《漢丞相諸葛忠武侯集》Vol. 5

This passage is a preface and analysis written by Lan Zhang of Donglai during the Ming dynasty regarding Zhuge Liang's "Eight Formations Diagram" (Bazhentu). Its main content examines the origins and practical applications of the Eight Formations:

Lan Zhang first points out that there are many misconceptions about the origins of the Eight Formations. Some attribute it to the "Fenghou Wuji Wen" from the Yellow Emperor's era, but Lan's research shows this was actually a later forgery—merely commentary on the Eight Formations. Dugu Ji's claim that it came from the Yellow Emperor's "Outer Chapters" and Ma Long's "Eight Formations Eulogy" were likewise explanatory works, while the "Li Weigong Wendui" attributed to Li Jing was in fact a Song dynasty forgery by Ruan Yi.

Four physical remnants of the Eight Formations survive: in Mianyang, Shaanxi (modern Mian County); Xindu, Sichuan; Yufu, Chongqing (modern Fengjie); and Chengdu's southern market. Lan personally visited Mianyang to pay respects at Zhuge Liang's tomb but found the ancient formations unrecognizable. The Xindu and Chengdu sites were also damaged, leaving only the Yufu formations well-preserved. After having diagrams drawn for study, he discovered the front section's sixty-four mounds corresponded to the sixty-four hexagrams of the "Book of Changes" (Yijing), while the rear twenty-four mounds of the "Crescent Moon Formation" matched the twenty-four lines of change. The Eight Formations derived from the Yijing's principle of "squareness for knowledge," while the Crescent Moon Formation embodied "circularity for spiritual efficacy."

Lan critiques earlier misinterpretations: Huan Wen's "Changshan Snake Formation" actually referred to a high straight-line array, not the Eight Formations; Li Quan's "Taiyin Jing" arbitrarily categorized Heaven-Earth-Wind-Cloud as orthodox troops and Dragon-Tiger-Bird-Snake as unorthodox. Most absurd was the claim that the Eight Formations served only as training diagrams without actual battlefield applications.

Finally, Lan mentions applying this knowledge during bandit uprisings in Shu. While stationed in Hanzhong on military campaign, he developed the sixty-four mound system into eight variant formations—internal/external, front/rear, and four corner arrays—using flexible maneuvers of expansion/contraction and interlocking curves. This brought both training and battlefield deployment into perfect order.

This passage discusses the "Eight Formations Diagram" military system created by Zhuge Liang (styled Kongming, posthumously titled Marquis Zhongwu) and its operational principles.

Originating from the military strategies of Feng Hou during the Yellow Emperor's era, Zhuge Liang innovated upon this foundation through his own insights. He arranged stones on sandy terrain into an eight-by-eight grid formation, incorporating directional designations such as "Heavenly Balance and Earthly Pivot," "Heavenly Front Assault and Rear Assault," and "Earthly Front Assault and Rear Assault," along with variations like the "Wind Formation" and "Cloud Formation." The entire system comprises 64 transformations, derived from multiplying the basic formations. Additionally, 24 mobile units were deployed as the "Crescent Moon Formation" behind the main array, enabling rapid response to unexpected threats.

The text explains that the brilliance of the Eight Formations Diagram lies in its adaptability: during training, it flows as naturally as the body commanding the arm and the arm directing the fingers; in battle, it adjusts flexibly according to Yin-Yang transformations, leaving the enemy confounded. As Sun Tzu stated, "Appearing disordered yet perfectly disciplined, appearing circular yet impregnable." This was precisely why Sima Yi (a renowned Wei general during the Three Kingdoms period) dared not engage Zhuge Liang lightly—such was his fear of this formation.

The passage also notes that Ma Long, a celebrated Jin dynasty general, employed this formation to defeat the Xianbei chieftain Shu Jineng's tens of thousands of cavalry with just three thousand infantry, reclaiming Liangzhou. Regrettably, later military strategists often treated the system as mere theoretical discussion rather than applying it to actual troop training. Though military manuals documented its diagrams, few truly grasped its essence.

(Note: The Eight Formations Diagram was a renowned ancient military system that combined different troop types and directional arrangements into an offensive-defensive framework; the "Crescent Moon Formation" refers to a crescent-shaped reserve force; "Shu Jineng" was a Xianbei tribal leader during the Western Jin dynasty.)

This passage discusses the "Eight Formations Diagram" military strategy created by Zhuge Liang (posthumously titled Marquis Zhongwu) during the Three Kingdoms period, along with its training methods. When General Lan of Donglai was stationed with troops in Hanzhong, he specifically dispatched personnel to investigate the remains of Zhuge Liang's Eight Formations at Fishbelly (modern-day Fengjie, Chongqing). By studying the layout of the stone fortifications and with the assistance of Long Zheng—a military tactician from Wudu—he finally grasped its profound mysteries.

General Lan practiced the formations in his yamen's rear courtyard using small stones, discovering that this tactical system possessed infinite variations. He subsequently refined the formations into more detailed diagrams, compiling them into manuals distributed to officers and soldiers for study. After mastering these techniques, the troops' combat effectiveness increased tenfold. They also innovated the "charging formation" tactic, selecting elite units to spearhead assaults on enemy positions, achieving consistent victories thereafter.

Regarding specific training methods for the Eight Formations: each dawn, troops would assemble in seven-row, seven-column formations. Three thousand soldiers were organized into four squads, twenty thousand into four formations, and two hundred thousand into four divisions—all deployed in two-tiered encampments. At the sound of the central command's signal flute, officers of all ranks were required to report to headquarters for orders. During transmission of commands, absolute silence was maintained to prevent disruption of formations.

The drill signals followed three stages: at the first signal, infantry assembled while cavalry loosened reins; at the second, infantry raised banners and cavalry mounted; at the third, drums sounded as central columns advanced slowly—every eighteen paces marked by a cannon shot from headquarters, banners waving thrice, soldiers shouting three battle cries, concluding with the war trumpet signaling drill completion. This rigorous formation training enabled troops to swiftly adapt to battlefield dynamics.

This passage provides a detailed account of ancient military drills for the "Eight Formation Diagrams" (Bazhentu). When rapid drumbeats sound, troops advance swiftly for eighteen paces, halting at the signal of metallic instruments (jin). Gongs then ring out, and soldiers begin maneuvering weapons such as fire lances, bows, spears, and shields, assuming combat postures. The entire army shouts "Hu! Hu! Hu!" three times in unison, accompanied by the shrill tones of suona (bailie) and the clashing of weapons (shuaijue), marking the completion of the first formation drill.

With the second round of drumbeats, the following troops advance slowly, proceeding eighteen paces past the front of the first formation before firing a cannon, waving flags once, and shouting a battle cry. As trumpets blare and drumming intensifies, the troops rush forward seventeen paces before halting, again deploying their weapons in formation and roaring "Sha! Sha! Sha!" three times to conclude the second formation drill.

The third and fourth formations follow similar procedures, though the marching distance remains eighteen paces, and the chants change to "Tu! Tu! Tu!" and "He! He! He!" respectively. After the central command (zhongjun) fires three signal rockets (qi huo), all units withdraw in orderly fashion to their original positions, encamping in the layout of the Eight Formation Diagrams with all soldiers facing outward.

To practice tactical variations, forward scouts must first prepare signal equipment such as drums, flags, gongs, and other noisemakers. The central command directs formation shifts using black (xuan) and yellow banners, coordinating transitions between the "Heaven-Covering Formation" (Tianfu Zhen) and "Earth-Supporting Formation" (Dizai Zhen) with cannon signals. The entire drill relies on precise coordination of troop movements through drums, flags, artillery, and other auditory and visual commands.

This describes the training method of the "Eight Formations Diagram" created by the ancient military strategist Zhuge Liang, detailing the precise procedures for troop deployment and transformation.

At the start of the drill, the Heaven Formation units advance southward slowly to position themselves, while the Earth Formation units move northward at the same pace. Upon reaching designated positions, each unit waves its flag once and shouts in unison, then rapidly advances to encampment positions following drumbeats. When metallic sounds cease and gongs resound, archers and spear-shield bearers assume combat stances, shouting "Protect! Protect! Protect!" three times in unison.

A special signal then sounds, prompting units to regroup. The central army fires three signal arrows, and both formations simultaneously withdraw to the main array. Victory drums sound as all horns and instruments play together, with units returning to original positions. To transform formations, the procedure repeats as before, now directed by the left flank officer entering the formation.

When the central army raises five-colored flags, the second transformation begins: Wind-Soaring Formation and Cloud-Draping Formation. The Wind units advance westward while Cloud units move eastward, following the same movement and halt signals but now shouting "Kill! Kill! Kill!" three times.

The third transformation is commanded by the right flank officer. The central army raises blue and white flags to drill the Dragon-Flying Formation and Tiger-Wing Formation. Dragon units advance southeast, Tiger units northwest, shouting "Charge! Charge! Charge!" three times.

The fourth transformation is led by the rear flank officer. The central army raises red and black flags to practice the Bird-Gliding Formation and Snake-Coiling Formation. Bird units move northeast, Snake units southwest, shouting "Strike! Strike! Strike!" three times.

The Eight Formations Diagram operates on this principle: Basic units gradually assemble into complete formations (ancient military organization: 100 soldiers form a unit, two units make a "palace," two palaces a "tune," two tunes a "division"). The troop structure aligns with the generative sequence of the Five Phases (Wood, Fire, Earth, Metal, Water), while formation changes symbolize the Bagua (Eight Trigrams, derived from Taiji [Supreme Ultimate] which generates two polarities [Yin-Yang], then four phenomena, then the eight trigrams). Thus, four formations flank each side of the command platform representing the two polarities, while sixteen units at front and rear embody the four phenomena.

This passage describes the intricate formation of the ancient military strategy known as the "Eightfold Battle Array" (Bazhentu), originating from Zhuge Liang's tactical system. The eight arrays correspond to the eight cardinal directions—north, east, west, southeast, northeast, southwest, and northwest—mirroring the symbolism of the Bagua (Eight Trigrams). The mobile troops align with the cyclical patterns of the twenty-four solar terms.

The formation has a two-tiered structure: at its core are eight main forces, while the periphery consists of twenty-four mobile units. In deployment, troops are typically divided into left and right wings, each with twelve arrays, symbolizing the cyclical interplay of Yin-Yang between heaven and earth. Among these, fourteen arrays represent the static balance of Yin-Yang opposition, while the twenty-four arrays embody the dynamic flow of Yin-Yang transformation—a concept resonating with the "exchange" and "transformation" principles in the Yijing (Book of Changes).

The basic unit follows a "five-by-five" structure: five soldiers form a squad (Wu), fifteen make up a platoon (Dui), and with five command flags, the total comes to fifty-five—a number derived from the "numbers of heaven and earth" (heaven's number twenty-five plus earth's number thirty). Eight platoons constitute one array with 440 soldiers, and eight arrays form a division totaling 3,520 troops—the fundamental combat unit capable of executing four formation variations: "Heaven Covers, Earth Supports" (Tianfu Dizai), "Wind Rises, Clouds Hang" (Fengyang Yunhui), "Dragon Soars, Tiger Flanks" (Longfei Huyi), and "Bird Glides, Snake Coils" (Niaoxiang Shepan).

The highest organizational level combines eight divisions under one commander, totaling 28,160 soldiers. At this scale, the entire formation transforms dynamically: the southern troops shift into the Heaven Covers array, the northern into Earth Supports, the eastern into Clouds Hang, the western into Wind Rises, the southeastern into Dragon Soars, the northwestern into Tiger Flanks, the northeastern into Bird Glides, and the southwestern into Snake Coils. A mobile reserve of 1,328 soldiers provides tactical support. This arrangement not only aligns with Yijing numerology but also demonstrates exceptional battlefield flexibility.

This passage discusses ancient military formation strategies. When Zhuge Liang commanded troops, he divided his forces into two components: one for defense and one for offense. The army was deployed across four cardinal directions (front, rear, left, and right), with officers of all ranks performing distinct duties. A special central command post called the "Eight Gates Central Army" handled vigilance, with all authority concentrated in the hands of its commanding general.

The text mentions "Heaven, Earth, Wind, and Cloud" as the four primary orientations (zheng), while "Dragon, Tiger, Bird, and Serpent" served as auxiliary positions (qi), illustrating how military tactics emphasized adaptability. When threats emerged from all eight directions, regular troops (zhengbing) formed the main force while mobile units (youbing) acted as flexible support. If enemies approached from the four primary fronts, regular troops would execute pincer movements—demonstrating how conventional forces could also fulfill unconventional roles. Mastering such dynamic tactics required profound understanding of military strategy.

Regarding military organization, eight generals commanded a full army totaling 225,280 soldiers—the kind of massive deployment Han Xin referenced when saying "the more, the better." Each central command unit comprised 28,160 troops, supplemented by 10,560 mobile soldiers, creating a potential total force of 309,760. During deployments, forward units attacked while rear units held positions. A southern general could transform formations into eight variations, with each cardinal direction capable of eight tactical configurations, while mobile troops adjusted flexibly according to central command needs.

The specific deployment method was as follows: The command platform's left flank arranged four formations and the right another four, stationed in two layers for junior officers; four left and four right divisions in two layers for mid-rank commanders; and four left and four right generals in two layers for senior commanders. A thousand-soldier unit could form the "Six Blossoms Formation" (circular array), spanning sixty paces per side. This hexagonal formation originated from Li Jing's external six-army structure, comprising vanguard, rear guard, and four other units encircling the central command in defensive rings. Unlike the square Eight Formations Diagram, this circular arrangement equally emphasized coordinated interplay between units, creating an interlocking defensive web.

This passage describes the "Eight Formations" battle array devised by the ancient military strategist Zhuge Liang. The formations are categorized into three scales based on troop numbers: minor, medium, and major deployments.

The minor formation requires 3,520 soldiers, with each side of the array spanning 120 paces (an ancient unit of length). The medium formation employs 8,160 soldiers, with each side covering 600 paces. The major formation uses 225,280 soldiers, with each side extending 1,200 paces. Here, "paces" refers to the length occupied by each side of the formation.

The spacing between units also varies: in the minor formation, each unit is separated by 18 paces; in the medium formation, each array is spaced 86 paces apart; and in the major formation, each division maintains a 172-pace gap. The center of the formation must remain open to station the central command. Minor formations are led by junior commanders, medium formations by mid-ranking officers, and major formations by senior generals—this is known as the "grasping the pivot" (or "grasping the mechanism," referring to mastering the formation's key elements).

When deploying the troops, they are divided into eight numbered groups:

1. Group One: Heaven, Rear, and Four Charge units, plus two Wind and two Cloud units from the northeast and northwest.

2. Group Two: Earth, Rear, and Four Charge units, plus two Wind and two Cloud units from the northeast and northwest.

3. Group Three: Two Rear Earth Axis and two Rear Earth Charge units.

4. Group Four: Four Rear Earth Axis units, plus two Left and Right Rear Heaven Balance units.

5. Group Five: Four Front Earth Axis units, plus two Left and Right Front Heaven Balance units.

6. Group Six: Two Front Earth Axis and two Front Earth Charge units, plus two Left and Right Front Heaven Balance units.

7. Group Seven: Four Front Earth Charge units, plus two Wind and two Cloud units from the southeast and southwest.

8. Group Eight: Four Front Heaven Balance units, plus two Wind and two Cloud units from the southeast and southwest.

Each group’s number must be marked on its corresponding banner, and the order must not be confused when setting up camp. Upon hearing the central command’s signal, the formations advance in sequence:

• At the first signal, Groups One, Two, Five, and Six advance 36 paces to form the front line. After engagement, they withdraw and reassemble into the eight formations.
• At the second signal, Groups Three, Four, Seven, and Eight advance past the first line by another 36 paces.
• At the third signal, the first line dispatches Groups Five and Six to move 36 paces beyond the second line.
• At the fourth signal, the second line sends Groups Seven and Eight to advance 36 paces past the third line.

After each engagement, the troops must regroup into the eight formations.

This passage describes the Eight Formations battle array devised by Zhuge Liang. The complete formation is divided into distinct sections representing Heaven, Earth, Wind, Cloud, each with specific functions:

The main formation comprises eight sections: Four Heaven's Vanguard arrays at the front, four Heaven's Rearguard arrays at the back; sixteen Heaven's Balance units flank both sides, while twelve Earth's Pivot arrays hold the center. Six Earth's Vanguard arrays advance forward, six Earth's Rearguard arrays protect the rear. Eight Wind arrays occupy the four cardinal directions (siwei), and eight Cloud arrays secure the four corners. This configuration naturally forms the complete Eight Formations structure. When encountering enemy attacks from flanks or rear, troops maneuver according to predetermined signals to maintain formation integrity.

Twenty-four mobile units (youbing) operate in two detachments of twelve arrays each. Every three arrays form a signaling unit, totaling four groups deployed in two layers. These mobile troops coordinate their advances and retreats with the main formation, but withdraw to concealed rear positions when encamping. Their flexible maneuvers often prove decisive in battle.

The entire formation embodies the Daoist principle of Yin-Yang interdependence: The Heaven, Cloud, Dragon and Bird arrays belong to Yang (clear Yang Qi), positioned southeast; the Earth, Wind, Tiger and Snake arrays belong to Yin (turbid Yin Qi), deployed northwest. Mobile units are similarly grouped by attribute. The formation's transformations mirror seasonal changes and Yin-Yang alternations, yet maintain coherent momentum throughout. The commander functions like the primordial Qi governing the army—the slightest hesitation disrupts formations, creating openings for enemies.

Special mention is made of the "Heaven's Canopy Array": This formation appears square externally but circular internally, symbolizing the celestial dome. Composed of sixteen sub-arrays with wind-like extensions at the corners, it serves as the Eight Formations' core and strategic linchpin. A skilled commander maintains this array's perfect equilibrium at all times.

(Note: The Eight Formations Diagram represents a renowned ancient military system combining Daoist Yin-Yang philosophy with tactical strategy, creating an integrated offensive-defensive framework through coordinated troop deployments)

This passage explains the transformational principles of the "Eight Formations Diagram" in ancient military tactics, originating from Zhuge Liang's strategic system. It primarily describes the deployment methods of four fundamental battle formations:

The core of the Heaven-Earth formations lies in four variations of "inner-outer-left-right." The first variation is the "division of inner and outer," which further divides into the Heaven's Canopy Formation and Earth's Support Formation.

The Heaven's Canopy Formation (symbolizing heaven's overarching power) is characterized by "having wind but no clouds." When deploying, the outer perimeter troops form the main force: two "Heavenly Vanguard Assault" units position due south, while two "wind"-attribute units flank both southeast and southwest directions. The center is guarded by four "Heavenly Balance" units, with two "Heavenly Charge" units securing each end. The rear is anchored by four "Rear Heavenly Balance" units, with two "wind"-attribute units stationed northeast and northwest. This formation resembles wind adhering to heaven, operating in circular motion.

The Earth's Support Formation (symbolizing earth's sustaining virtue) features "having clouds but no wind." Deployment centers around middle troops: three "Earthly Rear Assault" units hold due north, with two "cloud"-attribute units guarding both northeast and northwest flanks. Three "Earthly Axis" units form the central defense line on each side, supplemented by "Earthly Charge" units securing key passages. This square-shaped formation demonstrates cloud adhering to earth, presenting solid stability.

The second variation is the "division of left and right," where the Wind-Spreading Formation (symbolizing wind's elusive nature) primarily utilizes right-flank troops. Two "Heavenly Vanguard Assault" units position due west, with "wind"-attribute units protecting northwest and southwest. The vanguard center is anchored by three "Earthly Axis" units, flanked by four "Heavenly Charge" units on each side. This fluid formation, serpentine in flexibility, confounds enemies with its unpredictable movements.

Note: The terms "assault" (shock troops), "balance" (stabilizing units), and "axis" (core forces) are specialized tactical designations in ancient military formations, each serving distinct functions. "Wind" and "cloud" here refer to auxiliary troops with specific mobile characteristics.

The text describes two ancient military formations known as the "Cloud-Draped Formation" (Yunchui Zhen) and the "Dragon-Flying Formation" (Longfei Zhen) from Zhuge Liang's Art of War.

The Cloud-Draped Formation is characterized by its unpredictable shifts, much like drifting clouds. When deploying this formation, troops are divided into left and right sections: the left side consists of four "Heavenly Balance" (Tianheng, the main assault force) units as the core, supported by three "Earthly Pivot" (Dizhou, defensive units) to form the central army. Two "Cloud" (Yun, mobile units) teams are positioned on the southeast and northeast flanks each, while two "Heavenly Forward Charge" (Tianqianchong, vanguard) units are stationed due west. Additional Cloud teams are placed in the southwest and northwest. This formation mimics how clouds cling to the heavens—gathering and dispersing unpredictably—allowing for swift bird-like strikes or deliberate chaos.

The Dragon-Flying Formation emulates the dragon’s form and nature. Troops are arranged in front and rear sections: two Cloud teams each on the southeast and northeast serve as wings, while four "Rear Heavenly Balance" (Houtianheng) units form the dragon’s head. These are followed by two "Heavenly Charge" (Tianchong, shock troops) and three "Earthly Charge" (Dichong, flanking units). Three "Earthly Pivot" units on each side compose the dragon’s body, with three more Earthly Charge and two Heavenly Charge units reinforcing the right wing. Finally, four Heavenly Balance units act as the dragon’s tail. This formation moves with the unfathomable depth of a lurking dragon, shifting endlessly in action.

Both formations embody the principle of "endless transformation," directed by drum and gong signals. The Cloud-Draped Formation emphasizes the gathering and scattering of clouds, while the Dragon-Flying Formation highlights the dragon’s agility and might. These famous battle arrays, devised by Zhuge Liang, were inspired by natural phenomena.

The northwestern flank deploys two cloud formations arranged in horizontal (heng) and diagonal (wei) formations, mimicking the imagery of clouds following a dragon's movement—the entire battle array resembles a coiling dragon.

The hymn of the Tiger Wings Formation states:

When the vanguard of Heaven and Earth transforms into the Tiger Wings Formation, it resembles a fierce tiger crouching to pounce, gathering formidable power. Han Xin (Marquis of Huaiyin) once employed this formation with inexhaustible variations. Even Xiang Yu (Duke of Lu) could not decipher it during the Battle of Gaixia.

Deployment of the Tiger Wings Formation:

Transform the vanguard into this formation when there is wind but no clouds. Take half the total forces and position two wind teams each in the northwest and southwest, arranged along the two diagonal axes (wei) as the front claws. Place four Tianheng (Heavenly Balance) teams on the right front as the head, followed closely by two Tianchong (Heavenly Charge) teams. Three Dizhou (Earth Axis) teams flank each side as the torso, while three Diqianchong (Earth Forward Charge) teams extend outward as wings. Behind the Dizhou teams, position two Tianchong teams on the left front, with four Tianheng teams forming the tail. Two wind teams each in the northeast and southeast are arranged along the Tianheng diagonals as hind claws—this mimics wind trailing a tiger, shaping the entire formation into a crouching beast.

The hymn of the Soaring Bird Formation declares:

A bird of prey first soars high before striking, piercing the heavens. Lesser birds flee in terror; once it dives, its target is certain. When this formation attacks, even three armies cannot withstand it.

Deployment of the Soaring Bird Formation:

Use the four-cornered forces of the main array when clouds are present but no wind. Transform the northeast and southwest corners into this formation. Two Tianchong teams at the rear left form the head (northeast), while two at the front right serve as the tail. Three Dizhou teams align to the right of the rear Tianchong, and three to the left of the front Tianchong. Four Tianheng teams extend rightward from the rear axis, while four at the front extend leftward. Three Dichong (Earth Charge) teams flank the right of the rear Tianheng, and three flank the left of the front Tianheng. Two cloud teams each in the northeast and southeast form the right wing, while two each in the northwest and southwest shape the left wing—this mirrors clouds following the charge, resembling a bird in flight.

(The hymn of the Coiling Serpent Formation is fragmentary and omitted here.)

These formations emulate the movements and patterns of celestial creatures, utilizing natural elements like clouds and wind to craft distinctive tactical arrays.

This passage discusses the deployment methods of two ancient military formations: the "Coiled Serpent Formation" and the "Changshan Serpent Formation."

Regarding the Coiled Serpent Formation:

The wind symbolizes the serpent's coiled shape, adapting to celestial patterns. This highly flexible formation, classified among the four extraordinary arrays, neighbors the Tiger Formation. It later evolved into the Changshan Formation with interconnected head and tail. When deployed in the northwest and southeast directions, it's called the Coiled Serpent Formation, used when wind prevails without clouds. The specific arrangement places three "Earth Pivot" units from the rear right in the southwest as the serpent's head, while three "Earth Pivot" units from the front left form the tail. Other troops align according to "Celestial Balance," "Earth Charge," "Heavenly Charge" positions, coordinating with wind squads from different directions to create the serpent's coiled shape.

Concerning the Changshan Serpent Formation:

Primarily infantry-based, this formation comprises five divisions totaling about 4,000 soldiers, adapting to terrain. The army conserves energy while awaiting fatigued enemies and remains well-fed against hungry opponents. Cavalry divides into eight squads (2,000 troops) for flexible response. Upon hearing six drumbeats and seeing dragon banners, troops assume the Changshan formation.

The author critiques traditional formations: the four-sided array proves vulnerable to concentrated breakthroughs, while the long serpent formation collapses entirely if any section is breached. The newly standardized formations feature fixed names and clear unit responsibilities. If any formation falls, its commander faces execution. This ensures mutual support between units—like arms rescuing each other—guaranteeing flawless offense and defense. The central army position holds supreme importance, termed "Central Yellow" (indicating the core command position).

This passage consists of two main parts: first, the military formations of Zhuge Liang's Eight Diagram Battle Arrays, and second, a biographical account of his life.

Regarding the Eight Diagram Battle Arrays: Zhuge Liang devised twelve variations of military formations, each corresponding to one of the twelve two-hour periods of the day. The "Central Yellow Formation" served as the core, while the other twelve formations aligned with their respective time-based directions: the Great Black Formation for the Zi hour (11 PM–1 AM), the Great Crimson Formation for the Wu hour (11 AM–1 PM), the Enemy-Breaking Formation for the Chou hour (1–3 AM), the Left Thrust Formation for the Yin hour (3–5 AM), the Green Serpent Formation for the Mao hour (5–7 AM), the Omen-Crushing Formation for the Chen hour (7–9 AM), the Forward Charge Formation for the Si hour (9–11 AM), the Vanguard Formation for the Wei hour (1–3 PM), the Right Strike Formation for the Shen hour (3–5 PM), the White Cloud Formation for the You hour (5–7 PM), the Decisive Victory Formation for the Xu hour (7–9 PM), and the Rear Charge Formation for the Hai hour (9–11 PM). Each formation had specialized functions—some focused on frontal or rear assaults (Forward Charge, Rear Charge), others on flanking maneuvers (Left Thrust, Right Strike), while formations like White Cloud, Green Serpent, Great Crimson, and Great Black were designed to counter specific enemy tactics.

Regarding Zhuge Liang's life: He was born in Yangdu, Langya. After losing his father at a young age, he followed his uncle Zhuge Xuan to seek refuge under Liu Biao in Jing Province. Following his uncle’s death, he settled in Longzhong, Nanyang. In his youth, he studied alongside Xu Shu (styled Yuanzhi), Shi Guangyuan, and Meng Gongwei. While others sought mastery of classical texts, Zhuge Liang focused only on grasping their essential principles. He often sat with knees clasped, sighing deeply. When asked about his ambitions, he would merely smile without reply. Once, when Meng Gongwei expressed a desire to return to his hometown, Zhuge Liang remarked, "The Central Plains teems with talent—why limit yourself to one’s birthplace?"

While farming the fields, Zhuge Liang enjoyed chanting the Liangfu Yin ballad, though none could discern his true aspirations. He maintained close friendships only with Xu Shu and Cui Zhouping and held deep respect for Pang Degong, whom he often visited alone. Pang Degong dubbed him the "Crouching Dragon." The scholar Huang Chengyan offered his daughter’s hand in marriage—though she was said to be plain in appearance, her intellect was extraordinary, leading to the proverb: "Do not emulate Kongming in choosing a wife."

In the twelfth year of the Jian’an era (207 CE), Liu Bei consulted Sima Hui (styled Decao) on the state of the realm. Sima Hui recommended: "The truly discerning heroes of our time are the 'Crouching Dragon' Zhuge Liang and the 'Young Phoenix' Pang Tong (styled Shiyuan)." Later, Xu Shu also urged Liu Bei to seek out Zhuge Liang, insisting he visit in person. Only after three attempts did Liu Bei finally meet him, whereupon Zhuge Liang presented his famed "Longzhong Dialogue," outlining the strategy for a tripartite division of the realm.

I have privately witnessed our sovereign (Emperor Xian of Han) suffering humiliation. Though my virtue (De) is insufficient and my strength limited, I still wish to uphold justice for the realm. Regrettably, my strategic wisdom is shallow, leading to repeated setbacks in my endeavors. Yet my ambition remains unchanged—what course would you advise?

Zhuge Liang replied: "Since Dong Zhuo's tyrannical reign, heroes have risen everywhere, with countless warlords carving out territories. Compared to Yuan Shao, Cao Cao initially had neither fame nor military strength, yet he prevailed against the stronger—this was not merely Heaven's will, but the result of strategy. Now Cao Cao commands a million troops, manipulating the emperor to control the feudal lords—we cannot confront him directly. Sun Quan has held Jiangdong for three generations, with formidable terrain and popular support. Talented men serve him loyally—he should be our ally, not our target."

"Jing Province borders the Han and Mian rivers to the north, reaches the Southern Sea to the south, connects with Wu and Kuaiji to the east, and links to Ba-Shu to the west—it's strategically vital. Yet its current ruler (Liu Biao) cannot defend it—this is practically Heaven delivering it to you. Yi Province has impregnable terrain and vast fertile lands—a natural treasure that enabled Emperor Gaozu to establish his dynasty. Now Liu Zhang is incompetent and weak, threatened by Zhang Lu in the north. Though the people prosper, he shows no compassion—wise men yearn for enlightened leadership."

"General, as imperial descendant (referring to Liu Bei's lineage from Prince Jing of Zhongshan), your integrity is renowned and you thirst for talent. Secure both Jing and Yi Provinces, guard their strongholds, pacify the western Rong tribes and southern Man-Yue peoples, ally with Sun Quan externally, and cultivate good governance internally. When circumstances shift, dispatch a great general from Jing to attack Wancheng and Luoyang, while you personally lead Yi's forces through Qinchuan—the people will welcome you with food and drink. Thus may hegemony be achieved and the Han restored!"

Liu Bei exclaimed: "Excellent!" From then on, he grew increasingly close to Zhuge Liang. When Guan Yu and Zhang Fei expressed displeasure, Liu Bei explained: "Having Kongming is like a fish gaining water—say no more." Zhuge Liang was then only twenty-seven.

Later, when Liu Biao favored his younger son Liu Cong over elder son Liu Qi, the anxious heir sought Zhuge Liang's counsel. Initially receiving no answer, Liu Qi once accompanied him alone to a high tower where Zhuge Liang had the ladder removed before saying: "Have you not heard how Prince Shen remained at court and perished, while Chong'er found safety in exile?" Realizing, Liu Qi requested transfer to Jiangxia. The next year, Liu Biao died and Liu Cong succeeded—just as Cao Cao launched his southern campaign, whereupon Liu Cong surrendered outright.

When Cao Cao's army approached Wancheng, Liu Bei (General of the Left) first received the news. Zhuge Liang advised: "If we attack Liu Cong now, we can seize Jing Province." But Liu Bei couldn't bring himself to strike against his own clansman, and was forced to lead his troops away. The people of Jing Province flocked to follow Liu Bei, swelling his ranks to over one hundred thousand in short order.

Cao Cao dispatched elite cavalry in rapid pursuit, catching up with Liu Bei's forces at Changban Slope. Abandoning his wife and children, Liu Bei broke through the encirclement with only Zhuge Liang and a few dozen riders, reaching Xiakou. The situation was dire, and Zhuge Liang proposed: "We must now seek aid from Sun Quan (General Sun)." At the time, Sun Quan was stationed at Chaisang, observing the situation.

Zhuge Liang analyzed the situation for Sun Quan: "With the realm in chaos, you hold the lands east of the Yangtze, while Liu Bei (Governor of Yuzhou) garrisons the south of the Han River. Together, you could have contended with Cao Cao. But now Cao Cao has pacified the north and conquered Jing Province, his might shaking the realm. Liu Bei, a hero with no place to wield his strength, has retreated here. You must weigh your options carefully: if you can oppose Cao Cao with the forces of Jiangdong, then act decisively; if not, it would be better to submit. At present, you outwardly submit to Cao Cao while inwardly hesitating—disaster looms!"

Sun Quan retorted: "If what you say is true, why doesn't Liu Bei surrender?" Zhuge Liang replied: "Tian Heng was merely a warrior of Qi, yet he held fast to his principles and refused to yield. How much more so Liu Bei, a scion of the Han imperial house, a man of peerless talent whom the people revere as rivers flowing to the sea? If his grand endeavor fails, it is Heaven's will—how could he bow to another?"

Sun Quan's expression darkened: "I command a hundred thousand warriors in Jiangdong—how could I let others dictate my fate? My mind is made up: only Liu Bei can join me in resisting Cao Cao. But he has just suffered defeat—how can he withstand the enemy?" Zhuge Liang explained: "Though Liu Bei was defeated at Changban, Guan Yu's naval forces remain intact with ten thousand men, and Liu Qi's garrison in Jiangxia also has over ten thousand. Cao's army is exhausted from their long march, covering three hundred li day and night in pursuit—their strength is spent. Moreover, northern soldiers are unaccustomed to naval warfare, and the surrendered troops of Jing Province are not truly loyal. If you appoint a fierce general to lead tens of thousands of troops to join forces with Liu Bei, victory is assured."

This passage recounts the pivotal historical events of Zhuge Liang assisting Liu Bei (referred to as "General of the Left" in the text) in establishing the Shu Han regime. When Cao Cao's forces marched southward, Zhuge Liang analyzed the situation and concluded that defeating Cao's army would force their retreat northward, thereby creating a tripartite balance of power between Jing Province, Eastern Wu, and Shu. Sun Quan, upon hearing this, was greatly pleased and immediately dispatched Zhou Yu, Cheng Pu, and Lu Su with a fleet of 30,000 naval troops to join Zhuge Liang in assisting Liu Bei. Together, they achieved a decisive victory over Cao Cao at the Battle of Red Cliffs.

After the battle, Liu Bei campaigned southward, securing the regions south of the Yangtze and appointing Zhuge Liang as Central Army Advisor-General. Zhuge Liang was tasked with managing taxation in the three commanderies of Lingling, Guiyang, and Changsha to bolster military supplies. The coalition then urged Liu Bei to assume the title of Governor of Jing Province, stationing himself at Gong'an. Sun Quan sought to form an alliance with Liu Bei, but Zhuge Liang advised against Liu Bei personally attending the meeting. Despite this, Liu Bei insisted on going. As predicted, Zhou Yu later suggested detaining Liu Bei, though fortunately, Sun Quan rejected the proposal.

In the 16th year of the Jian'an era (211 CE), Liu Zhang, Governor of Yi Province, sent Fa Zheng to escort Liu Bei into Shu. Zhuge Liang remained behind with Guan Yu to guard Jing Province. Later, when Liu Bei turned against Liu Zhang, he joined forces with Zhuge Liang, Zhang Fei, and Zhao Yun in besieging Chengdu by the 19th year of Jian'an (214 CE). After pacifying Yi Province, Liu Bei appointed Zhuge Liang as General of the Army Advisor, entrusting him with military and administrative affairs. Zhuge Liang selected talent impartially, regardless of personal ties, and even employed capable officials from Liu Zhang's former administration. This approach inspired many aspiring individuals to eagerly serve under him.

In governing Yi Province, Zhuge Liang advocated for strict legal discipline. Fa Zheng suggested emulating Han Gaozu's "Three Articles of Law," arguing for leniency to pacify the newly subjugated populace. However, Zhuge Liang countered: the Qin dynasty collapsed due to harsh governance, so Han Gaozu's policy of leniency was appropriate at the time. But under Liu Zhang's rule, lax laws had allowed local magnates to dominate Shu. To establish authority, it was necessary to enforce strict laws while using noble ranks to motivate the people—only then could proper governance be achieved. Subsequently, Liu Bei led his troops to campaign in Hanzhong, while Zhuge Liang remained in Chengdu to administer state affairs.

This passage documents pivotal historical events where Zhuge Liang assisted Liu Bei in establishing the Shu Han regime. At the time, Liu Bei (General of the Left) urgently needed troop deployments, so Zhuge Liang sought counsel from Shu official Yang Hong. Yang Hong argued that Hanzhong was the strategic throat of Yizhou, proposing full mobilization where "men should fight and women should transport supplies." Zhuge Liang immediately adopted this plan and promoted Yang Hong to Governor of Shu Commandery.

Zhuge Liang prioritized talent over seniority in appointments. Yang Hong had originally been a minor clerk under Li Yan, yet later became Li’s equal as Shu Commandery Governor. Similarly, he promoted the low-ranking clerk He Zhi, who rose to Governor of Guanghan within just a few years—while Yang Hong still served in Shu. This meritocratic approach earned deep respect from Shu’s scholar-officials.

In the 24th year of Jian’an (219 CE), after Liu Bei defeated Cao Cao’s forces at Hanzhong, Zhuge Liang led the court in proclaiming Liu Bei King of Hanzhong. However, Sun Quan soon betrayed their alliance, launching a surprise attack on Jingzhou and killing Guan Yu. The following year, Zhuge Liang advised executing Liu Feng, Liu Bei’s adopted son, due to his violent temperament and refusal to aid Guan Yu during the Shangyong campaign.

In the first year of Yankang (220 CE), when Cao Pi usurped the Han throne and rumors spread of Emperor Xian’s death, Liu Bei held mourning rites. Though initially declining his ministers’ urging to claim the imperial title, Liu Bei ultimately relented after Zhuge Liang’s persuasion: "The Cao clan has seized the throne, leaving the realm without a ruler. As a scion of the Han house, Your Majesty must inherit the mandate." Liu Bei proclaimed himself emperor, adopting the era name Zhangwu and appointing Zhuge Liang as Chancellor with sweeping authority—including overseeing the Secretariat ("lu shangshu shi") and wielding imperial authority ("jia jie"). In his accession edict, Liu Bei vowed diligent governance for the people’s welfare, entrusting Zhuge Liang to assist him wholeheartedly.

That autumn, Liu Bei prepared an eastern campaign to avenge Guan Yu. These records illuminate Zhuge Liang’s critical decisions during Shu Han’s founding—from talent selection and strategic planning to state-building—showcasing his extraordinary political acumen.

This passage records Zhuge Liang's pivotal role in the Shu Han regime. When Liu Bei launched a campaign against Wu to avenge Guan Yu's death, Zhuge Liang remained in Chengdu to govern. The following spring, upon hearing Liu Bei had suffered defeat and retreated to Yong'an (modern Fengjie, Chongqing), Zhuge Liang sighed: "Had Fa Zheng (styled Xiaozhi) still been alive, he surely could have dissuaded our lord from this eastern campaign."

As Liu Bei lay gravely ill in Yong'an, he summoned Zhuge Liang. On his deathbed, Liu Bei told him: "Your ability surpasses Cao Pi's tenfold—you can surely stabilize our kingdom. If my heir Liu Shan proves worthy, assist him; if not, you may take his place." With tears, Zhuge Liang vowed to serve with utter loyalty. Liu Bei also left an edict instructing Liu Shan: "Serve the Chancellor as you would your own father."

After Liu Shan ascended the throne, he enfeoffed Zhuge Liang as Marquis of Wuxiang and appointed him Governor of Yizhou, entrusting all state affairs to his judgment. Zhuge Liang instructed his subordinates: "Governing requires pooling collective wisdom. Avoiding thorough deliberation for fear of impropriety leads to oversights. Even a hundred discussions to reach the optimal solution are worthwhile. Yet people often withhold full counsel—only Xu Shu (styled Yuanzhi) spoke frankly, while Dong He (styled Youzai), during his seven years of service, would routinely deliberate matters over a dozen times."

Zhuge Liang further reflected: "In my youth, Cui Zhouping frequently offered critiques. Later, Xu Shu provided guidance, Dong He participated in governance with unfiltered opinions, and Hu Ji (styled Weidu) repeatedly admonished me. Though my dull nature prevented me from adopting all their advice, my harmonious relationships with these four prove my willingness to heed candid counsel."

After Liu Bei's death, Eastern Wu feared Shu Han's retaliation and sent envoys seeking reconciliation. Minister Deng Zhi proposed dispatching an envoy to renew their alliance, to which Zhuge Liang responded: "I've long contemplated this—precisely why I intended to send you." Following Deng Zhi's successful mission, Sun Quan gladly restored their pact. Simultaneously, Zhuge Liang recruited eminent scholars like Jiang Wan and Zhang Yi to serve in his chancellor's office.

When governing Yizhou, Zhuge Liang meticulously selected virtuous and esteemed talents to assist in administration: appointing Qin Mi as Assistant Inspector (deputy to the provincial governor), Wang Liang as Merit Officer (personnel director), Du Wei as Registrar (document supervisor), and Qiao Zhou as Education Officer. These individuals were all morally upright figures deeply respected in their communities. Among them, Du Wei was particularly renowned for his purity. After Liu Bei pacified Shu, Du Wei feigned illness and deafness, refusing to leave his home. Zhuge Liang personally sent a carriage to invite him. Even after assuming office, Du Wei insisted on resigning. Zhuge Liang wrote him a persuasive letter in the official hall: "Cao Pi's usurpation and regicide are like clay dragons and straw dogs—mere empty symbols. I am currently uniting worthy scholars to eliminate this illegitimate regime through righteous means. Now that Cao Pi is launching major campaigns against Wu and Chu, we should seize this opportunity to recuperate, encourage agriculture, and strengthen our military. When they suffer setbacks, we can then mobilize our forces and subdue them without battle, sparing the people the suffering of war. Please assist governance with your virtue (De) without involving yourself in military affairs. Why must you leave in such haste?" Only then did Du Wei remain, later being recommended as Grand Master of Remonstrance.

Previously, the powerful Yizhou magnate Yong Kai had killed the governor and defected to Eastern Wu, where Sun Quan appointed him as Governor of Yongchang. Yongchang's Merit Officer Lü Kai and Assistant Wang Kang led soldiers and civilians in defending the city, preventing Yong Kai from entering. Yong Kai then sent Meng Huo to incite rebellions among surrounding ethnic tribes. At the time, Shu Han was observing national mourning, so Zhuge Liang adopted a conciliatory approach, temporarily refraining from military campaigns while focusing on agricultural development behind closed borders. When Wei's Minister Hua Xin and others wrote urging Zhuge Liang to submit to Cao Wei, he not only refused to respond but instead published the "Righteous Discourse" to clarify his stance. Quoting historical precedents, he wrote: "Emperor Guangwu of Han defeated Wang Mang's 400,000 troops at Kunyang with just a few thousand weak soldiers, just as the Yellow Emperor pacified the world with tens of thousands. Now we command hundreds of thousands of righteous troops—how could we fear the enemy?"

In the spring of the third year of Jianxing, Zhuge Liang led his army southward. The court bestowed upon him the golden axe and battle-ax (symbols of military command), the curved canopy (ceremonial parasol), and feather-decked honor guards (ceremonial musicians) among other honors. Upon reaching the southern regions, Zhuge Liang submitted memorials commending Lü Kai and Wang Kang for their steadfast defense of Yongchang, appointing them as Governors of Yunnan and Yongchang respectively, with the title of Marquis of the Precinct. The Shu army achieved successive victories in Yuexi Commandery, eliminating rebel leaders Yong Kai and Gao Ding.

(Supplementary note: The term "Mao" refers to southwestern ethnic minorities, while "Zangke" and "Yuexi" were commandery names in the southwestern region at that time. Zhuge Liang's strategy of stabilizing domestic governance before quelling rebellions reflects his military philosophy of "winning hearts as the supreme tactic.")

Meng Huo rallied the remnants of Yong Kai's forces and continued to resist. Knowing Meng Huo held great prestige among the southwestern ethnic tribes, Zhuge Liang ordered his capture alive. After apprehending him, Zhuge Liang personally escorted him through the military camp and asked, "What do you think of my army?" Meng Huo replied, "I was defeated before because I didn't understand your true strength. Now that I've seen it, it's nothing extraordinary—easily overcome." With a smile, Zhuge Liang released him to fight again. After being captured seven times in seven battles, when Zhuge Liang prepared to free him once more, Meng Huo refused to leave, declaring, "The Prime Minister's heavenly might is boundless. We southerners will never rebel again."

After pacifying the southern regions, Zhuge Liang appointed local chieftains as officials. Some advised stationing Han Chinese officials there instead, but Zhuge Liang explained: "Appointing Han officials would require garrison troops, and troops need provisions. The locals have just endured war with heavy casualties—leaving Han officials without garrisons would invite disaster. Moreover, the tribal leaders, conscious of their grave offenses, would remain suspicious of Han administrators. Better to station no troops and maintain basic order, allowing peaceful coexistence between Han and non-Han peoples." Thus he appointed Meng Huo and other local leaders as officials while requisitioning gold, silver, cinnabar, lacquerware, plow oxen, and warhorses to replenish military supplies. During Zhuge Liang's lifetime, the southern frontier remained peaceful.

Returning to Chengdu, Zhuge Liang reorganized military preparations and promoted agricultural production. Under his governance, Shu-Han's fields were cultivated, granaries overflowed, laws were strictly enforced, and the army maintained impeccable discipline. Artisans perfected their crafts, officials served with integrity, and the people lived in prosperity. Marketplaces operated orderly—lost items went unclaimed on roads, and public drunkenness disappeared. The government also organized repairs of public infrastructure.

In the third month of 227 AD (5th year of Jianxing era), Zhuge Liang led troops to Hanzhong to prepare the Northern Expedition. Before departure, Emperor Liu Shan issued an edict: "We have heard the Dao of Heaven and Earth blesses the virtuous and punishes the tyrannical. Tang of Shang and Wu of Zhou prospered through cultivating virtue, while Jie of Xia and Zhou of Shang perished through cruelty. When the Han dynasty declined and Dong Zhuo brought chaos, the Cao clan seized the realm. In this interregnum without rightful rulership, Our late father Liu Bei upheld Heaven's Mandate to restore Han's lineage. Now Our Prime Minister inherits his will, magnifying virtuous governance—We are profoundly gratified..." (The edict's remainder primarily expressed trust and support for Zhuge Liang.)

This passage is the edict issued by Liu Shan (child name Adou), the Later Ruler of Shu Han, prior to Zhuge Liang's Northern Expedition, expressing concerns about the state of the nation and his trust in Zhuge Liang. Here's a modern interpretation:

After Cao Pi (Emperor Wen of Wei) usurped the Han throne, though he claimed the Mandate of Heaven to revive the Han dynasty, he died prematurely before bringing stability to the realm. I ascended the throne in my youth, lacking governance experience yet bearing the heavy responsibility left by our ancestors. With the world in chaos and the state unstable, I worry day and night about how to save the situation and restore the Han dynasty, but I'm distressed by the lack of good strategies, filled with deep apprehension.

Therefore, I rise early and retire late without negligence, reduce expenditures to enrich the state treasury, encourage farming to increase the people's livelihood, select worthy talents to participate in governance, humble myself to comfort the troops—all in preparation for leading the northern expedition to punish the rebels. Yet before our forces could march, Cao Pi died, as if he perished without us lifting a finger. However, the remaining Wei forces still create chaos, entrenched in the Heluo region (modern Luoyang area in Henan).

Chancellor Zhuge's loyalty and steadfastness moved the late emperor (Liu Bei) to entrust him with assisting me in governing the realm. Now I confer upon him the authority to command the armies, ordering him to lead 200,000 troops to execute Heaven's punishment, eliminate calamity, and recover our old capital (Luoyang). Xiang Yu, though militarily powerful, ultimately met defeat and death, becoming a laughingstock for posterity precisely because he abandoned benevolence and righteousness. Today Wei imitates the tyrannical Qin, incurring wrath from both Heaven and mankind—this is the perfect moment for our campaign.

Sun Quan of Eastern Wu has secretly agreed to coordinate with us against Wei. Tribes from Liangzhou (modern Gansu region) have also sent over twenty foreign commanders including Yuezhi and Kangju leaders to await orders. With favorable timing, geographical advantage, and human harmony, our army will be invincible. A true king's army values righteousness over slaughter—just as Tang of Shang conquered Jie without battle, and Zhou's soldiers defected when King Wu attacked Zhou. Wherever our northern expedition reaches, we will not harm the innocent. All who abandon darkness for light, welcoming our troops with food and drink, shall be rewarded according to state protocol—including members of Wei's imperial clan.

(Note: "Mao Yue" refers to the white yak-tail banner and yellow battle-axe symbolizing military command authority in ancient times; "basket of rice and pot of wine"典故出自《孟子》, describing commoners welcoming benevolent armies with bamboo baskets of food and pots of wine)

This passage records the military-political decisions and personnel strategies of Zhuge Liang (courtesy name Kongming, posthumous title Marquis Zhongwu), the chancellor of Shu Han during the Three Kingdoms period.

Regarding defectors from enemy forces, those who could correctly assess the situation and discern advantages from disadvantages were pardoned and appointed to positions. This approach followed the historical precedent of Zhi Guo (also known as Zhi Guo) severing ties with the Zhi clan during the Spring and Autumn period to preserve his family—a proven correct course of action. However, those who remained obstinate and continued aiding tyranny were punished severely, with even their wives and children held accountable, showing no leniency. Zhuge Liang advocated a balance of kindness and authority: executing rebel leaders while pacifying the suffering populace.

In personnel arrangements, Zhuge Liang ordered Zhang Yi to join the army while leaving Jiang Wan in Chengdu to manage the chancellor’s affairs. He appointed Yin Mo and Lai Min as Military Libationers (military advisors), and talents like Huo Ge and Yao Shen were recruited into his staff. He particularly valued recommending capable individuals, considering Yao Shen—who balanced firmness with flexibility and excelled in both civil and military affairs—an exceptionally rare talent. However, when Liao Li, Commandant of Changshui, slandered the late Emperor Liu Bei and defamed other officials, Zhuge Liang decisively petitioned to have him demoted to commoner status and exiled to Wenshan.

On the military front, Zhuge Liang, considering the young Wei Emperor Cao Rui’s inexperience and difficulty in distinguishing loyalists from traitors, decided to launch a northern campaign. He first stationed his forces at Mianyang, assigning his son Zhuge Qiao to oversee grain transport. Meng Da, who had previously defected to Wei, expressed interest in returning to Shu. Zhuge Liang wrote to persuade him to switch sides, but the plan was discovered by Wei’s Sima Yi, resulting in Meng Da’s execution.

In the first month of the sixth year of Jianxing (228 CE), Zhuge Liang convened his generals in Hanzhong to discuss the northern campaign strategy. Wei Yan, the Chancellor’s Army Marshal, proposed an audacious plan: leading 5,000 elite troops with provisions for another 5,000, advancing eastward along the Qinling Mountains from Baozhong to launch a surprise attack on Chang’an within ten days. Once Zhuge Liang’s main forces arrived via the Xie Valley, they could jointly pacify the region west of Xianyang. However, Zhuge Liang deemed the plan too risky and rejected it.

(Note: "Ziwu" refers to the Ziwu Trail, an important ancient passage through the Qinling Mountains; "Xie Valley" refers to the Baoxie Trail, another ancient route through the Qinling range.)

This passage records the events of Zhuge Liang's Northern Expeditions during the Three Kingdoms period, particularly detailing the Battle of Jieting. Rather than adopting a roundabout strategy, Zhuge Liang chose to advance along the main thoroughfare, deploying Zhao Yun to create a diversion at Jigu to pin down the Wei forces. Leading the main army himself to attack Qishan, Zhuge Liang maintained strict military discipline, prompting the three commanderies of Nan'an, Tianshui, and Anding to respond in support, which sent shockwaves through the Wei court.

Emperor Ming of Wei, Cao Rui, personally went to Chang'an to oversee the campaign, dispatching Zhang He with fifty thousand troops to counter the attack. Previously, Liu Bei had warned Zhuge Liang that Ma Su (styled Youchang), though talented, tended to overpromise and should not be entrusted with major responsibilities. Ignoring this advice, Zhuge Liang appointed Ma Su as his military advisor. During the Northern Expedition, Ma Su defied Zhuge Liang's strategic deployment at the Battle of Jieting, abandoning the water sources to camp on high ground despite the protests of his deputy Wang Ping, resulting in a crushing defeat by Zhang He.

With a heavy heart, Zhuge Liang executed Ma Su in accordance with military law, personally conducting memorial rites and raising Ma Su's orphaned children. When Jiang Wan questioned why such a talented strategist had to be executed, Zhuge Liang tearfully cited Sun Tzu's principles of military discipline, emphasizing that strict enforcement of laws was even more crucial during times of national division. In the same campaign, Zhao Yun's forces also suffered setbacks at Jigu, but due to minimal losses, he only received a demotion. Wang Ping, however, was promoted for his correct advice. Zhuge Liang submitted a memorial requesting his own punishment, taking responsibility for his poor judgment in appointing Ma Su.

This historical episode illustrates Zhuge Liang's principle of "clear rewards and punishments" in military governance—even when mourning the loss of talent, he upheld discipline. It also reflects his character of willingly assuming responsibility. Ma Su's execution became a famous case of military discipline during the Three Kingdoms period, epitomizing Zhuge Liang's determination to "shed tears while enforcing the law by executing Ma Su."

Zhuge Liang (courtesy name Kongming, posthumous title Marquis Zhongwu) demonstrated exceptional military acumen and noble character in this historical account. At the time, he voluntarily requested to be demoted three ranks (from Chancellor to General of the Right) to take responsibility for the failed northern expeditions, yet continued performing his duties as Chancellor.

When some suggested increasing troop numbers, Zhuge Liang insightfully pointed out: in previous battles at Qishan and Jigu, the Shu forces had outnumbered the Wei army yet still failed to achieve victory—the problem lay not in troop strength but in command decisions. He resolved to streamline the military, enforce strict discipline, reflect on mistakes, and publicly acknowledge errors to the nation while intensifying combat training. This candid approach actually revitalized morale among soldiers and civilians alike.

During military operations, Zhuge Liang accepted the surrender of Wei defector Jiang Wei (who later became a key Shu Han general), appointing him to important positions due to his military talent and loyalty to the Han cause. In the winter of the 6th year of Jianxing, while Wei and Wu were engaged in conflict, Zhuge Liang launched another campaign. Though forced to retreat from Chencang due to supply shortages, his forces killed pursuing Wei general Wang Shuang during the withdrawal. The following spring, he dispatched troops to capture Wudu and Yinping commanderies. While others celebrated, Zhuge Liang somberly remarked: "All people under heaven are subjects of the Han. That they still suffer under tyranny means every death is my fault—what is there to celebrate about such victory?"

The imperial court eventually issued an edict restoring Zhuge Liang's position as Chancellor, recognizing his achievements: slaying Wang Shuang, repelling Guo Huai, and recovering the two commanderies. The decree noted that one defeat (at Jieting) should not warrant prolonged self-demotion, emphasizing that with the realm still unsettled, his full talents were urgently needed.

This passage vividly illustrates Zhuge Liang's governance ethos of "bending every effort until death" and his political vision of "bearing the world's burdens as his personal responsibility."

At that time, Sun Quan arrogantly proclaimed himself emperor in the Wu region, and his ministers sent envoys to propose that both states simultaneously recognize two emperors. The court was divided in its discussions—many argued this would bring no benefit, violated orthodox legitimacy, and that they should take a clear moral stand by severing the alliance. Yet Zhuge Liang alone offered a different perspective: Sun Quan had long harbored ambitions of usurping the imperial title, and their temporary tolerance of this was solely to secure strategic support. If they openly broke ties now, deepening hostilities, they would have to divert troops eastward to confront Wu, and only after fully annexing Wu could they turn north to the Central Plains. But Wu was rich in talent, with harmonious relations between ruler and ministers, making swift conquest impossible. A prolonged stalemate would only benefit Cao Wei in the north—hardly the best strategy.

Zhuge Liang cited historical precedents: Emperor Wen of Han had once humbled himself before the Xiongnu, and the Late Emperor (Liu Bei) had also formed an alliance with Wu—both were temporary expedients. Current critics claimed Sun Quan was content with the tripartite division of the realm and had no ambitions to expand northward, but this view was superficially plausible yet fundamentally mistaken. In reality, Wu was constrained by the natural barrier of the Yangtze, much as Wei could not cross the Han River—it was not a matter of having surplus strength but lacking initiative. If they launched a major northern expedition, Wu might seize the opportunity to expand, but it would not remain idle. Rather than this, maintaining the status quo was preferable, ensuring no eastern concerns during their northern campaigns and preventing Wei from fully concentrating its forces westward. As for Sun Quan’s usurpation, now was not the time to openly condemn it.

Thus, Zhuge Liang dispatched the Commandant of the Palace Guards, Chen Zhen, to congratulate Sun Quan on his imperial proclamation, and the two sides agreed to divide the realm equally. That winter, Zhuge Liang relocated his headquarters to the plains south of the mountains, constructing Han Fortress at Mianyang and Yue Fortress at Chenggu. The following summer, Wei’s Grand Marshal Cao Zhen advanced through the Xie Valley, while the Grand General Sima Yi marched west along the Han River, intending to converge their forces. Zhuge Liang stationed troops at Chiban in Chenggu to prepare for battle, simultaneously recalling the Former General Li Yan with 20,000 troops to Hanzhong and appointing Li Yan’s son, Li Feng, as Governor of Jiangzhou. Coincidentally, months of heavy rains had destroyed the plank roads, forcing Emperor Ming of Wei, Cao Rui, to order a withdrawal. Seizing the opportunity, Zhuge Liang sent Wei Yan westward into Qiang territory, where they decisively defeated the Wei generals Fei Yao and Guo Huai at Yangxi. That same year, Zhuge Liang promoted Jiang Wan to Chief Clerk while personally leading multiple military campaigns.

Jiang Wan (styled Gongyan), responsible for logistics in Chengdu, consistently ensured ample supplies of provisions and reinforcements. Zhuge Liang often praised him, saying: "Lord Jiang Wan is loyal and upright, truly someone capable of assisting me in supporting the royal cause." In the second month of the ninth year of the Jianxing era (231 CE), Zhuge Liang launched another campaign against Mount Qi, employing his inventions—the "wooden ox and flowing horse" (transport vehicles) and the repeating crossbow (a rapid-firing bow).

While besieging Mount Qi, Zhuge Liang sought to win over the Xianbei chieftain Kebineng, who led his forces to Shicheng in Beidi in response. At this time, the Wei general Cao Zhen fell ill, and Emperor Ming of Wei, Cao Rui, told Sima Yi: "The western front is critical—no one but you can handle it." He thus dispatched Sima Yi westward to Chang'an to command generals like Zhang He, Fei Yao, Dai Ling, and Guo Huai in defense.

In the third month, Sima Yi left 4,000 elite troops to guard Shanggui while leading the main force to relieve Mount Qi. Zhuge Liang divided his forces to continue the siege while personally marching to Shanggui to engage the enemy. Guo Huai and others attempted to intercept the Shu army but were defeated, allowing the Shu forces to harvest the local wheat fields. When the two armies faced off east of Shanggui, Sima Yi took advantage of the terrain to fortify his position and refused to engage. His subordinates mocked him: "You fear Shu like a tiger—won’t this make you a laughingstock?" Compelled by their taunts, Sima Yi finally ordered Zhang He to attack the Shu general He Ping at the southern siege in the sixth month, while he advanced against Zhuge Liang from the center.

At the time, it was the rotation period for Shu troops, with one-third of the soldiers due to return home for rest. Facing the Wei army’s pressure, subordinates suggested postponing the rotation. But Zhuge Liang insisted: "Military discipline must be rooted in trust. These soldiers are packed and ready; their families await them day and night. Even in the heat of battle, we cannot break faith." As a result, the departing troops volunteered to fight, while those remaining were even more motivated. Zhuge Liang dispatched Wei Yan, Gao Xiang, and Wu Ban to attack, crushing the Wei forces and claiming 3,000 heads. Sima Yi retreated to his camp.

In the sixth month, the Shu army withdrew due to depleted supplies. Sima Yi sent Zhang He to pursue them to the Mumen Pass, where Zhuge Liang ambushed him—Zhang He was struck by arrows and killed. In the eighth month, Zhuge Liang impeached the Central Protector Li Ping (originally named Li Yan) for falsifying military reports. While Zhuge Liang was at Mount Qi, Li Ping had been responsible for grain transport, which was delayed by heavy rain. He first falsely claimed to have ordered Zhuge Liang’s retreat, then feigned surprise when the army actually withdrew, saying: "Why retreat when supplies are ample?" He even memorialized the Later Ruler, claiming it was a ruse to lure the enemy. Zhuge Liang presented Li Ping’s contradictory handwritten documents, forcing him to confess. Li Ping was stripped of rank and reduced to commoner status.

Zhuge Liang first submitted a memorial detailing the crimes of Li Ping (originally named Li Yan), stating that with the usurping Cao Wei regime still undefeated and the nation facing multiple crises, national affairs required unity to achieve victory. Tolerating actions that endangered the grand enterprise was unacceptable, so Li Ping was stripped of rank and exiled as a commoner. Li Ping's son Li Feng was then serving as an army advisor in Zhuge Liang's headquarters. Zhuge Liang wrote to him: "Your father and I both served the Han dynasty together. I had believed our sincere mutual trust would see us through to the end, yet unexpected changes occurred midway. If the Chief Protector (referring to Li Ping) can repent and reform, will you be able to work with me with complete sincerity? Can past mistakes be rectified, and lost trust be rebuilt?"

Li Ping had previously written urging Zhuge Liang to accept the Nine Bestowals and an elevated noble rank. Zhuge Liang replied: "I was originally an ordinary man from the east (referring to Shandong), undeservedly favored by the late Emperor, now holding the highest official position with generous emoluments. With the rebellion still unquelled and the late Emperor's kindness unrepaid, would it not violate righteousness to imitate Duke Huan of Qi or Duke Wen of Jin by accepting honorary titles? Only after destroying Cao Wei, executing Cao Rui, and restoring the Han Emperor would it be appropriate for me to receive promotions alongside you all."

Thereafter, every winter Zhuge Liang would allow soldiers and civilians to recuperate, encouraging farming while maintaining military training. He built granaries at the Xie Valley pass to stockpile provisions, and only after three years of preparation would he launch campaigns. His military administration was strict yet orderly—troops moved with the decorum of guests, never disturbing civilians even in enemy territory. When encamped, they stood firm as mountains; when advancing, they swept swiftly as the wind. Each expedition shook the realm yet reassured the people. Tens of thousands under his command achieved the impact of hundreds of thousands. Wherever they went, fortifications, wells, stoves, latrines, and fences were all constructed with standardized precision. A month after departure, their former campsites remained as orderly as when first established. His military orders used plain language yet covered every detail, with his fair and sincere approach evident in all official matters. Rising early and retiring late, he personally reviewed every punishment exceeding twenty strokes.

Once when personally auditing account books, his secretary Yang Yi directly admonished him for exhausting himself with minutiae. Zhuge Liang expressed gratitude, and when Yang Yi later died, he mourned for three days. In the second month of Jianxing 12 (234 CE), Zhuge Liang led 100,000 troops through Xie Valley, employing improved "flowing horse" transport vehicles for the first time while sending envoys to coordinate northern campaigns with Eastern Wu. By the fourth month they reached Mei County, establishing camp south of the Wei River at Wuzhang Plateau. Sima Yi crossed the Wei and built defensive positions with his back to the river. Concerned about supply lines affecting operations, Zhuge Liang implemented garrison farming for long-term occupation, having soldiers cultivate land alongside local civilians in peaceful coexistence. Despite repeated challenges, Sima Yi refused engagement—Zhuge Liang even sent women's garments to humiliate him.

Sima Yi, the great general of Wei, submitted a memorial requesting a decisive battle against Zhuge Liang. Emperor Ming of Wei, Cao Rui, dispatched Xin Pi bearing the imperial scepter (a symbol of the emperor's authority) to serve as military supervisor and restrain him. Zhuge Liang told his officers: "Sima Yi never truly intended to fight. His insistence on battle was merely to display resolve before his troops. When generals command armies abroad, they sometimes may disregard royal orders. If he could truly defeat us, why would he request permission from a thousand miles away?"

After more than a hundred days of stalemate, during the autumn season, Zhuge Liang's illness grew increasingly severe. He secretly submitted a memorial to Emperor Liu Shan: "Should anything befall me, state affairs may be entrusted to Jiang Wan." At that time, the emperor also sent the Imperial Secretary Li Fu to inquire after his health and consult on matters of state. Several days after Li Fu's departure, he unexpectedly returned. Zhuge Liang remarked: "I knew you would come back. Though we spoke extensively recently, there remained unfinished matters. You've returned to ask about succession—Jiang Wan (styled Gongyan) is the most suitable candidate." When asked who should follow Jiang Wan, Zhuge Liang replied: "Fei Yi (styled Wenwei) may succeed him." When pressed about the next successor, Zhuge Liang remained silent.

Earlier, when Jiang Wan served as magistrate of Guangdu County, Liu Bei (posthumously titled Emperor Zhaolie) once made an unannounced visit and found Jiang Wan neglecting administrative duties while intoxicated. Furious, Liu Bei wanted to punish him severely. Zhuge Liang interceded: "Jiang Wan possesses talent for governing a nation, not merely managing small districts. His governance prioritizes people's welfare over superficial displays." Only then did Liu Bei's anger subside. When Fei Yi served as Imperial Attendant, Zhuge Liang returned from his southern campaign to find hundreds of officials welcoming him miles away—many of higher rank than Fei Yi. Yet Zhuge Liang deliberately shared his carriage with Fei Yi, dramatically altering others' perception of him. Later, both Jiang Wan and Fei Yi successively governed the state, each acclaimed as wise chancellors.

In the eighth month, as Zhuge Liang's condition worsened, he instructed Chief Secretary Yang Yi, Marshal Fei Yi, and General Jiang Wei regarding military withdrawal. When a meteor fell into their camp, Zhuge Liang passed away at fifty-four. Yang Yi organized the retreat while Sima Yi pursued. Jiang Wei ordered Yang Yi to reverse banners and beat war drums, feigning counterattack—whereupon Sima Yi indeed withdrew rather than press forward, allowing the Shu army safe passage. Only after entering Xie Valley did they announce the mourning. Henceforth, a popular saying circulated in the Guanzhong region: "A dead Zhuge scares away a living Zhongda (Sima Yi's courtesy name)." After inspecting Zhuge Liang's abandoned fortifications, Sima Yi sighed: "Truly a rare genius of our age!"

Zhuge Liang's final instructions requested burial at Dingjun Mountain in Hanzhong, with a hillside grave containing only his coffin, dressed in ordinary clothes without burial objects. Emperor Liu Shan's posthumous edict praised: "The late chancellor combined civil and martial virtues, embodying wisdom and loyalty. Bearing the weight of guardianship, he assisted our person in reviving the Han dynasty, aspiring to quell chaos across the land. Year after year he led campaigns, his divine military prowess awe-inspiring..."

This passage records the life achievements of Zhuge Liang (styled Kongming, posthumously titled Marquis Zhongwu), the chancellor of Shu Han during the Three Kingdoms period, and later generations' remembrance of him.

Zhuge Liang's outstanding contributions to Shu Han placed him on par with ancient virtuous ministers like Yi Yin and the Duke of Zhou. Upon his death, Emperor Liu Shan (the Later Ruler) of Shu Han was deeply grieved, posthumously granting him the seal and ribbon of Marquis Wuxiang with the honorary title "Marquis Zhongwu." During his lifetime, Zhuge Liang had memorialized to the founding emperor Liu Bei (Emperor Zhaolie), stating that he owned eight hundred mulberry trees and fifteen qing of modest farmland in Chengdu, ensuring his descendants' livelihood; while serving in office, he never pursued private wealth, relying solely on his official salary, leaving no surplus property after his death—a promise he truly fulfilled.

During his fourteen years as chancellor, Zhuge Liang issued only two general amnesties for Shu Han. When some criticized this as too infrequent, he explained that governing a state required grand virtuous policies rather than petty favors, citing how Liu Biao (styled Jingsheng) and Liu Zhang (styled Jiyu) had issued annual pardons that brought no benefit to governance.

After Zhuge Liang's death, Li Ping (styled Zhengfang), an official he had previously punished, fell ill and died upon hearing the news, having hoped for reinstatement. Even the demoted Liao Li wept, sighing, "We shall ultimately become barbarians." The common people deeply mourned Zhuge Liang and repeatedly petitioned for the establishment of a temple in his honor. Initially, the court refused on grounds of ritual propriety, leading the people to spontaneously hold roadside memorials.

Later, Colonel of the Infantry Xi Long and others memorialized: Zhuge Liang's virtue and achievements were vital to Shu Han's survival. While allowing indiscriminate folk worship violated ritual norms, establishing a temple in the capital would be too close to the imperial ancestral temple. They proposed building a shrine near his tomb in Mianyang (present-day Mian County, Shaanxi), where relatives could conduct seasonal sacrifices while prohibiting private worship elsewhere—officials and commoners alike would pay respects at this official temple. This proposal was adopted eighteen years after Zhuge Liang's death.

During his lifetime, Zhuge Liang authored instructional texts like "Eight Duties," "Seven Admonitions," "Six Cautions," and "Five Fears" to guide officials. During the Western Jin dynasty, the court historian Chen Shou compiled these works into the twenty-four-chapter Collected Works of Zhuge Liang.

The Collected Works of Zhuge Liang, Marquis Zhongwu of Han records the governing and military principles of Zhuge Liang (courtesy name Kongming, posthumously titled Marquis Zhongwu). He authored fourteen treatises, including Establishing Governance, Temporary Regulations, Strategic Calculations, Southern Campaign, Northern Expedition, Comprehensive Audits, Disciplinary Admonitions, Valuing Harmony, Supply Transport, Military Commands, Legal Inspections, and Essentials of Warfare—all significant works. He also devised the Eight Formation Diagrams, a military strategy derived from the tactics of the Yellow Emperor and Jiang Taigong (revered in Daoism as the "Founding Master of Military Strategy"), applying principles from the ancient well-field system. Yet few at the time could grasp its profundity.

Zhuge Liang excelled at commanding generals, discerning each individual's temperament. When Liu Bei (posthumously titled Emperor Zhaolie) sought to appoint Huang Zhong as Rear General, Zhuge Liang advised: "Huang Zhong's reputation has never matched Guan Yu or Ma Chao's. If they are suddenly made equals, Ma Chao and Zhang Fei—having witnessed Huang Zhong's battlefield merits—might accept it. But Guan Yu, stationed far away in Jing Province, will surely resent the news." Liu Bei ignored the warning, and indeed, Guan Yu erupted in fury: "How can a true warrior be ranked alongside an old foot soldier!" Only after Fei Shi's persuasion did Guan Yu reluctantly accept the appointment.

Wei Yan and Yang Yi were both difficult men of petty character, perpetually at odds. Yet Wei Yan was fiercely courageous in battle, while Yang Yi was astute and capable. Zhuge Liang assigned Yang Yi to handle arduous administrative tasks and deployed Wei Yan on perilous missions—both executed their duties with utter devotion. Only after Zhuge Liang's death did their rivalry escalate into mutual destruction. His Chief Clerk Zhang Yi remarked: "The Chancellor's rewards reach even the remotest corners; his punishments spare no intimate associate. No rank is granted without merit; no noble escapes penalty for crime. Thus, both wise and foolish willingly stake their lives for him."

Chen Shou (author of Records of the Three Kingdoms) commented: "As Chancellor, Zhuge Liang pacified the people, established laws, streamlined offices, and adapted to circumstances. He governed with transparency—rewarding loyal service even from foes, punishing negligence even among kin. Those who repented received leniency; those who quibbled faced harsher penalties. The smallest virtue was commended; the slightest vice censured. He mastered administration with penetrating insight, prioritizing substance over pretense. In twelve years of governance, he never altered the reign era-name. Though he launched multiple campaigns, he never issued indiscriminate pardons."

Yuan Wei praised him: "Bearing the weight of a regent's duty, he steered the state and assisted an inept ruler. Wielding supreme authority, he never breached propriety; exercising imperial powers, he aroused no suspicion among the people." Fan Jian noted: "He corrected faults upon hearing them without self-praise; his impartial justice moved even the spirits." Zhuge Liang's son, Zhuge Zhan, inherited his noble title.

The text concludes with a poem by later scholar Liu Xiyi, composed during his visit to Zhuge Liang's temple. This passage illuminates Zhuge Liang's brilliance as a statesman and strategist, his rigorous yet equitable governance, and the enduring reverence he commands across generations.

This passage gathers multiple poems about the temple dedicated to Zhuge Liang (posthumously titled Marquis Zhongwu). The first poem employs solitary clouds and bright moonlight as metaphors for Zhuge Liang's noble character—his sincere heart remained untainted amidst worldly chaos. The poet laments how some in their time shamelessly seize state power, while Zhuge Liang upheld moral principles during turbulent eras, contrasting him with warlords like Yuan Shao and Cao Cao, whom he likens to mere assassins driven by ambition.

Among Du Fu's three poems, "Where to find the Prime Minister's shrine?" depicts the solemn cypresses and emerald spring grasses at Chengdu's Wuhou Shrine, recalling Liu Bei's Three Visits to the Thatched Cottage and praising Zhuge Liang's devotion in serving two generations of rulers until his last breath. The poignant line "The expedition failed before victory, his body fell first" captures an eternal regret. Another poem describes the desolate Wuhou Temple in Kuizhou, where only a crumbling shrine with faded murals remains, yet seems to echo with the parting words from Zhuge Liang's "Memorial on the Expedition."

Wu Shaoyi's verse portrays the incense-burning ritual before Zhuge Liang's dignified statue, recounting his strategic brilliance in securing Shu-Han and allying with Wu, as well as his loyalty in "suppressing rebels and assisting the feeble ruler." The poem concludes with the anecdote of Sima Yi (Xuanwang) being sent women's attire—a humiliation highlighting Zhuge Liang's ability to subdue enemies without battle. Though brief, Yang Rushi's poem similarly extols the Marquis's achievements.

An appended note records: Zhuge Liang's original temple stood on Western Mountain but fell into disrepair. During the Southern Song Dynasty, Wang Zhanshi of Yongjia relocated it to Zhenqi while governing Kuizhou, and Transport Commissioner Zhang Zhuting restored it during the Chunxi era. Together, these poems construct the historical memory of Zhuge Liang as "a loyalty unparalleled through the ages."

This ancient cypress-shrouded site houses the solemn temple of Shu's prime minister. Generation after generation comes to pay homage, recalling Liu Bei's three visits to the thatched cottage. Zhuge Liang's virtuous deeds (De) endure through time, with incense still offered in his honor today. Reverently consulting the Records of the Three Kingdoms while gazing at the temple statues, one feels the people's enduring reverence.

The scenes of following the late emperor on campaigns remain vivid, though now we only hear the fluttering of military banners. This temple should shine through the ages, yet seeing its eroded inscriptions brings tears to one's eyes.

During Jian'an period of Eastern Han, the imperial house hung by a thread. While living in seclusion at Nanyang, Zhuge Liang concealed his brilliance like a crouching dragon, often reciting the "Liangfu Ode" and comparing himself to Guan Zhong and Yue Yi—his grand strategies unknown to all. Facing the powerful states of Wu and Wei, he steadfastly maintained righteous principles (Dao). After Xu Shu's recommendation, Liu Bei visited the thatched cottage thrice seeking statecraft. Moved by such sincerity, Zhuge Liang pledged to restore the Han dynasty with impassioned words.

His diplomatic mission to Wu secured Sun Quan's alliance against Cao Cao, laying Shu's foundation. He governed the army with thunderous discipline yet inspired officers like an ascending dragon. Stationing Guan Yu at Jingzhou, he assisted Liu Bei's entry into Shu. After Liu Bei's coronation, he pacified the southern tribes through Meng Huo's seven captures—his shrines still worshipped there today. Stationed at Wuzhangyuan during northern expeditions, he sought to reclaim the central plains, upholding his late lord's will while answering the people's hopes. His military might made enemies tremble like infants.

Alas, the general's star fell, leaving three armies in mourning. Though Sima Yi withdrew, heaven's decree proved irreversible. For a thousand years his heroic spirit has rested, with none matching his noble character. Passing the temple in autumn, one sees only withered leaves and mournful twilight rain. Foxes burrow in broken walls as magpies cry on bare branches. Woodcutters tap fractured steles where moss grows patchy. Only the ancient cypress he planted remains verdant, as if guarded by divine spirit (Shen). Though the temple stands humble, it kindles profound admiration for this eternal sage-statesman's exemplary virtue (De).

These poems are later elegies composed in remembrance of Zhuge Liang (courtesy name Kongming, posthumous title Marquis Zhongwu), expressing nostalgia for the Shu Han chancellor through depictions of scenery at the Marquis Wu Shrine (Zhuge Liang's ancestral temple).

Dou Shuxiang's poem begins with the temple outside Yong'an Palace (where Liu Bei entrusted his orphaned son to Zhuge Liang), using the metaphor of "fish and water" to describe the harmonious relationship between ruler and minister. Lamenting the short-lived dynasty, the verses employ the phrase "white steed flashing past a crevice" to convey life's transience, contrasting with the enduring legacy of Zhuge Liang's achievements—steady as bedrock amidst shifting sands—concluding with subtle reflections on historical vicissitudes through changing landscapes.

Ke Jia's poem paints the Marquis Wu Temple nestled among Ba-Shu mountains and rivers: a ribbon-like river encircling the peaks, dancing pine shadows, and weathered inscriptions. As the poet drinks, a bone-chilling cold evokes Zhuge Liang's eternal regret of "the northern expedition unfulfilled," compelling an imaginary gallop on swift steeds to trace the sage's footsteps.

Zhu Huan's verses describe climbing the reclining dragon ridge (Zhuge Liang's hermitage) with bamboo staff in hand, discovering extraordinary vistas amidst precipitous terrain. Distant snow-capped peaks and emerald pines create temporal dislocations, juxtaposing the grand "three kingdoms division" strategy with clear mountain springs, culminating in praise for Zhuge Liang's vast mindscape where "a square-inch heart contains the boundless cosmos."

Wang Shipeng's triptych offers varied perspectives: the first highlights Zhuge Liang's transition from Nanyang recluse to Liu Bei's chief strategist, emphasizing his support for Han legitimacy rather than regionalist Shu ambitions; the second portrays the shrine near the Stone Sentinel Maze ruins, using "gloomy winds and clouds" to recreate historical atmosphere while marveling at his superiority over Cao Pi; the third depicts ancient cypress-shaded temple grounds, contrasting "valleys transforming into hills" with Zhuge Liang's eternal spirit, concluding with incense smoke conveying grief—an echo of Du Fu's tear-stained elegiac verses.

These poems share common features: interweaving geographical spaces (shrines, ancient temples) with historical temporality, embedding reverence for Zhuge Liang's "exhaustive devotion" spirit and profound regret for his unfulfilled "Han restoration" ideal within landscape descriptions.

These are four sets of poems composed by Song Dynasty poets during their visits to the Wuhou Shrine (Zhuge Liang's memorial temple), expressing their reverence and nostalgia for the Shu Han chancellor.

The first set by Wang Shipeng describes how scholars like them feel invigorated upon seeing famous mountains, particularly delighted when ascending the summit of Wolong Mountain. Gazing at the sandy relics, they reminisce about Zhuge Liang, while riverside poetry recitations evoke memories of Du Fu (Shaoling). The clouds over Wu Gorge seem graspable in one's hand, and fish leaping in Qutang Gorge stir layered waves. Returning to the mundane world in bamboo sedan chairs, they glance back at the mountain springs, feeling their spiritual attainment still falls short of the old monks dwelling there.

Zhang Zhen's verses in the second set lament: Though Zhuge Liang (Marquis Wu) secured his place in history's annals of merit, who in today's poetic circles could surpass him? His choice to assist Liu Bei (Xuande) resembled Jiang Ziya fishing while awaiting a wise ruler. Attempting to reverse desperate tides yet failing to alter destiny was like building earthen platforms that ultimately crumbled. Centuries later, even blue-eyed foreign monks are moved reflecting on this history.

Cha Yue's third set depicts: The shrine's murals atop the mountain retain their vivid colors after a thousand years, as visitors ascend to honor the ancient sage. Faintly visible are military encampments once linked to White Emperor City, while the relentless river carries regrets westward. Orchids in rock crevices emit priceless fragrance, and layered pines amid clouds form emerald canopies. Since ancient times, human affairs remain unpredictable—after composing these lines, one longs to converse with meditating monks.

Wu Zhihao's four poems in the final set express more direct emotion:

The first recounts his official journey to Shu, where he specially dismounted to worship Marquis Wu. The homeland's rivers and mountains still stand before him, as if spanning millennia in search of something. Recalling Zhuge Liang's "fish-and-water" bond with his ruler and northern expedition ambitions, tears flow eastward with the Yangtze.

The second describes Zhuge Liang emerging from Longzhong like an immortal sage, arriving at White Emperor City to assist Liu Bei, launching six northern campaigns from Qishan. Today, Qingcheng Mountain's snow remains unmelted, the Min River still winds through Shu, and locals sigh that their chancellor shall return no more.

The third declares that though history records many famed generals and ministers, who truly qualifies as his teacher? Zhuge Liang's integrity rivals the Duke of Zhou (Gongdan), while his literary grace matches Qu Yuan's verses. His supernatural military strategies and ingenious statecraft—where might one find such loyal devotion again? Only in the ancient shrine where wind and frost pierce the bones.

Through depictions of the shrine's scenery and recollections of Zhuge Liang's life, these works convey later scholars' boundless admiration for the "devoted-until-death" worthy statesman, while embodying the poets' own yearnings for ideal governance and spiritual transcendence. Standing before the temple, the poets seem to engage in timeless dialogue with Zhuge Liang across the centuries.

This passage describes the reflections of later generations when visiting the Wuhou Shrine (a temple commemorating Zhuge Liang). The verdant cypress trees still stand lush, their leaves rustling in the western wind, as if one could still sense the noble spirit of this ancient sage on the very lands where he once campaigned. Though the battles of the past have vanished with the wind, the hero's indomitable bearing endures. Facing the mountain and river scenery before them, visitors cannot help but deeply reminisce about bygone days.

Zhu Xi's poem depicts the surroundings of the Wuhou Shrine: the secluded mountains were once the retreat of Zhuge Liang (the "Crouching Dragon"), where sheer cliffs appear as if carved by divine craftsmanship, with deep, cold pools below and the Milky Way cascading above. Out of reverence for Zhuge Liang’s legacy, Zhu Xi had a shrine built in this tranquil valley. Gazing upon the lifelike portrait of this figure from a thousand years ago, one is filled with solemn respect. When offering clear spring water and fine wine in tribute, it almost feels as if Zhuge Liang’s spirit lingers in the unseen.

Prince Zhuang of Tang, while paying homage at the shrine, remarked: Zhuge Liang (Kongming) assisted Liu Bei (Emperor Zhaolie) in restoring the Han dynasty, treating others with sincerity and governing with impartiality—a model of statesmanship for all ages. He upheld moral principles, and later generations of noble-minded men should emulate his dedication to righteousness. For years, a shrine has stood at Wolonggang (the "Crouching Dragon Ridge") west of the city, where Zhuge Liang once lived in seclusion before emerging to serve. Noticing the shrine’s disrepair, Prince Zhuang received a divine inspiration in a dream and ordered its restoration. Upon completion, he conducted a solemn ceremony with wine and sacrificial offerings.

The final author (Prince Kangmu of Tangfan Sancheng) describes the morning ritual: the newly rebuilt shrine gleams resplendently, and the ceremonial rites are conducted with solemn dignity. Though the mountains and rivers remain silent, they seem to harbor divine presence. With drums and music resounding and fine wine presented in offering, the ceremony expresses the hope that Zhuge Liang’s spirit will continue to bless the land with favorable weather and abundant harvests.

These poems are nostalgic works by later generations commemorating Zhuge Liang (courtesy name Kongming, posthumous title Marquis Zhongwu), expressing the poets' reflections before the Wuhou Shrine (a memorial temple for Zhuge Liang).

The first poem depicts ancient cypresses standing verdant before the Wuhou Shrine, with the winding Dragon Ridge (referring to Wolong Ridge, Zhuge Liang's hermitage) extending toward Jingmen. The poet laments how Zhuge Liang passed away (referring to his death at Wuzhang Plain) before accomplishing his mission to conquer Wei and Wu, yet his "Memorials on the Northern Expedition" and "Second Memorial on the Northern Expedition" remain testaments to his loyalty to Shu Han. The shrine bathed in sunset glow evokes remembrance of this devoted chancellor who "gave his all till his heart ceased beating."

The second poem opens with the "flaming tripod" (symbolizing Han dynasty rule) tottering, questioning why Zhuge Liang chose seclusion in Longzhong. The poet suggests Liu Bei might have missed this "Crouching Dragon" were it not for Xu Shu's recommendation. Through allusions to the "Three Visits to the Thatched Hut" and the two memorials, the poem highlights Zhuge's integrity and devotion. The closing lines state that with enlightened rulership, his achievements would have surpassed even Zhang Liang and Han Xin.

The third poem describes revisiting Wolong Ridge: spring rain dampens the shrine's stone tablets while evening clouds shroud the fields. The poet recalls how Zhuge Liang established the Three Kingdoms balance, with his memorials shining as proof of loyalty—like one struggling to hold up the setting sun, he sustained Shu Han for forty years.

The fourth poem speaks plainly: Zhuge Liang exhausted himself supporting the Han cause, yet success ultimately depended on heaven. The metaphors of "mending heaven with refined stones" (adapting Nuwa's creation myth) and "turning back the sun with spear-point" (referencing Lu Yang's legendary halting of sunset) express regret for his unfulfilled ambitions.

The fifth poem focuses on the riverside site of Zhuge's thatched cottage. "Sheathing brilliance" refers to his hermit years nurturing ideals like Yi Yin (Shang dynasty sage minister), while the "Eight Formation Diagram" praises his military genius. Passing his former plowing fields, the poet sighs over how the tripartite division of empire ultimately dissolved like foam.

The sixth poem creates vast desolation with "wild clouds," using "thorn gates" (symbolizing military camps) to recall Zhuge's campaigns. The "two memorials" contrast "Cao the Deceiver" (derogatory name for Cao Cao) with "Han's sovereign and subjects" as moral opposites. The closing image of Nanyang's undying incense for a millennium makes dusk rituals appear all the more poignant.

Outside Yuyang Gate, withered grasses rustle in the wind. The shrine of Chancellor Zhuge [Liang] stands not far away. Farmers till the soil atop Wolong Ridge, yet no trace of the past remains—only broken stone tablets inscribed with words from bygone dynasties. As winds shift and clouds churn, one can almost glimpse the historic meeting between Zhuge Liang and Liu Bei. Local officials still diligently perform memorial rites to this day. Though rites and music remain unrestored and wars have gradually ceased, the regrets of heroes linger unresolved across millennia.

Beneath Xiangyang’s walls, the river flows silently. Master Wolong (Zhuge Liang) is no more, and even the clouds above the waters seem sorrowful. Once, he sang the Liangfu Yin with ambitions to unite the realm, but now his white-haired figure is lost to time. Thatched cottages submerged in twilight waters still seem to reflect the general’s (Zhuge Liang’s) youthful vigor. Bound by a single promise, he devoted himself to the state, forging a bond as inseparable as fish and water amid turbulent tides. The fortunes of Shu-Han once blazed like wildfire, yet now scatter like goose feathers across ten thousand miles. His legacy, the Eight Formation Diagram, endures, his feats surpassing even famed ministers like Xiao He and Cao Shen. The dragon has ascended to heaven, leaving distant green hills behind; the general’s star fell beyond the barracks, yet dawn still breaks over Shu’s mountains. Portraits merely capture his Han-era robes, while a thousand years later, people still recite his Memorial on the Expedition.

The days of fluttering banners are long gone, yet I’ve come specially to pay respects at Wolong Ridge. Amid the ruins of his thatched cottage, wild grasses and moss thrive, while his transcendent virtue lingers like the fragrance of wild pear blossoms on the wind. His loyalty and integrity remain eternally enshrined in Shu, his brilliance still recorded in Han’s annals. Even after centuries, his spirit illuminates this humble hall.

Between sea and peaks, mist rises—Master Wolong penned the Memorial on the Expedition, a testament to his solitary devotion. But the long star (Zhuge Liang) abruptly fell before the camp, and the restoration of Han was left unfinished. The wisdom of the Eight Formation Diagram lingers by the Han River’s banks, yet never again would his strategies vanquish treacherous foes. The cottage ruins endured the ages until a kindred spirit raised this shrine (Bìgōng) in his honor.

In the Temple of Marquis Wu, the wooden oxen (Zhuge Liang’s invention for transporting grain) lie scattered, and maps are tattered. An old woman burns paper offerings beneath ancient cypresses—where now are the tales of Meng Huo, captured and released seven times? Only reeds and oak leaves shroud the sacred altar.

With Jingzhou newly pacified, he marched west to garrison, ever mindful of leading troops through the Sword Gate Pass. His formidable reputation once shook the land, and his noble legacy endures to this day.

These poems were composed by later generations when paying homage to the Zhuge Wuhou Shrine, expressing profound reverence for Zhuge Liang's unwavering loyalty and tireless devotion to his country.

Peng Ze's poem begins: The temple of Chancellor Zhuge stands in western Chu, its incense burning unbroken for a thousand years. Ancient pools swirl with mist like a dragon's lair, while aged trees moan in the wind like armored steeds. His fame for capturing Meng Huo seven times awed the southwest, and his Eight Formation Diagram struck terror in enemy hearts. Gazing from the Sleeping Dragon Ridge, even the eastern Yangtze and Ye capital (of Wei) seem diminished below.

Tang Gao laments: Who today could emulate Zhuge Liang's restoration of Han? Cao Cao's tomb lies too desolate for verse. The thatched cottage remains sturdy, but the Sleeping Dragon is gone; the Bronze Sparrow Tower decays, yet warhorses still neigh. The hero who once made foes tremble (referring to Zhuge Liang) now finds no burial for leviathans (metaphor for heroes) in the wilderness. Most poignant is Xun Yu's tragedy (styled Wenruo), bowing one's head in contemplation before the shrine.

Wang Hongru depicts the temple scene: Blue mist veils ancient trees flanking the shrine, resembling a crimson palace. The chancellor's majestic bearing during his Northern Expeditions still feels present, his reputation reaching frontiers none could match. Later Tang dynasties revered his civil governance, while Sui emperors vied to replicate his military feats. Witnessing changing customs, his eternal visage remains worthy of the "Divine Dragon" honorific.

Mao Cheng's verse emphasizes resolve: The chancellor's will to quell rebels flowed like eastern rivers, while strategizing deep in palace halls. Who else could uphold the House of Han? A true kingmaker's vision stood apart. Though Wei grew powerful, it lacked legitimacy; tiny Yizhou upheld greater righteousness. Remember—outcomes defy prediction, never mock the ridge's recluse (Zhuge Liang).

Qin Jin highlights military genius: This unparalleled talent commanded armies, deploying dragon-tiger formations that stirred heaven and earth. Seven captures of Meng Huo proved true skill—could his persuasions be empty words? Ashamed of tripartite division with Wei and Wu, anguished by north-south schism. Last night, a meteor fell beyond the camp gates (symbolizing Zhuge's death), turning to see western hills at dusk.

Li Chongsi employs symbolism: Rekindling heroism from Han's dying embers, poolside clouds morph into dragons and serpents (symbolizing turbulent times). A thousand tear-streaked lines in his petitions (referring to the "Chu Shi Biao"), inheriting the legacy of Three Dynasties (Xia, Shang, Zhou).

These poems were composed by later generations when visiting the ancestral halls dedicated to Zhuge Liang (posthumously titled Marquis Zhongwu), expressing remembrance and reverence for the Shu Han chancellor.

The first poem depicts the scenery of the Wuhou Shrine in Chengdu: the towering cypresses outside the city walls still seem to retain the solemn aura of bygone winters. The poet laments Zhuge Liang's extraordinary talents that were ill-timed—though ruler and minister are now reunited beneath the earth, the ancient cypresses still stand guard over this wise statesman who never achieved his goal of conquering Cao Wei.

The second describes a Wuhou Shrine near Chang'an. While spring graces the Bronze Sparrow Terrace (built by Cao Cao), amid the cuckoo's blood-stained cries, the poet recalls Zhuge Liang's achievement in establishing the Three Kingdoms. Mentioning the "Eight Formation Diagram" (his renowned military strategy), the poem notes his flawless calculations, yet regrets his unfulfilled dream of unification—leaving only imagined reunions with Liu Bei (the First Ruler) in the afterlife.

The third portrays the Wuhou Temple at Wuzhangyuan (where Zhuge Liang died). Amid twilight pines on the high plateau, the poet mourns the tragedy of "the expedition failing before victory was won." Under starry skies, the military camps stand empty, his legendary battlefield tactics vanished like shifting clouds—only memorials remain.

The fourth praises Zhuge Liang's erudition during his Nanyang seclusion (styled "Crouching Dragon"). The poem highlights not only his strategic brilliance ("divine authority in his brush"), but also the awe-inspiring presence he commanded in the war tent ("vital energy before the curtain"). Though he left military treatises ("Yan Documents" referring to The General's Garden), his ambitions remained unrealized, leaving only the Liangfu Yin to voice his unfulfilled aspirations.

The fifth depicts the Wuhou Shrine in Nanyang. Standing atop purple-veiled slopes, the poet reflects on history, pairing Zhuge Liang ("human dragon") with sacred Mount Song. Watching the Qutang Gorge's shifting storms and the fading chaos of the Central Plains, he sighs over the chancellor's painstaking efforts to sustain the tripartite realm.

The final poem summarizes Zhuge Liang's historical stature: his fame endures through the cosmos, his loyalty recorded in annals. It mourns his unconsummated conquest of Wu (referring to Guan Yu's loss of Jing Province that crippled Shu's strategy), hailing him as the rarest talent since the Three Dynasties (Xia, Shang, Zhou). The closing lines identify Nanyang as the cradle where the "Crouching Dragon" took flight—with both shrines' ancient cypresses standing as eternal symbols of his undying spirit.

These poems were all composed by later generations when visiting the temples of Zhuge Liang or Liu Bei, expressing reverence and deep emotion for these two historical figures.

The first poem by Jian Xiao states: Zhuge Liang had already devised grand strategies for the realm while still in his thatched cottage. He could have lived a life of ease and comfort, yet chose to emerge and assist Liu Bei. His talents far surpassed the strategists of Wei, and his plan for the tripartite division preserved the Han lineage. The achievements of Longgang (referring to Zhuge Liang) endure eternally, and the harmonious bond between ruler and minister, like fish and water, remains an object of admiration. Alas, the Mandate of Heaven is inscrutable—the Han dynasty ultimately could not be restored, leaving us only to reflect wistfully on virtuous ministers like Yi Yin and the Duke of Zhou.

The second poem by Liu Zhang writes: A thousand years later, I come to pay respects at the thatched cottage, listening to wild birds sing amid the deep green trees. Zhuge Liang could have tilled the fields by the Wei River (referring to a life of reclusion), yet he chose to emerge and assist Liu Bei in opposing Wei; he deployed troops at Qutang Gorge with designs to annex Wu. Which hero of the two Han dynasties could compare with him? The strategy of the tripartite division became immutable reality. Such was Heaven’s will, beyond human power—to this day, we still lament this true Confucian scholar.

Du Fu’s poem depicts the scene at Liu Bei’s temple: In those days, winds and clouds converged, and heroes arose in multitudes. Liu Bei aspired to restore the Han dynasty but his ambitions remained unfulfilled. He left behind long-term plans for the Han’s revival, entrusting the Central Plains’ cause entirely to the elder statesman Zhuge Liang. Even while farming in Weinan, Zhuge Liang’s resolve never wavered, yet in the end, he exhausted his heart’s blood and died. The martial spirit of the southwest has faded, and grand ambitions ceased with the turning of fate. The Jin River still flows through Chu lands, and the Sword Gate still connects to Qin’s passes. In the ancient temple, one can almost hear the weeping of spirits. The eaves interlace like bird paths, and withered trees twist like dragon scales. Moonlight filters through bamboo groves onto the stream, while spring moss creeps over the jade throne. The faces of village youths have changed, yet songs and dances renew year after year. A distant returning boat, a desolate city where horses are tethered—facing this bleak scene, the sorrow of wandering deepens. Who could compare with Guan Yu and Zhang Fei? Their achievements rival those of Geng Yan and Deng Yu. Liu Bei’s talents were considerable, yet securing a worthy like Zhuge Liang was rare indeed. Even in his twilight years, he strategized in the military tent; adrift, he once cast his fishing line. Tears once shed for the nation now fall in solitude upon his robe.

Cen Shen’s poem is concise yet powerful: Liu Bei and Zhuge Liang met when winds and clouds converged; ruler and minister shared a heart’s intent, their bond like fish and water. Now the temple stands empty, yet their heroic spirits endure through the ages.

Zhang Yan’s poem is similarly succinct: In the temple of the First Ruler (Liu Bei), the First Ruler and the Martial Marquis (Zhuge Liang) met in an era of shifting clouds and thunder. The bond between ruler and minister moved heaven and earth, like fish finding water. Now the abandoned temple stands desolate, yet their heroic spirits will forever endure.

These poems are later compositions commemorating Zhuge Liang (posthumously titled Marquis Zhongwu), the renowned chancellor of Shu Han during the Three Kingdoms period, portraying this legendary statesman through different poetic lenses.

The first depicts Zhuge Liang's tomb: his illustrious name remains eternally recorded in bamboo and silk annals (traditional writing materials symbolizing historical records), yet now only mournful pines and cypresses whisper in the wind over his desolate burial mound. The second poem by Liu Yuxi (courtesy name Mengde) describes how Liu Bei's (the First Ruler) temple still emanates the heroic aura from the tripartite division of the realm. The mention of "five-zhu coins" alludes to restoring Han dynasty legitimacy, while "Shu's former court dancers performing in Wei's palace" uses the典故 of Shu musicians displaced to Wei's court to symbolize Shu Han's tragic fall.

Li Mengyang's "Shrine to Three Loyalists" groups Zhuge Liang with Yue Fei (Duke of E) and Wen Tianxiang (Duke of Xin) as paragons of loyalty. It describes how Zhuge Liang repaid Liu Bei's three visits to his thatched cottage (the "dragon rising to answer three summons") by exhausting himself in military affairs until death ("vomiting blood for campaign duties"). "They died without letting their country perish" praises how these martyrs preserved their moral integrity like towering jade pillars.

Zhang Shihuai's poem on Zhang Fei's shrine references Liu Bei (Governor of Yuzhou) and Cao Cao (Aman) as sworn enemies, particularly highlighting Zhang Fei's formidable eighteen-foot serpent spear that awed the realm. The closing line "Who now bares their left arm for Liu?" employs the典故 of Zhou Bo protecting the Liu clan during the Han dynasty, lamenting that none remain as devoted to the Liu cause as Zhuge Liang.

Xie Ji's inscription poem "Painting of Three Visits" vividly recreates Liu Bei's three visits to Zhuge Liang's thatched cottage. It opens with the Han dynasty's decline ("wormwood overrunning palace gates"), showing Liu Bei (descendant of Prince Jing of Zhongshan) visiting Nanyang's humble dwelling ("poor eaves") until securing Zhuge Liang's service. The poem compares Cao Cao (Cao Man) to venomous creatures, while Liu Bei and Zhuge Liang's relationship flows "like fish meeting water." "Huarong" references Cao Cao's narrow escape at Huarong Trail, "six northern expeditions" denotes Zhuge Liang's campaigns from Qishan, concluding with regret over Guan Yu's (Yunchang) defeat. Through contrastive imagery, the poem highlights Zhuge Liang's "strategic brilliance unfolding at his fingertips."

These poems extol Zhuge Liang (styled Kongming, sobriquet "Crouching Dragon") for his loyalty and brilliance. The first laments how his profound strategies remained unfulfilled—even a renowned general like Zhang He couldn't defy Heaven's decree, leaving only the remnants of the Stone Sentinel Maze by the Yangtze to evoke later generations' sighs. Reading of these deeds invariably stirs profound sorrow.

The second depicts Zhuge Liang's thatched cottage in Nanyang, where Liu Bei (styled Xuande) sought him out three times. Amid warlords carving up the realm, Zhuge's analysis from his humble abode foresaw the tripartite division of the empire, revealing extraordinary vision.

The third uses "the sacred vessel of Han" as metaphor for the dynasty's sovereignty. With treacherous powers circling, only Zhuge Liang—like the Shang dynasty's famed minister Yi Yin (Ah Heng)—withdrew to Nanyang in reclusion. Liu Bei's sincerity in thrice visiting moved him to service, their lord-minister bond becoming as inseparable as fish and water. Though ultimately failing to restore the Han, his "Memorial on the Expedition" immortalized his loyalty. The poem references capturing Meng Huo seven times and the Stone Sentinel Maze, concluding with the omen of his death at Wuzhang Plain—a poignant expression of unfulfilled ambition.

The fourth describes how Zhuge Liang, while secluded in Nanyang, already envisioned the realm's affairs, seeing Liu Bei as the virtuous King Tang of Shang and himself as Yi Yin. Tragically, illness claimed him before Cao Wei's defeat, leaving eternal regret. The "headscarf" allusion refers to Sima Yi (styled Zhongda) still fearing to approach Zhuge's empty camp after his death.

The fifth reveals Zhuge's apparent idleness in Longzhong wasn't indifference—he'd long plotted the tripod's balance of power. But Liu Bei's belated visit left him watching helplessly as circumstances shifted. Through historical allusions, these poems collectively portray Zhuge Liang's undying loyalty—"bending his utmost efforts until death."

This poetic sequence depicts the legendary life of Zhuge Liang (courtesy name Kongming, sobriquet Sleeping Dragon) and later generations' remembrance of him. The opening line "three kingdoms divided" establishes the historical context of the Three Kingdoms period, while "who in this world truly knew the Sleeping Dragon" expresses lament for this unparalleled genius.

Hao Ziyu's verse "a falling star streaking across the sky" alludes to Zhuge Liang's death at Wuzhang Plains, while "faded murals still show his white-feathered fan" describes how later generations recalled his iconic image through temple paintings. Zheng Yuanyou employs "like fish and water" to characterize the ideal ruler-minister relationship between Liu Bei and Zhuge Liang, with "regret for unfulfilled restoration" sighing over his failure to revive the Han dynasty.

Gu Lu's extended poem comprehensively narrates Zhuge Liang's life: from farming in Nanyang (retired cultivation) to the Three Visits, summoning east winds to defeat Cao Cao at Red Cliffs, accepting Liu Bei's deathbed entrustment at Baidi City, launching six northern expeditions from Qishan, until finally "the general's star fell at Wuzhang Plains" where he died in camp. The "Eight Formation Diagram" refers to his ingenious military tactics, described in Huan Wen's poem as "startling ghosts and gods" for their supernatural precision.

Recurring lines like "partition was never his true ambition" and "regret for unfulfilled restoration" emphasize Zhuge Liang's lifelong commitment to restoring Han rule rather than regional dominance. The concluding image of "scholars bowing before his portrait, singing long hymns through streaming tears" vividly captures later literati's reverence and sorrow when venerating the Martial Marquis' memory.

To uncover truth, we must trace ancient relics; to understand origins, we follow the footsteps of sages. Fearing you might overlook crucial historical details, I've specially recorded this account from stone inscriptions of Southern Mountain.

Du Fu wrote in his poem "The Stone Sentinel Maze": Zhuge Liang's achievements transcended the Three Kingdoms era, his Eightfold Maze securing eternal fame. Though river currents scour it for millennia, the stone formations stand unshaken—only the regret of failing to ally with Wu remains.

Su Shi recorded in "Dongpo's Forest of Jottings": I once dreamed Du Fu (courtesy name Zimei) told me, "The world misinterprets my 'Stone Sentinel Maze' poem, assuming Liu Bei and Zhuge Liang sought to destroy Wu to avenge Guan Yu. In truth, I meant Wu and Shu should have been as close as lips and teeth, not scheming against each other. Later, Jin could conquer Shu precisely because Shu harbored ambitions to annex Wu—that's the real regret." This profound truth mattered so much that four centuries after his death, Du Fu still came to explain it to me—such scholarly fastidiousness!

Liu Yuxi's poem "The Eight Formations" describes: The Yellow Emperor's military strategies reached their zenith through Shu's chancellor. At low water, dragon-snake stone formations emerge; on flat sandbars, goose-crane battle arrays materialize. River waves dare not disturb these tactics, even fish-dragons fear their might. If only a true strategist could decipher their secrets by these banks.

Su Shi laments in "Eight Formations Shoal": On this vast sandy expanse, faint traces of stone formations remain. Year after year, river currents erode these stones. With Zhuge Liang long gone, who can decipher the original tactics? Divine generalship isn't learned by rote—true strategy was never fully written. Sages grasped it intuitively; later generations merely speculate. Since Han's decline, cunning warlords swarmed, heroes clashed in endless wars. People wandered displaced, battlefields flowed with blood. Ten thousand lives wagered like dice, slaughter as effortless as melting snow. Without long-term planning, reckless campaigns inevitably failed. Zhuge Liang emerged last, intending to cleanse the chaos, yet constrained by circumstances at every turn—his grand vision ultimately unrealized. Years slipped away; before armies could be fully marshaled, heroic resolve had already waned. Only this Eightfold Maze remains, still projecting its majestic aura through Qutang Gorge after a thousand years.

Su Zhe writes in "Eight Formations Shoal": Floodwaters scour the maze stones, yet formations stay intact when waters recede. Visiting after winter's passing, I find sandbars smooth as unrolled silk. Climbing high to survey these relics... (the original poem breaks off here)

This poetic passage describes the remnants of the "Eight Formations Diagram" (Bazhentu) set up by Zhuge Liang (styled Kongming, posthumously titled Marquis Zhongwu) during the Three Kingdoms period at Yufupu (modern-day Fengjie, Chongqing). The seemingly haphazard piles of stones along the riverbank conceal profound mysteries, like carefully arranged chess pieces on a board. The world praises Zhuge Liang's military genius—how even when marching through the narrow Baoxie Road, his troops maintained perfect discipline—though ultimately he never set foot in the Central Plains.

The Eight Formations site has withstood a millennium of river currents yet remains unshaken. Even when the Eastern Jin general Huan Wen (styled Yuanzi) stationed his troops here, he gazed long at the formation without deciphering its secrets. The poem depicts the summer floods crashing through the Qutang Gorge with spectacular force, while the stone piles of the Eight Formations stand unmoved amid the roaring waves, said to be guarded by spirits. The author imagines Zhuge Liang in his day, calmly arranging the formation with his silk headscarf and feathered fan—its transformations so intricate that heaven and earth could scarcely contain such brilliance.

The latter part uses history to critique the present, noting that over a thousand years, countless heroes have tried to unravel the Eight Formations' mysteries, yet only Huan Wen barely glimpsed the rudiments of the "Coiling Serpent Formation." The author laments that Zhuge Liang's strategic genius, like a master carpenter's peerless skill, could not be passed down—just as the Shu Han dynasty ultimately turned to dust. The poem closes with an allusion to Zhuge Liang "clasping his knees in a long whistle," evoking his reclusive days in Nanyang and implying that no one in the current age can match his grand stratagems. Through the depiction of the Eight Formations ruins, the poem not only showcases Zhuge Liang's military prowess but also conveys lament for the turbulent times.

This passage describes later generations' visits to the remnants of Zhuge Liang's (styled Kongming, posthumously titled Marquis Zhongwu) famous "Eight Formation Diagrams." Stone relics of his military drills and formations remain at two sites: Kuimen in Sichuan (modern Fengjie, Chongqing) and Mimou Town (modern Qingbaijiang District, Chengdu).

The earliest stone inscription documenting the Eight Formation Diagrams has long been submerged underwater, yet boulders believed to be used by Zhuge Liang for training still remain at the mountain's base. After visiting Kuimen, poet Wang Gangzhong recorded: "I saw orderly arrays of stones on the riverbank, their sizes and heights perfectly matching military treatises. Though landscapes change over time, these formations retain their original layout."

The Eight Formation Diagrams, Zhuge Liang's renowned battle formation adapted from the Yellow Emperor's military strategies, featured a complex four-head, eight-tail structure with a central command hub capable of flexibly countering enemy assaults. Tang Dynasty general Li Jing once studied this formation. The poet marveled that Zhuge Liang's military genius (compared to legendary ministers like Yi Yin of Shang and Lü Shang of Zhou) far surpassed even his inventions like the "wooden ox and gliding horse" transport devices. Despite nine centuries of river erosion, the stones still faintly reveal their original ingenious arrangement.

On the plains north of Mimou Town, one can similarly observe small earthen mounds and stone clusters arranged like battle formations. Wang Gangzhong considered these two sites as mutually corroborating evidence of Zhuge Liang's military training grounds. He composed poetry commemorating his investigation, hoping future scholars might continue deciphering the enduring military wisdom embedded in these relics.

This poetic passage describes the remnants of Zhuge Liang's (styled Kongming, posthumously titled Marquis Zhongwu) famous Eight Formation Diagram. The opening lines depict how these stone formations have withstood wind, rain, thunder and lightning through the ages, inspiring awe as celestial-protected marvels. When Zhuge Liang originally arranged these stones into battle formations in Shu territory, what appeared as ordinary rocks became as impregnable as a golden fortress.

The poet reflects on Zhuge Liang's fate: had he served a truly discerning ruler like Liu Bei, his genius could have utilized the Yangtze's natural defenses to challenge Wei and potentially unify the realm. Yet historical circumstances differed, leaving his ambitions unfulfilled. Still, his steadfast loyalty to the Han cause remained unshaken like these enduring stones - he would rather die than submit to the likes of Cao Cao or Yuan Shao.

The Eight Formation Diagram (an ancient tactical deployment) originated from the Yellow Emperor's classical methods, with sixty-four variations based on units of eight. Even Sun Quan (the "Bearded Lord") trembled before its might, while Cao Cao's wandering spirits dared not approach. The carved marks in sand, submerged stone inscriptions, and war drums beneath mountains all bear witness to Zhuge Liang's undivided loyalty. Visiting the Eight Formation ruins in Kuizhou (modern Fengjie, Chongqing), the poet observes the Rang River eroding city walls and endangering residents, wishing to channel Zhuge Liang's divine power to redirect the waters and protect the people.

The conclusion emphasizes how Zhuge Liang's tactical legacy endures through millennia, with these stone formations transmitting his military wisdom from Mount Min to Mount Bozhong. Later generations should understand that while Shu-Han appeared weak, it commanded respect through Zhuge Liang's spiritual heritage. Poetic references include: "six-petal flowers" (snowflake-like tactical variations), "Zhangwu" (Liu Bei's reign era), "Bearded Lord" (Sun Quan), and "Da" (Sima Yi of Wei).

This passage depicts the exceptional military prowess of Zhuge Liang (courtesy name Kongming, posthumous title Marquis Zhongwu) during the Three Kingdoms period, focusing particularly on the military relics and tactical mysteries he left behind in Mianyang (present-day Mian County, Shaanxi).

The text describes how local villagers still revere Zhuge Liang's military remains, daring not to disturb them casually. His "Eight Formation Diagram"—an ancient military formation—was exquisitely designed, utilizing river currents and terrain to create natural fortifications. The front gates stood as orderly as military barracks while the rear formations curved like a crescent moon, demonstrating remarkable stability. The entire formation secretly corresponded with Bagua (Eight Trigrams) principles, manifesting sixty-four endless variations that not only followed the profound doctrines of ancient ritual classics but also allowed flexible adaptations.

The author particularly notes that even Jin dynasty generals marveled at these formation relics, comparing them to the legendary Changshan serpent formation (a sophisticated tactic with perfect coordination between vanguard and rearguard). Yet lamentably, later generals who understood formation theories often committed errors in actual combat.

Through contrasting famous military defeats in history (like the Battles of Changping and Kunyang), the latter part highlights Zhuge Liang's extraordinary military genius. The author sighs that since Emperor Taizong's Zhenguan era in the Tang dynasty, the true essence of military formations has been lost, leaving posterity to study fragmented knowledge from texts alone. The passage concludes with imagery of dispersing clouds over Mount Song, metaphorically suggesting that military talents of Zhuge Liang's caliber have become exceedingly rare.

The entire text brims with admiration for Zhuge Liang's military wisdom while expressing sorrow over the decline of later generations' martial capabilities. It particularly emphasizes his innovative application of Bagua principles in military tactics and his art of command that ensured "victory was certain while defeat was impossible."

In "Reflections on the Ancient Eightfold Formation," Wu Kuan laments: Though the remnants of Zhuge Liang's Stone Sentinel Maze are now scarcely discernible, his divine military strategies still command profound admiration. Who dares claim Zhuge Liang lacked tactical brilliance? Even his enemies couldn't help but marvel at his extraordinary genius. Today, the mediocre generals of Wu and Wei have faded into oblivion, while only wild grasses sway over the ruins of the Eightfold Formation, as if still guarding the epic battles of yore. At Mimu Town (present-day Xindu, Sichuan), a temple venerating Zhuge Liang still stands—contemplating these memories evokes mournful sighs.

Cao Xuequan depicts the Eightfold Formation at Kuizhou (modern Fengjie, Chongqing): The Three Kingdoms' tripartite confrontation has become distant history, yet Zhuge Liang's legendary formation remains renowned. The roaring waves of the Three Gorges never managed to erode these stone arrays, and the scattered sand mounds along the riverbank still faintly reveal their ancient arrangement. Every year on Renri (the seventh day of the Lunar New Year), locals uphold the tradition of "Taqi"—strolling along the shoals—to reminisce about the grand spectacle of the great strategist (Zhuge Liang) deploying his troops here. Over centuries, perhaps only the Eastern Jin general Huan Wen truly grasped the formation's profound intricacies.

In another poem, Cao Xuequan describes the Eightfold Formation at Mimu Town: Traveling south from Guanghan toward Chengdu, I arrived at Mimu at dawn. Shrouded in morning mist, the famed ruins lay amidst spring grasses beyond the town. As a scholar touring his jurisdiction, witnessing these relics firsthand finally illuminated the depth of Chancellor Zhuge's wisdom. Gazing across this fertile plain stretching thousands of li—lush with mulberry, hemp, and thriving villages—one glimpses the very peace he sought to safeguard.

(Note: The Stone Sentinel Maze [Eightfold Formation] was a renowned military tactic devised by Zhuge Liang, traditionally said to be marked by stone piles for training. Huan Wen, a prominent Eastern Jin general, once inspected the ruins and praised their ingenuity. "Renri" refers to the seventh day of the Lunar New Year, when Sichuan locals commemorate history by walking the shoals.)