaceful and stable; when Emperor Wen of Han implemented it..."

The Laozi Yi records several stories about Daoist thought in relation to statecraft and self-cultivation:

Bai Juyi's Collected Works from the Changqing Era states that if rulers can maintain clarity and stillness through Wuwei (non-action), they can bring peace to the world without resorting to harsh laws. This is because governance through serene non-action naturally leads to good administration.

During the Five Dynasties period, there was a Daoist named Zhang Jianming who studied Confucianism in his youth but later became a Daoist master well-versed in the teachings of Laozi and Zhuangzi. When Emperor Gaozu of Jin summoned him and asked whether Daoist thought could govern a state, he replied: "The Dao is the supreme principle governing all things. Those who truly comprehend it can administer the world even while living in seclusion." The emperor greatly admired his insight, invited him to the palace to expound on the Daode Jing, honored him as a teacher, and bestowed upon him the title "Master of Profound Understanding." His later whereabouts became unknown.

When Emperor Taizu of Song was campaigning against Taiyuan, he heard of an eminent Daoist named Su Chengyin who had repeatedly declined official appointments during the turbulent Five Dynasties period. The emperor summoned this eighty-year-old adept to inquire about longevity practices. Su Chengyin said: "My personal cultivation merely involves concentrating the Shen (spirit) and calming the Qi. But for emperors, self-cultivation differs—it should follow Laozi's teaching that 'govern through non-action and the people will transform naturally; be without desire and the people will return to simplicity.' The reason Huangdi and Emperor Yao could reign for so long was precisely because they understood this principle." Emperor Taizu greatly appreciated his perspective.

Emperor Taizong of Song once told his close ministers: "I often ponder Laozi's saying that 'arms are instruments of ill omen, which the sage uses only when unavoidable,' reflecting on it repeatedly as a guiding principle for governance."

There was also a Daoist named Zhang Wumeng, whose religious name was "Master Hongmeng." He devoted himself to studying the Laozi and Zhouyi, practicing cultivation on Mount Hua where he formed spiritual friendships with Liu Haichan and Zhong Fang while studying under Chen Tuan (Master Xiyi). When Emperor Zhenzong of Song summoned him to inquire about strategies for lasting peace, he modestly claimed to be merely a mountain hermit who knew only how to recite the Laozi and Zhouyi. Declining official posts and rewards, he returned to Mount Tiantai to continue his cultivation.

Finally, the text mentions that Chen Guan (Duke Zhongsu) composed over twenty chapters of Zhaoyu. The preface records that when Wang Zeng was collating Daoist scriptures in the imperial collection, Emperor Zhenzong of Song remarked that none of these texts matched the serene simplicity of Laozi's five thousand characters.

Zhang Zhibai addressed the Emperor, saying: "Your Majesty's focus on governing through Wuwei (non-action) embodies the fundamental principle of statecraft." (From Liaozhai Ji)

Tian Xi wrote in the preface to Chimu Zan: "Just as dragons require trees to ascend, rulers need talented individuals to rise. The world still harbors sages without official positions and worthies concealing their brilliance—their reputations and abilities complement each other. Like Zuo Qiuming's literary talent serving as Confucius' support (the 'measuring wood' metaphor refers to supportive aids), enabling him to interpret the Spring and Autumn Annals to propagate teachings; or Yin Xi's (Laozi's disciple) virtue acting as Laozi's support, allowing him to expound the Daode Jing for posterity." (From Xianping Ji)

Lord Chen Zhongsu (Chen Guan) remarked: "Laozi teaches that 'the sacred vessel of the world cannot be manipulated'—those who force it will fail. He also states 'governing a great state is like cooking small fish'—they require minimal stirring, only mastery of the fire. Wasn't Emperor Shun's Wuwei governance precisely this? Though Emperor Wu of Han rejected Huang-Lao doctrines for Confucianism, his ostensible benevolence yielded results scarcely different from Qin Shi Huang's reign. Amidst the ensuing turmoil, people longed in vain for the Wen-Jing era's governance. Does this not demonstrate Huang-Lao thought's value for the world?" He cited Shu Guang's advice to his son Shu Shou: "Knowing contentment avoids disgrace; recognizing limits prevents peril—with achievements made, one must withdraw swiftly." Such wisdom originates from Laozi's philosophy. (From Liaozhai Ji)

Ouyang Xiu observed: "Front and back follow each other, long and short define each other—extend this principle and all phenomena conform. Though Laozi's work appears metaphysical, it contains supremely effective statecraft. Daoism advocates clarity, stillness, and Wuwei, eliminating covetousness to maintain serene self-possession. Hence 'I practice non-action and the people transform spontaneously; I cherish stillness and the people rectify themselves'—a governance philosophy even sage-kings couldn't improve upon." (From Collected Works of Ouyang Xiu)

Master Luo Congyan of Yanping (courtesy name Zhongsu) noted: "Confucius neither praised nor criticized Laozi's work. To praise it might lead later generations to overindulgence; to criticize it..."

This passage compiles discussions and interpretations of Daoist thought by various Song and Ming dynasty scholars. It first mentions Laozi's attitude of "harmonizing with the light and blending with the dust," considering this state of serene Wuwei (non-action) as the true path of the world—neither to be excessively praised nor casually criticized. When asked about the meaning of "Lao-Peng," Yang Shi (Master Guishan) clarified that it refers to both Laozi and Pengzu (the ancient immortal known for longevity), noting that Laozi's teachings are fundamentally rooted in nature and truly embody the principle of "transmitting without fabrication."

Yang Shi further emphasized that only by eliminating selfish thoughts and distractions can one genuinely engage with worldly affairs, aligning with Laozi's teaching that "only impartiality and selflessness can make one a true ruler." Lü Xizhe (Duke Lü of Xingyang) once inscribed the phrase "In governing people and serving Heaven, nothing surpasses frugality" in large characters on his wall, regarding it not merely as a technique for nurturing life but as the foundational principle for self-cultivation, family preservation, and state governance.

In his stele inscription for the Shangqing Chuxiang Palace, Su Shi (Dongpo) systematically traced the origins of Daoism: its roots lie in the teachings of the Yellow Emperor and Laozi, with serenity and Wuwei as its core tenets. It advocates responding to all things with emptiness, stillness, and clarity, while upholding loyalty, sincerity, and frugality as behavioral standards—ideas that resonate with the Yi Jing's "no excessive thought or worry" and the Analects' "the benevolent are tranquil and long-lived." He pointed out that after the Qin and Han dynasties, practices such as the pursuit of celestial flight and transformation, cultivation methods from the Huangting Jing (Yellow Court Scripture), and deity worship—promoted by Fangshi (masters of esoteric arts)—were merely peripheral developments, while the teachings of the Yellow Emperor and Laozi remained the essence. In his "Record of Master Gai's Hall," Su Shi also recounted how Cao Can of the Han dynasty successfully governed the state of Qi by applying the Huang-Lao techniques taught by Master Gai, lamenting that when he served in Jiaoxi, he could no longer find traces of this worthy predecessor.

This passage records a dialogue between Su Zhe (courtesy name Ziyou) and a Buddhist monk discussing the paths of Confucianism and Buddhism. When Su Zhe was demoted to Junzhou (present-day Gao'an, Jiangxi) at the age of forty-two, he encountered a monk named "Quan," a successor of the Southern Chan master Huangbo whose spiritual attainment was profound.

During their discussion, Su Zhe remarked: "The Buddhist Dharma you speak of is something I've already comprehended through Confucian classics." Surprised, the monk listened as Su Zhe explained using the Doctrine of the Mean's phrase "When joy, anger, sorrow, and pleasure have not yet arisen, this is called the Mean (zhong)": when the human mind abides in a pure state beyond thoughts of good and evil, it corresponds to what Buddhists term the "original face." He proposed that "the Mean" was another name for Buddha-nature, while "harmony (he)" paralleled Buddhism's six perfections (paramitas) and myriad practices. Attaining this state of Mean-and-Harmony naturally brings cosmic harmony, which fundamentally resonates with Buddhist truth.

The delighted monk exclaimed: "So Confucianism and Buddhism share the same source!" But Su Zhe smilingly corrected him: "While their fundamental principles coincide, their methods of cultivation differ. Governing human society requires ritual propriety—if one only understands rituals without comprehending the Great Dao, they become a mere conventional Confucian." He cited the Han Dynasty example of Cao Can becoming a disciple of Master Gai, implying that true Dao-realized individuals often remain unrecognized.

This exchange exemplifies the Song Dynasty scholars' characteristic synthesis of Confucian, Buddhist, and Daoist thought. Su Zhe's interpretation of Buddhist principles through Confucian classics, while maintaining their distinctions in ethical instruction, reflects the period's intellectual landscape where the "Three Teachings" converged yet preserved their distinctive features.

This passage records the Song Dynasty scholar Su Zhe (style name Ziyou) and his experience annotating the Laozi. During his exile in Junzhou, he began interpreting the Laozi, sharing each completed chapter with the Buddhist monk Quan Fashi, who marveled that these insights resonated with Buddhist teachings. Five years later, after Su Zhe returned north, Quan Fashi passed away shortly thereafter.

Over two decades later, Su Zhe realized his Annotations on the Laozi, after multiple revisions, consistently aligned with Buddhist thought. Longing for Quan Fashi yet finding no one to discuss it with, he inscribed this account at the end of his Laozi commentary in the twelfth month of 1108 (the second year of the Daguan era).

The text also recalls Su Zhe’s memories with his elder brother, Su Shi (style name Zizhan). When the two met in Tengzhou, Su Shi remarked that his brother’s Commentary on the Book of Songs, Commentary on the Spring and Autumn Annals, and Ancient History surpassed ancient scholars—only his Annotations on the Laozi fell slightly short. Later, while living leisurely in Haikang, Su Zhe revised his Annotations on the Laozi and sent it to Su Shi, but before he could receive his brother’s feedback, Su Shi passed away in Changzhou.

In 1111 (the first year of the Zhenghe era), Su Zhe discovered among his nephews’ compilation of their father’s posthumous writings that Su Shi, upon reading the New Annotations on the Laozi, had sighed: "Had this book existed during the Warring States period, the harsh legalism of Shang Yang and Han Feizi would not have prevailed. Had it appeared in the early Han Dynasty, Confucianism and Daoism could have harmonized. Had it been present in the Jin and Song periods, Buddhism and Daoism would not have split." Only then did Su Zhe realize his annotations truly aligned with his brother’s vision.

Finally, Su Zhe reflected on his decade-long residence in Yingchuan, where he repeatedly revised four works (including Annotations on the Laozi), believing that the words of sages required continuous contemplation. Now aged and wishing to consult Su Shi once more, he found it impossible—here, he could not hold back his tears. The next day (the eleventh of the twelfth month), he added this lament as a postscript.

The passage concludes by noting that this account was compiled by Su Zhe’s grandson, Su Zhou (a native of Meishan), based on his grandfather’s final words. The terms "Buddhism and Laozi (Fo Lao)" and "Confucius and Laozi (Kong Lao)" reflect the intellectual milieu of the Song Dynasty, where the three teachings (Confucianism, Daoism, and Buddhism) were converging.

This passage records several ancient scholars' reverence for and interpretations of the Daode Jing. It first mentions someone who evaluated Laozi (i.e., the Daode Jing) as surpassing Mencius by two or three levels, claiming no work expounding supreme truth could exceed these five thousand characters. In his later years, he even composed poetry stating he had recently been studying commentaries on the Daode Jing's eighty-one chapters, considering himself a disciple of Laozi. This shows his understanding of the text grew ever more profound with age, reaching realms ordinary people could scarcely fathom.

Next, it documents Lü Huiqing (courtesy name Jifu) presenting his memorial to the imperial court in 1078 upon completing his Commentary on the Daode Jing. Using allegories like Cook Ding carving an ox or Wheelwright Bian crafting wheels, he illustrated the state of focused Dao cultivation. With utmost reverence, he expressed how the great Dao had been obscured by later generations' false wisdom, causing people to lose their innate purity—until a true person like Laozi appeared to clarify the supreme teaching, trace the origins of Dao and De (Virtue/Power), and inherit the essence of ancient classics.

Lü pointed out that the mysterious states described in the Daode Jing (such as "dim and indistinct") transcend time and space, defying sensory comprehension. Like the Heshibi jade hidden in Mount Jing going unrecognized, the Mysterious Pearl (symbolizing the Dao) can only be obtained by those free from deliberate seeking. Stories like the Yellow Emperor's dream journey to Huaxu or Emperor Yao's visit to Mount Guye all embody supreme realms resonating with the Daode Jing. Historical examples such as Cao Can learning governance from Master Gai or Emperor Wen of Han studying the Heshang Gong commentary merely scratched the surface yet brought peace to their states.

Finally, it criticizes worldly scholars for misunderstanding the Daode Jing's true meaning: taking "not exalting the worthy" as rejecting sages, interpreting "not valuing goods" as despising wealth, mistaking "abandon learning and have no worries" for animal-like ignorance, and wrongly equating "reject sageliness and discard wisdom" with reverting to primitive simplicity. In truth, Laozi urged people to purify mental impurities (like gold dust obscuring vision), transcend dualistic judgments of good and evil, and attain the unified state of emptiness and stillness—profound principles indeed difficult to grasp through conventional thinking, easily confusing those attached to cleverness. Therefore, this sacred text's authentic teachings should be specially elevated above the doctrines of the Hundred Schools of Thought.

This passage is the memorial presented by Lü Huiqing, a Northern Song dynasty official, when submitting his Commentary on Laozi's Dao De Jing to the emperor. The main content can be understood as follows:

Lü Huiqing first praises the emperor's extraordinary qualities as both ruler and teacher governing the realm, who pursues the path of longevity despite the burdens of state affairs. He suggests the emperor is leading the nation toward a golden age (referencing the mythical lands of Huaxu and the immortal-dwelling Gushan Mountain). Humbly describing himself as dull-witted by nature, Lü recounts decades devoted to studying Lao-Zhuang thought before gaining genuine insight.

He details his cultivation process: comprehending the Dao through tranquil observation of all things, tracing phenomena back to their source, perceiving clarity within chaos. While acknowledging these realizations may be imperfect, he believes the sage's contemplative wisdom can serve as vital guidance for scholars (comparing it to the divinatory "mystic turtle"). With trepidation, he presents his four-volume Commentary on Laozi's Dao De Jing, earnestly seeking imperial correction.

Dated to the first lunar month of 1078, the memorial identifies Lü as then serving as Academician of the Zizheng Hall and Pacification Commissioner of Dingzhou Circuit. An appended note mentions Li Yanping's evaluation that Lü attained sudden enlightenment about the principles of human nature and life (xingming) upon reading Zhuangzi's phrase "correlating ten thousand ages to achieve pure unity," hence his exceptional Lao-Zhuang commentaries. Scholar Lu Taoshan laments how true xingming studies—referring to Daoist self-cultivation—were lost after the Qin dynasty, with later scholars blinded by partial commentaries and losing the capacity to grasp ancient wisdom.

The text exemplifies how Song literati integrated Daoist thought with Confucian officialdom, pursuing both statecraft and spiritual cultivation. Lü's scholarly commentary on Laozi as a serving official reflects the era's trend of Three Teachings syncretism.

This passage explores the core values of Laozi's thought and its transmission and misinterpretation through history.

The text begins by lamenting how the true meaning of "Dao" (the Way) and "De" (Virtue/Power), which Laozi sincerely imparted to Yin Xi (the legendary Guardian of the Pass who sought Laozi's teachings), contained profound mysteries capable of dispelling confusion and returning people to their original nature. Yet unfortunately, these truths became obscured through a thousand years of commentary and transmission.

The author argues that works expounding the essence of Dao and De are not limited to the Laozi. While the Laozi speaks concisely, the Liezi provides more detail, and the Zhuangzi offers the most comprehensive treatment. Only by synthesizing all three texts can one grasp the true meaning of Dao and De.

Tang Geng (style name Zixi) from Meishan refutes common misunderstandings about Laozi's westward journey. People question why Laozi, who upheld the "three treasures" of compassion, frugality, and "not presuming to lead the world," would retreat westward. Tang argues that precisely because Laozi's Dao embraces all things, he could practice it even among barbarian tribes—demonstrating the profundity of his philosophy.

Qin Guan from Huaihai compares various schools to clarify Laozi's position. He disagrees with Ban Gu's criticism that Sima Qian "prioritized Huang-Lao thought over the Six Classics." Citing Mencius' statement that "humanity is what makes us human" and Yang Xiong's view that Dao, De, humanity, righteousness, and rites share one root, Qin explains that Dao and De represent the overarching principles, while humanity and righteousness are their partial manifestations. The Huang-Lao tradition (Daoist thought represented by the Yellow Emperor and Laozi) emphasizes wholeness, while the Six Confucian Classics focus on specific norms. Sima Qian's admiration for Huang-Lao thought recognized this distinction.

Finally, the text criticizes Cui Hao (Northern Wei statesman) for arrogantly comparing himself to Zhang Liang (Han strategist), pointing out that Daoism advocates self-cultivation first, governing the world only with surplus capacity, and transcending fame and achievement afterward—implying Cui failed to grasp Daoism's true essence.

When success is achieved, withdrawing voluntarily embodies the Daoist way of life. Those who observe celestial phenomena to assist human affairs yet focus only on surface manifestations without probing the root—this is the approach of the Yin-Yang school.

Zhang Liang (styled Zifang) encountered the legendary Huang Shigong (the old man on the bridge) who transmitted military strategies to him in his youth at Xiapi, yet in old age abandoned worldly achievements to follow the immortal Chisongzi—revealing his intellectual roots in Daoism. Those skilled in divination techniques might discuss Mars (Yinghuo) entering Qin's celestial territory, comets foretelling Jin's downfall, or omens like hares invading the inner palace and Yao Xing presenting women—yet later reject Lao-Zhuang philosophy as empty theories. This demonstrates their fundamental alignment with the Yin-Yang school, marking the essential distinction between Daoists and Yin-Yang practitioners.

Chao Jiong (Duke Wen Yuan) observed: Scholars throughout history cherish Lao-Zhuang texts because they contain the supreme truth within wuwei (non-action). Laozi said, "The five colors blind the eyes; the five tones deafen the ears; rich flavors numb the palate"—though the sage's words seem extreme, their profound intent to guide people toward goodness remains. If one avoids indulgence in sensual pleasures and gluttony, what appears as gaining nothing actually prevents great loss.

Laozi also taught, "Understanding eternal law constitutes true wisdom." Ordinary people know day-night cycles as constants, while Daoist practitioners view life-death as such alternations, recognizing both as natural patterns—hence maintaining serenity without fear toward mortality.

Li Gou (styled Taibo) referenced Han Yu's remark: "Daoists claim Confucius was our master's disciple, Buddhists say the same." Some Confucian scholars, hearing this repeatedly, began asserting "our master indeed said so." While I cannot verify Buddhist scriptures, the records of Confucius inquiring about rites from Laozi in Zengzi's Questions and Laozi's biography may not be entirely credible. Yet could the Classic of Rites, as canonical text, contain falsehoods?

Chao Yuezhi (styled Jingyusheng) contended: Since Fuxi, King Wen and Duke Zhou expounded the Yi Jing (Book of Changes), only Laozi truly grasped its transformative principles—understanding how suppleness overcomes rigidity and emptiness contains all existence.

This passage primarily discusses various scholars' annotations and interpretations of the Laozi.

Wang Bi's two-part commentary on the Laozi Daode Jing is considered to have truly grasped Laozi's thought, belonging to the lineage of Yan Junping's Zhigui. He argued that benevolence (ren), righteousness (yi), and ritual propriety (li) cannot function independently—they must be applied through the Dao (the Way). All things in heaven and earth each receive a portion of the Dao, an insight not only helpful for understanding Laozi but one that all scholars should recognize. However, Wang Bi also had some misinterpretations. For instance, his explanations of "arms are instruments of ill omen" and "victory should be treated with funeral rites" do not reflect Laozi's original intent. He also failed to comprehend Laozi's ideas of "constantly excelling at saving people" and "constantly excelling at saving things"—these interpretations actually originated from Heshanggong's commentary and were absent in ancient versions, a distinction fortunately clarified by Fu Yi.

The Daoist master Bixuzi (Chen Jingyuan), a disciple of Zhang Hongmeng, authored the Daode Jing Cangshi Zuanwei Pian, which synthesized the essence of ancient commentaries while incorporating his school's secret transmissions. Presented to Emperor Shenzong during the Xining era of the Song dynasty, it received imperial praise. He also annotated the Nanhua Jing (i.e., the Zhuangzi), totaling over twenty scrolls, all now preserved in the Daoist Canon (Daozang).

Xie Yi, in his Xitang Shouting Ji, observed that Confucius spoke of "the benevolent attaining longevity," Laozi described "those who die but do not perish as long-lived," and Buddhism teaches of "immeasurable longevity." Though the three sages' expressions differ, their meanings converge. Those who truly achieve benevolence (ren) fully realize their inherent nature, thereby attaining this "deathless" state—how could such longevity have limits? Ordinary people see only hair and nails returning to earth, bodily fluids to water, warmth to fire, and movement to wind, mistakenly believing in actual death, unaware that true nature endures eternally, never truly perishing.

Zou Hao (posthumously titled Duke Zhong) identified the "mysterious female gate" (xuanpin zhi men) in the human body as corresponding to the nose, as breath enters and exits there. "Subtle yet ever-present, used without exhaustion" describes deep, prolonged breathing. Quoting Zhuangzi, he noted that ordinary people breathe from the throat, while those who attain the Dao breathe as profoundly as reaching the heels.

This passage explores Daoist perspectives on desires, celestial mechanisms, the transformations of Yin-Yang, and the art of living.

It first observes that those who speak ambiguously while harboring deep desires often possess meager innate spiritual endowment. The Yellow Emperor's Inner Canon states: without the rhythm of inhalation and exhalation, there would be no process of life from growth to decline; without the ascent and descent of Yin-Yang, there would be no cyclical pattern of creation and dissolution in all things. This dynamic movement of rising, falling, emerging, and withdrawing permeates all existence. Only by understanding how to maintain this natural order can one comprehend why the "Valley Spirit" (metaphor for the Dao's serene emptiness) remains eternally undying. It further teaches that an empty mind naturally becomes fulfilled, while a yielding will paradoxically grows strong.

Shao Bowen commented that Shao Yong believed Laozi grasped the essence of the Book of Changes, while Mencius mastered its application. Regarding Wang Tong, he remarked that calling the Buddha "a sage of the West" was not excessive praise.

Zheng Xia elaborated: Laozi taught that knowing contentment prevents disgrace, and understanding limits averts failure. The Book of Changes warns that knowing only advancement without retreat, only survival without demise, or only gain without loss—these are not aligned with the true path. Only sages can balance progression and withdrawal, existence and dissolution. Though these principles share the same root, worldly people struggle to practice knowing when to withdraw, accept cessation, feel content, or recognize limits. The key lies in following the Dao's rhythm—advancing when appropriate, pausing when necessary.

Laozi categorized people into three types: those of superior capacity who hear the Great Dao and diligently practice it; those of middling capacity who believe halfheartedly; and those of inferior capacity who mock it—yet being ridiculed proves its authenticity. Because the Great Dao is vast, it appears dissimilar to mundane affairs. People entangled in trivialities can only comprehend small, concrete matters, making the Dao seem elusive. Yet virtue's foundation lies precisely in returning to this expansiveness—achieving this state means uniting with the Dao, naturally setting one apart. As Laozi noted: "When all under heaven say my Dao seems too grand to be practical—this is precisely because the multitude dwells on minutiae, while I alone embrace pristine simplicity."

This passage explores the inherent purity of human nature that is easily tainted by external influences, and the path to restoring one's original essence.

Deliberate and forced actions often appear unnatural. Truly great things typically transcend worldly understanding, making them difficult for ordinary people to comprehend. When those of lesser wisdom first hear the profound truths of the Dao (the Way), they often mock it—yet this very mockery proves its authenticity. Just as water nourishes all things without contention, willingly settling in lowly places that people despise, it comes closest to the essence of the Dao. But when stirred and polluted, water turns turbid and foul, becoming unfit even for washing feet—a consequence of its own disturbance.

Those seeking to restore their innate purity should take this as a lesson: the clarity of one's original nature is inherently complete, while turbidity and chaos are self-inflicted. Only by removing the factors that disturb the mind can inner clarity manifest. Then, even amid a chaotic world, one can preserve their true nature untainted. When a person remains unswayed by external things, their inner radiance naturally grows—a transformation that often occurs unnoticed.

Water is originally clear but becomes muddy when mixed with soil; left undisturbed, it clarifies again. Human wisdom, too, is meant to be luminous but grows confused when deluded by external things; through gradual cultivation, it regains its brightness. Turbidity and confusion are foreign contaminations, while clarity and illumination are our true nature.

Just as heaven and earth naturally send down rain and dew to nourish all things without human intervention, distributing it evenly, so too should human spiritual wisdom manifest spontaneously. The author notes that before the Three Dynasties (Xia, Shang, and Zhou), though there were no teachings from Confucius, Mencius, Laozi, Zhuangzi, or the Buddha, people still followed the Dao (the Way). Later philosophical schools emerged to rescue a drowning world.

Ye Mengde wrote in the "Preface to the Great Celebration Lay Buddhist" that this practitioner originally grounded himself in Confucian teachings but later attained enlightenment through Laozi's wisdom (as detailed in the Xitang Collection). Just as the Book of Documents begins with Yao and Shun, while the Book of Changes traces back to Fuxi, Shennong, and the Yellow Emperor, it shows that even older wisdom traditions existed before Yao. Though the Six Classics have been preserved, the truths of antiquity must be grasped through mindful contemplation.

This passage explores the relationship between Laozi's thought and other schools of philosophy, as well as the essence of Daoist cultivation.

It first points out that the principles passed down through generations from Fuxi and Shennong to the Yellow Emperor and the sage-kings Yao and Shun all resonate with the "Book of Changes" (Yijing). Laozi's teachings differ little from the Yijing. Confucius mentions Laozi (as Lao Peng) in the Analects, and while Mencius fiercely criticized Yang Zhu and the Mohist school, he never criticized Laozi. Mencius' cultivation method of "exhausting the heart-mind to know one's nature and thus fulfill one's destiny" aligns precisely with what Laozi valued. This shows neither Confucius nor Mencius rejected Laozi's teachings. Where Laozi's thought differs from Confucius, it mostly serves as corrective criticism for contemporary ills, while their points of convergence harmonize with the Yijing. Later Buddhism, though more abstruse in theory, shares fundamental principles with Laozi's doctrine as complementary aspects.

Ye Mengde observed that while Laozi advocates "concentrating Qi to attain softness" (reaching an infant-like state of pliability), and Mencius promotes cultivating "the supremely great and supremely firm" (the vast, upright Qi), these seemingly opposite approaches are actually interconnected. When human Qi becomes scattered, it conflicts with external forces, appearing rigid; when concentrated, it returns inward, manifesting softness. True strength doesn't come from forceful domination but through yielding accomplishment. Cultivating upright Qi while remaining unharmed by external forces resembles Zengzi's concept of "guarding simplicity" - ultimately returning to subtle refinement. Thus, the Dao of nurturing Qi unites firmness and softness as one.

Dong Sijing summarizes that Laozi's Dao takes clarity-quietness and Wuwei (non-action) in accordance with nature as its fundamental tenets. These manifest concretely as: responding to all things with empty stillness and luminous detachment without attachment; taking compassion, frugality, humility, and non-contention as behavioral standards; and governing through non-interference, non-coercion, and not preceding heavenly timing. These principles constitute Laozi's art of statecraft.

Laozi's philosophy of governing the world reached the ultimate perfection. Had his principles been implemented, the golden age of antiquity could have been restored. In an era when superficial extravagance prevailed and pristine simplicity had long vanished, Laozi steadfastly upheld the pure and unadorned Dao. His spiritual realm ran counter to his time, and he knew he must await the proper moment for action. Thus he never attained the appropriate position to implement his teachings, for he clearly recognized how his doctrines contradicted the prevailing trends.

Yet Laozi could never remain indifferent to the possible loss of the great Dao. Therefore he accepted disciples indiscriminately, regardless of social status, and even showed concern for the customs of distant western regions. This reveals the depth of his compassion for both present and future generations. Fortunately, his teachings did not perish—thanks to Yin Xi, the Guardian of the Western Pass who awaited the sage's arrival, and Confucius in the east who encountered the "true dragon" (referring to Laozi), his writings and sayings were preserved.

Transmitters like He Shanggong, Huang Shigong, Yue Chengong and Gai Gong delved deeper into Laozi's true meaning and embodied it in practice. They concentrated the Dao's transformative power within their personal cultivation, thereby attaining in their spiritual world the pristine simplicity of Fu Xi's era. When their Daoist learning was transmitted to suitable recipients, remarkable effects followed: Emperor Wen of Han governed as enlightened ruler through it; Zhang Liang assisted the Han dynasty with it; Cao Shen administered Qi state by it. These examples clearly demonstrate how the Daoist lineage continued after the tyrannical Qin dynasty.

Had someone pursued even further, demanding of themselves the standards of Fu Xi's time, they might have reached the realm of ancient sage-kings. Some readers, observing the broad and magnanimous language of the Daode Jing, fail to grasp its profound cultivation practice of "reaching utmost emptiness and maintaining perfect stillness." Unaware that the most rigorous self-cultivation forms the fundamental basis for governance, they superficially pursue apparent tolerance and inclusiveness, only to fall into the pitfalls of laxity and indulgence, inviting criticism of being "pure but impractical." Thus Confucius regarded the Daode Jing as unorthodox doctrine—what a regrettable misunderstanding!

Some claim the text secretly contains alchemical instructions: the "being" and "non-being" in Chapter 1 allude to the Shen (spirit), Qi (vital energy), water and fire of Neidan (internal alchemy) practice; "emptying the heart and filling the belly" reveals the secret of refining "lead" (alchemical term); "skill in employing troops" metaphorically describes lead-gathering methods; the character "chong" (冲), composed of water and middle radicals, symbolizes the true primordial water within Qi; "thirty spokes share one hub" corresponds to the five viscera and six Qi, also secretly matching a month-long firing process cycle. However, these alchemical essentials are now mentioned only briefly. Why? Because spiritual realization requires personal awakening, and concrete methods demand oral transmission from master to disciple. Even if there were genuine secret formulas, only direct and detailed instruction from a realized master could convey them—how could mere words possibly suffice? Moreover, this classic primarily illuminates the great Dao itself.

The text from Laozi Yi primarily discusses the interpretation and commentary on the Daode Jing. The author first cites Bai Juyi's perspective, pointing out that the original intent of Laozi's five-thousand-character Daode Jing was not concerned with alchemy (Neidan/Waidan), immortality cultivation, or ascension to heaven in broad daylight.

Shao Ruoyu (also known by his Daoist name Benlaizi), who annotated the Laozi during the Shaoxing era of the Southern Song Dynasty, proposed: According to Records of the Grand Historian, Laozi was originally an archivist in the Zhou Dynasty. When the Zhou declined, he prepared to retreat into seclusion but was compelled by the border official Yin Xi to compose the two sections of the Daode Jing before disappearing. Later generations mechanically associated the first section with "Dao" and the second with "De (Virtue)." Shao Ruoyu considered this division a vulgar misunderstanding, arguing that the concepts of Dao and De are fundamentally interconnected. He also criticized the arbitrary division of the text into 81 chapters, viewing it as mere pursuit of numerical aesthetics (yang numbers) that does nothing to aid genuine understanding.

The text enumerates common errors in contemporary commentaries: for instance, interpreting "mysterious female" (xuanpin) as referring to the mouth and nose (contrary to its philosophical meaning), or explaining "the path of death" as Buddhist nirvana (inconsistent with facts). The author asserts that these commentators failed to truly comprehend the Great Dao. Confucius sought the Dao but, finding it formless, grounded himself in De. Yet to remain at the level of De without progressing toward the Dao is like passing through a gate without entering the inner chambers.

More people mistakenly equate techniques (fangshu) with the Dao: treating filth as essence, foolishness as simplicity, indolence as wuwei (non-action), asceticism as purity, and conformity as naturalness. Quoting Ge Hong's Baopuzi, the text notes that those who approach the Dao with the utilitarian mindset of sexual practices or alchemy (Waidan) inevitably misunderstand the profound wuwei of the Daode Jing. True comprehension of the Dao requires transcending such superficial interpretations.

This passage discusses the distinction between cultivating the Dao (道) and pursuing immortality techniques. Laozi (the founder of Daoism) sought the Dao of longevity and perpetual vision, emphasizing diligent practice rather than specifically chasing immortality. Those so-called immortals dwelling on the three mythical mountains like Penglai, who ride phoenixes to audience with the Celestial Emperor, remain fundamentally bound by Heaven and Earth. Even if they live for millions of years, they ultimately perish. Without genuine enlightenment of the Dao, how would they differ from the legendary Great Chun tree that lives eight thousand years? This isn't to deny immortality techniques, but rather to caution against becoming obsessed with them at the expense of true Dao cultivation.

Jiang Mao (a Song Dynasty scholar known as the Hermit of Stern Valley) remarked: The Dao is profoundly mysterious and difficult to articulate. What people call "Dao" is merely a borrowed name, not the true Dao. The Confucian Five Classics discuss the Dao quite briefly, while Laozi, Liezi, and Zhuangzi elaborate more extensively. Though their treatments vary in detail, all aim to illuminate the Dao's fundamental nature. When asked whether the Daode Jing (道德经) was written by Laozi himself or compiled by later generations, Jiang Mao replied this was hard to verify. He had seen an ancient version in a collector's possession that differed slightly from current editions—mostly in chapter sequence—leading him to suspect later rearrangement.

Regarding the relationship between Dao (道) and De (德): The Dao encompasses everything, while the five thousand characters of the Daode Jing record only the speakable aspects of Dao. Some questioned the appropriateness of separating Dao and De in discussion. Jiang Mao maintained they share the same essence despite different names, using water as metaphor: Dao resembles vast lakes and seas (universal principles all follow), while De resembles rivers and streams (personal cultivation). Though their forms differ, both remain fundamentally water. Similarly, Dao and De, despite distinct expressions, point to the same ultimate truth.

This passage primarily discusses the relationship between the Dao (the Way) and De (Virtue/Power), and how spiritual practitioners comprehend the Great Dao. The author uses water as a metaphor: just as water accumulates in low-lying areas, rushes down rivers, and flows swiftly through ditches—all being water yet manifesting differently—so too the Dao permeates all things. Lakes, oceans, depressions, rivers, and canals each receive water (symbolizing how practitioners apprehend the Dao) in distinct forms. Though all are called "water," their essential qualities differ.

The Daoist practitioner must comprehend the Great Dao with heart-mind and contemplate it with Shen (spirit), refining their understanding until fully satisfied. Only then can they accomplish De and establish real achievement. When De completely merges with the Dao, one returns to the primordial origin. The Dao is no richer than De—when the Dao disperses and manifests, it becomes De. Nor is De deficient compared to the Dao—when De is cultivated to perfection, the Dao becomes implicit within it. Thus, sages can fully grasp the Dao and reach perfection, while noble persons understand the Dao and perfect their De—this marks their difference.

Someone asked: "The Dao is mysterious and formless—can De be perceived?" The answer: The Dao has no fixed form, while De has phases of completion and deficiency. Since it has completion and deficiency, it naturally becomes clearly visible to the heart-mind. When united with the Dao, it cannot be named as De; when distinguished from De, it becomes discernible with names. Hence it's said: "The Dao has no constant name, while De has definite form."

During Laozi's era of dramatic intellectual transformation, his teachings all aimed to clarify ultimate truth. Though expressed diversely, like having both head and tail, when traced to the root they reveal no fundamental separation.

Regarding life and death: Thoughts arising from the heart-mind are endless, therefore the life manifesting through the body knows no termination. Death leads to rebirth, rebirth to death—an endless cycle. Laozi said: "Emerging is life, entering is death." The path of life accounts for three parts, the path of death three parts, and death caused by reckless action another three parts—three threes making nine. Of ten, only one transcends life and death. What is this one? It refers to those who return to original authenticity. Those committed to Daoist practice should cultivate body and nature, following natural tendencies—only then can they properly discuss this matter.

Finally, someone asked: "Laozi, Liezi, Zhuangzi, and Mencius were all ancient Dao-realized sages whose teachings sought credibility. Why then did they criticize each other?" Laozi said: "My greatest misfortune is having this body"; Liezi said: "Those who look inward find verification through the body"; Zhuangzi said: "This body does not belong to me"; while Mencius claimed: "All things are complete within me." These seemingly contradictory statements actually expound truth from different perspectives.

All things in the universe are contained within oneself. The greatest joy comes from turning inward in contemplation while maintaining sincerity. Some despise the physical body, considering it a source of calamity; others treasure it as containing all that one needs. Are these two views not contradictory?

In truth, both perspectives hold validity. The human "body" can be understood on two levels: first as the material form (ti), including limbs, bones, and internal organs; second as the spiritual nature (xing), encompassing perception, speech, action, and consciousness. Laozi and Zhuangzi primarily discussed the body from the "material form" perspective, viewing the physical vessel as a source of affliction and advocating Wuwei (non-action). Lie Yukou and Mencius, however, approached it from the "spiritual nature" standpoint, seeing the essential self as containing the principles of all things and promoting "inner observation."

Regarding the essentials of breath regulation (xi): one must harmonize with the movements of Yin-Yang qi, following the cyclical changes of the midnight-noon (zi-wu) temporal framework. This breathing resembles an eternally turning wheel or an endless circle, connecting with the primordial qi of heaven and earth without cease. This is what Laozi called "chong qi" (surge energy). Understanding breath regulation leads to nurturing qi; understanding qi cultivation leads to entering the Dao, ultimately attaining the meditative state of "embracing the One" (baoyi). As Laozi said, breathing should be fine as silk—so subtle it seems nonexistent, completely natural without artifice.

Zhuangzi mentioned those who deliberately adjust breathing to nourish their form, noting they remain at a superficial level of practice. True mastery in cultivation requires the marvelous union of form and spirit (shen), rooted in grasping the "Mother of Qi"—what Laozi called the "Mysterious Feminine Gate" (xuanpin zhi men), the primordial qi of life. This demands transcending mere breathing techniques to achieve unity with the Dao.

The fundamental essence of all things in heaven and earth lies in the eternal and indestructible Dao. When someone asked Confucius about Qi (vital energy), he replied: "Do not cling to subjective assumptions, nor stubbornly adhere to personal opinions." Laozi said: "When I transcend the limitations of the physical body, what remains to worry about?" The Buddha (Gautama) likewise taught liberation from attachment to the six senses—sight, hearing, smell, taste, touch, and thought.

During life, humans possess both external physical forms and internal consciousness. Why then do teachings advocate relinquishing these? Because the state of "non-being" (wu) is the ultimate destination of all virtuous practices and the root of all cultivation methods. When one sheds external attachments and returns the mind to emptiness, complete unity with the Dao can be achieved. Though cultivation approaches may appear different—some through seated meditation and self-forgetting, some through breath regulation to nourish Qi, others through wall-gazing contemplation—their ultimate purpose remains identical.

Mao, styled Zhongchang, was a native of Sanqu in Zhejiang who called himself "Recluse of the Ravined Valley." He lived in mountain seclusion, sustaining himself by teaching Confucian classics. During the Shaoxing era of the Southern Song Dynasty, when a high minister recommended him to the court, he firmly declined the imperial summons and returned to his homeland. Contemporary scholars deeply respected his virtuous character (as recorded in the Ravined Valley Collection).