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《弘道錄》Vol. 18

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Xu Daozang 續道藏 Vol. 18 / 41 7,925 characters

About this page. The original text of 《弘道錄》 Vol. 18 (Xu Daozang 續道藏, 41 volumes) is shown in Classical Chinese as transmitted in the Kanripo (Kyoto University) edition. An English interpretation of the 16 passages on this page accompanies it: select a passage or press “Interpretation” to show it. All texts in English

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Source textInterpretation

弘道録卷之二十五将二  義   朋友之義 孟子曰用下敬上謂之貴貴用上敬下謂之 尊賢貴貴尊賢其義一也  録曰夫所謂之泰者非堯舜之時乎何以  爲上下交也夫爾我並立勢相等倫朋友  之道狹矣充其道必若以天子友匹夫而  不爲誳匹夫友天子而不爲僣然不詳扵  天道祗見用下敬上者順而易用上敬下  者逆而難孰肯輕身以先於匹夫哉然亦  有下堂而見諸侯者此不得謂之尊賢而  當時之所謂賢者舍孔孟均之諂與瀆也  故孔子守拜下之禮孟子闈尊賢之義其  意一而已矣 說命台小子舊學于甘盤既乃遯于荒野入 宅于河自河祖毫暨厥終罔顯爾惟訓于朕 志若作酒醴爾惟麯糵若作和𦎟爾惟鹽梅 爾交脩予罔予棄予惟克邁乃訓  録曰兊之爲卦也兩澤相麗君臣胥悅也  兩澤相麗者交相滋潤互有浸灌之益君  臣胥悅者交相勸勉共饗太平之休故其  象爲朋友講習其道爲學焉後臣然其始  也以陽爻居體而最下故舊勞于外至于  啇兊未寧故又遯于荒野入宅于河及其  至也上感天象下順人心介然有喜而慶  澤無不流矣此高宗之治所由成也若使  牽於和兊之吉狃扵來兊之㓙及其至也  引其邪兊之私則陰盛傷消小人衆而君  子獨其禍有不可勝言者矣此九五之君
Interpretation

Mencius said, “When those in lower positions respect those in higher positions, this is called honoring people of high rank. When those in higher positions respect those in lower positions, this is called honoring the worthy. The principle behind honoring people of high rank and honoring the worthy is the same.”

The Record of Broadening the Way says: Is not the “Peace” hexagram (Tai, a Zhouyi hexagram symbolizing free and harmonious passage) like the age of Yao and Shun? How did a state of exchange and communication between high and low come about? When you and I stand as equals, with comparable rank and status, the way of friendship becomes narrow. Taken to its fullest, the way of friendship should mean that an emperor can befriend a commoner without feeling humiliated, and a commoner can befriend an emperor without feeling that they have overstepped their station.

Yet people fail to examine the Way of Heaven closely. They see only that it is natural and easy for those below to respect those above, while it goes against the grain and is difficult for those above to respect those below. Who would willingly lower themselves to honor a commoner first? There are, of course, cases of rulers descending from their halls to meet with feudal lords, but this does not necessarily count as honoring the worthy. What is more, among those called worthy at the time, most—apart from Confucius and Mencius—could not escape the suspicion of either flattery or disrespect. Confucius insisted on performing the bow appropriate when paying a visit, while Mencius upheld the principle of honoring the worthy; in truth, their intentions were the same.

The Book of Documents, in “The Charge to Yue,” records: “When I was young, I studied under Gan Pan. Later I lived in seclusion in the wilderness, then moved to the banks of the Yellow River. From the Yellow River region I went to Bo, yet to the very end I never rose to prominence. You must instruct me and help me hold firm to my purpose. Just as brewing wine requires yeast and ferment, and seasoning a soup requires salt and sour plum, you must assist and refine me; do not abandon me. I will strive to follow your teachings.”

The Record of Broadening the Way says: The Dui hexagram (Dui, a Zhouyi hexagram symbolizing joy) is formed by two lakes placed one above the other, symbolizing the mutual joy of ruler and minister. The two lakes join and moisten one another, each bringing benefit. When ruler and minister take joy in one another, they can encourage one another and share the blessings of peace. Thus, the image of this hexagram is friends discussing and studying the Way, and its teaching concerns learning.

At first, the minister’s yang line occupied the lowest position in the hexagram, so he endured hardship far from home for a long time. In the Shang dynasty, the Way of joy had not yet been settled, so he again lived in seclusion in the wilderness and moved to the banks of the Yellow River. When the time was ripe, he accorded with the signs of Heaven above and followed the people’s wishes below. Ruler and minister came to share joy, and blessings spread widely. This is why Gaozong (the Shang king Wu Ding) was able to establish good governance.

If one is led solely by the auspicious sign of harmony and joy, clings to inconstant omens of misfortune, and, when events unfold, introduces a perverse way of joy driven by private gain, then Yin energy will grow strong and injure Yang energy; petty people will multiply while the noble-minded stand alone. The resulting disasters would be too many to recount. This refers to the ruler of the Nine in the Fifth Place of the Dui hexagram…

 不可不競競而儆懼也聖人著於詞曰孚  于剥有厲吁不可爲殷鑒乎 洪範惟十有三祀王訪于箕子曰嗚呼箕子 惟天陰隲下民相恊厥居我不知其彜倫攸 叙箕子乃言曰我聞在昔鯀陻洪水汨陳其 五行帝乃震怒不畀洪範九疇彝倫攸斁鯀 則殛死禹乃嗣興天乃錫禹洪範九疇彝倫 攸叙初一曰五行次二曰敬用五事次三曰 農用八政次四曰恊用五紀次五曰建用皇 極次六曰乂用三德次七曰明用稽疑次八 曰念用庶徴次九曰嚮用五福威用六極一 五行一曰水二曰火三曰木四曰金五曰土 水潤下火炎上木曲直金從革上稼穡二五 事一曰貌二曰言三曰視四曰聼五曰思三 八政一曰食二曰貨三曰祀四曰司空五曰 司徒六曰司㓂七曰賓八曰師四五紀一曰 歳二曰月三曰日四曰星辰五曰曆數五皇 極皇建其有極歛時五福用敷錫厥庶民惟 時厥庶民于汝極錫汝保極無偏無陂遵王 之義無有作好遵王之道無有作惡遵王之 路無偏無黨王道蕩蕩無黨無偏王道平平 無反無側王道正直會其有極歸其有極六 三德一曰正直二曰剛克三曰柔克七稽疑 乃命卜筮曰雨曰霽曰蒙曰驛曰克曰貞曰 晦凡七卜五占用二愆忒八庶徴曰雨曰暘 曰燠曰寒曰風曰時五者來備各以其叙庶
Interpretation

In times of decline and decay, one must remain cautious and alert. The sages set this warning in the statements of the hexagrams: “When trustworthiness is in a time of decline, danger will follow.” Ah, could this not serve as a warning drawn from the fall of the Yin and Shang?

The Hongfan (“Great Plan,” a chapter of the Book of Documents whose title means the great principles of governing the state) records that in the thirteenth year of the Zhou king’s reign, the king went to ask Jizi: “Ah, Jizi! Heaven secretly brings peace to the people and protects them, helping them find a place to live. But I do not know which enduring principles I should follow to govern the realm.”

Jizi replied: “I have heard that in ancient times Gun tried to hold back the floods by blocking them, thereby throwing the Five Phases into disorder. The Lord on High was angered and did not bestow the nine great principles of the Hongfan upon him. The enduring principles for governing the realm thus fell into ruin, and Gun was put to death. Later, Yu took up the work of flood control, and only then did the Lord on High bestow the nine great principles of the Hongfan upon him. The enduring principles of the realm were thereby brought back into order.

“The first is the Five Phases; the second, the careful practice of the Five Affairs; the third, the proper administration of the Eight Governmental Matters; the fourth, the coordinated use of the Five Standards; the fifth, the establishment and observance of the Supreme Standard; the sixth, the use of the Three Virtues in governance; the seventh, the discerning and application of methods for investigating doubts; the eighth, attention to the various signs; the ninth, alignment with the Five Blessings and vigilance against the Six Extremes.

“The Five Phases are water, fire, wood, metal, and earth. Water moistens and flows downward; fire burns upward; wood can be bent or straightened; metal can be melted and reshaped; earth is used to grow crops.

“The Five Affairs are bearing, speech, sight, hearing, and thought.

“The Eight Governmental Matters are food, wealth, sacrifices, public works, educating the people, justice and punishment, receiving guests, and military affairs.

“The Five Standards are the year, the months, the days, the stars and constellations, and the calendar and methods of calculation.

“The Supreme Standard is the ruler’s establishment of the highest norm. The ruler gathers the Five Blessings and bestows their benefits on the people. The people in turn turn toward the ruler’s standard and support the ruler in upholding it. Do not be partial or crooked; follow the kingly way. Do not act according to personal likes and dislikes; follow the kingly way. Do not do evil arbitrarily; walk the kingly way. Without partiality or faction, the kingly way is broad and unobstructed. Without faction or partiality, the kingly way is level and secure. Without turning away from what is right, the kingly way is upright. The people will come together in what is right, and they will all turn toward what is right.

“The Three Virtues are uprightness, strength that prevails, and gentleness that prevails.

“Investigating doubts means examining difficult questions and determining good or ill fortune. The diviners and those in charge of yarrow-stalk divination are to be appointed. The results are judged according to different signs: rain, clear skies, cloudiness, wind, and agreement. There are seven categories in all, five ways of judging divination, and two cases in which the divination does not accord with the ordinary principles.

“The various signs include rain, clear skies, warmth, cold, and wind, as well as whether the seasons are in their proper order. When all five of these signs appear, each follows its proper sequence…”

草蕃蕪一極備㓙九五福一曰壽二曰富三 曰康寧四曰攸好德五曰考終命六極一曰 㓙短折二曰疾三曰憂四曰貧五曰惡六曰 弱  録曰此皇極敷言之訓箕子以告武王得  道統之傳者在是不可以泛然目之也彝  者至常而不可易之謂也洪者至大而不  可窮之謂也倫者殷因於夏周因於殷理  之一定也範者禹以是傳之湯湯以是傳  之文武周公法之大同也此非箕子莫之  能得非武王莫之能聞而遂以傳之天下  萬世爲人君者其可不知哉 禮運昔者仲尼於蜡賓事畢出遊於觀之上 喟然而嘆言偃在側曰君子何嘆孔子曰大 道之行也與三代之英丘未之逮也而有志 焉大道之行也天下爲公選賢與能講信修 睦故人不獨親其親不獨子其子使老有所 終壯有所用幼有所長矜寡孤獨廢疾者皆 有所養男有分女有歸貨惡其棄於地也不 必藏於己力惡其不出於身也不必爲己是 故謀閉而不與盗竊亂賊而不作故外户而 不閉是謂大同今大道既隱天下爲家各親 其親各子其子貨力爲己大人世及以爲禮 城郭溝池以爲固禮義以爲紀以正君臣以 篤父子以睦兄弟以和夫婦以設制度以立 田里以賢勇智以功爲已故謀用是作而兵 由此起禹湯文武成王周公由此而選也是 謂小康
Interpretation

The five blessings are: first, longevity; second, wealth and abundance; third, health and peace; fourth, love of virtue; and fifth, a natural death in old age. The six misfortunes are: first, untimely death through calamity; second, illness; third, sorrow; fourth, poverty; fifth, wickedness of conduct; and sixth, physical weakness.

The Hongdao lu states: This is the admonition in which Jizi (Viscount Ji) explained the Way of the "Huangji" (Supreme Ultimate Standard), which he gave to King Wu of Zhou. It carries the fundamental principles for governing the realm and must not be regarded lightly. "Yi" means constant and unchanging; "hong" means vast and boundless; "lun" refers to the fact that Yin followed Xia and Zhou followed Yin, so that this principle was handed down in an unbroken line. "Fan" refers to how Da Yu transmitted this body of norms to Shang Tang, who passed it on to King Wen, King Wu, and the Duke of Zhou, all of whom followed the same great law. This teaching would not have been understood had it not been for Jizi, nor heard had it not been for King Wu. Since it was later transmitted to later generations across the realm, how could a ruler fail to know it?

The Liyun records: Once, after the Zha sacrifice at the end of the year, Confucius walked up to the observation tower and sighed deeply. His disciple Yan Yan (Ziyou) asked beside him, "Master, why do you sigh?" Confucius said, "I did not personally witness the time when the Great Dao was practiced, nor the worthy figures of the Xia, Shang, and Zhou dynasties, yet I long for such an age.

"When the Great Dao prevails, the realm belongs to all. People select the virtuous and capable to hold public office, they value trustworthiness, and they cultivate harmony. Thus people do not love only their own parents or cherish only their own children. The elderly are able to live out their years in security, the able-bodied find useful work, the young grow up well, and widowers, widows, orphans, the childless elderly, and the disabled and ill are all supported. Men have their proper duties, and women have suitable homes. People despise wealth being cast aside on the ground, yet they do not necessarily keep it for themselves; they dislike strength going unused, yet they do not necessarily exert it only for their own benefit. In this way, scheming for private gain does not arise, and theft, rebellion, and harm to others do not occur, so people need not close their outer gates. This is called 'Great Harmony' (datong).

"Now the Great Dao has been concealed, and the realm has become the private possession of a single family and surname. People favor only their own kin and cherish only their own children; goods and labor belong only to themselves. The Son of Heaven and the feudal lords treat hereditary succession as ritual order and use city walls and moats to fortify their defenses. They take ritual and righteousness as the principles that order the relations between ruler and minister, deepen affection between father and son, harmonize brothers, and balance husband and wife; they establish institutions and divide fields and dwellings. They esteem the brave and the cunning, and they regard merit as a means to their own advantage. From this, scheming for private gain arises, and warfare follows. Yu of Xia, Tang of Shang, King Wen, King Wu, King Cheng of Zhou, and the Duke of Zhou were all raised to power in such an age. This is called 'Lesser Tranquility' (xiaokang)."

 録曰夫子何以有是嘆也中天下而立定  四海之民君子欲之故有是嘆也何以必  於偃也蓋偃以禮樂爲治者也禮樂之治  大用之則爲大同小用之則爲小康大同  者視天下爲一家中國爲一人千萬世爲  一日小康者期月而已可也三年有成可  也吾其爲東周亦可也非偃何足與有言  哉或疑以爲非夫子之言則過矣 顔淵問爲邦子曰行夏之時乘殷之輅服周 之冕樂則韶舞放鄭聲遠佞人鄭聲淫佞人 殆  録曰孔子之嘆大道之行與三代之英者  豈徒誦說向慕而已哉其所以斟酌於𦚾  中反覆於念慮必有百王不易之大法千  古常行之大道故他日又語淵曰用之則  行舍之則藏惟我與爾有是夫夫用之者  大則爲唐虞次則爲三代非小小措置而  已此孔門切磋之義有關於天下國家最  切萬世之下不可以虗文視之也故以繼  四聖之後焉 宣王命樊侯仲山南築城于齊而尹吉甫作 詩送之曰天生蒸民有物有則民之彝倫好 是懿德天監有周昭假于下保兹天子生仲 山甫仲山甫之德柔嘉維則令儀令色小心 翼翼古訓是式威儀是力天子是若明命使 賦王命仲山甫式是百辟纘戎祖考三躬是 保出納王命王之喉舌賦政于外四方爰發 肅肅王命仲山甫將之邦國若否仲山甫明 之既明且哲以保其身夙夜匪懈以事一人
Interpretation

The compiler remarks: Why did Confucius make this lament? He wished for good government throughout all regions of the world and for the people within the four seas to live in peace and prosperity. This was the aspiration of the junzi (gentleman), and so he gave voice to this sigh.

Why did he speak these words specifically to Yan Yan (courtesy name Ziyou, a disciple of Confucius)? Perhaps because Yan Yan advocated governing the state through ritual (li) and music (yue). When the governance of ritual and music is fully implemented, it can achieve "Great Harmony" (datong). Even when implemented only within a smaller scope, it can achieve "Moderate Prosperity" (xiaokang). "Great Harmony" means regarding the whole world as one family and China as one person, so that a thousand generations seem to share a single day. "Moderate Prosperity" means that one sees results within a single month of governance and achieves accomplishments within three years. Confucius also said, "Perhaps I could restore the governing Way of the Zhou in the East." Had it not been for Yan Yan, with whom could Confucius have discussed these matters? Some doubt that Confucius spoke these words, but such doubt is excessive.

Yan Yuan asked how to govern the state. Confucius replied: "Adopt the calendar of the Xia dynasty, ride in the carriage of the Yin dynasty, and wear the ceremonial cap of the Zhou dynasty. For music, use the Shao and Wu music. Discard the music of Zheng and keep far from people who speak cleverly and flatter. The music of Zheng is licentious and dissolute, and flatterers are dangerous."

The compiler remarks: Confucius lamented the age in which the Great Way was practiced and the wise rulers of the Three Dynasties of Xia, Shang, and Zhou. Was this merely verbal praise and inner longing? He must have repeatedly weighed and contemplated the principles involved, and grasped the great norms and Way that no ruler of any age could alter and that should be followed for all time. Therefore he later said to Yan Yuan: "When employed, put the Way into practice; when not employed, keep it hidden away. Only you and I are capable of this." To be employed in the grandest sense means to achieve a governance like that of Tang Yao and Yu Shun; at a lesser level, it means achieving the governance of the Three Dynasties. This is by no means a matter of minor measures. It is an important principle in the mutual discussion of learning between Confucius and his disciples, bearing directly on the governance of the world and the state, and it is of supreme importance. Later generations should not regard it as empty rhetoric. For this reason, the compiler placed this passage after the four sages.

King Xuan of Zhou ordered Zhong Shanfu, Marquis of Fan, to travel south and build a city in the land of Qi. Yin Jifu composed a poem to send him off. It reads:

"Heaven gave birth to the people and set down laws for all things. The people follow their constant nature and love virtue that is fine. Heaven looked down upon the Zhou, and its grace descended upon the land. It protected this Son of Heaven, and so it brought forth Zhongshan Fu.

Zhongshan Fu's virtue is gentle and good, and in every matter he accords with the proper standards. His bearing is dignified and his countenance pleasant, and he acts with caution and reverence. He follows the admonitions of the ancients, diligently cultivates ritual propriety, and complies with the intentions of the Son of Heaven. When the Son of Heaven issues clear commands, he is to transmit the decrees.

Zhongshan Fu assists the hundred officials with proper standards, continues the work of his ancestors, and exerts himself to preserve the state. He transmits and proclaims the royal mandate and serves as the Son of Heaven's mouthpiece; when he issues decrees in distant regions, the people of the four quarters all set themselves in motion because of them. The royal mandate is solemn and majestic, and Zhongshan Fu carries it out faithfully; whether the states are well governed or not, he discerns it clearly. He is wise and discerning, and able to preserve himself; day and night he labors diligently, serving the Son of Heaven."

人亦有言柔則茹之剛則吐之維仲山甫柔 亦不茹剛亦不吐不侮矜寡不畏强禦人亦 有言德輶如毛民鮮克舉之我儀圖之雖仲 山甫舉之愛莫𦔳之衮職有闕維仲山甫補 之仲山甫出祖四牡業業征夫捷捷每懷靡 及四牡彭彭八鸞鏘鏘王命仲山甫城彼東 方四牡騤騤八鸞喈喈仲山甫徂齊式遄其 歸吉甫作誦穆如清風仲山甫永懷以慰其 心 暴公爲卿士而譛蘇公故蘇公作詩以絶之 曰彼何人斯其心孔難胡逝我梁不入我門 伊誰云從惟暴之云二人從行誰爲此禍胡 逰我梁不入唁我始者不如今云不我可彼 何人斯胡逝我陳我聞其聲不見其身不愧 于人不畏于天彼何人斯其爲飄風胡不自 北胡不自南胡逝我梁秪覺我心爾之安行 亦不遑舍爾之急行遑脂其車一者之來云 何其旴爾還而入我心易也還而不入否難 知也一者之來俾我祗也伯氏吹壎仲氏吹 箎及爾如貫諒不我知出此三物以詛爾斯 爲鬼爲蜮則不可得有靦面目視人罔極作 此好歌以極反側  王氏曰暴公不忠於君不義於友所謂大  故也故蘇公絶之然其絶之也不斥暴公  言其從行而已不著其譛示以所疑而已  既絶之矣而猶告以一者之來俾我祗也  盖君子之處己也忠其遇人也恕使其由  此悔悟更以善意從我固所願也雖其不
Interpretation

People often say, "What is soft gets swallowed, and what is hard gets spat out." Zhongshan Fu was not like this. Toward the soft and yielding, they did not oppress. Toward the domineering, they did not cower. They did not bully the orphaned and helpless, and they were not afraid of the violent.

People also often say, "Virtue weighs as little as a feather, yet few can truly lift it." On careful reflection, though Zhongshan Fu shouldered this weighty charge, few could help them. Where the ruler's duties fell short, only Zhongshan Fu could make them good.

When Zhongshan Fu set out, a sacrificial send-off was held. The four stallions were strong and vigorous, and the travelers set off lightly, yet in their hearts they constantly feared they would not keep to the schedule. The four horses galloped majestically, and the eight bells on the harness jingled. The ruler ordered Zhongshan Fu to put the east in order. The four horses were tall and sturdy, and the eight bells rang clear. Zhongshan Fu went toward the land of Qi, and their companions hoped they would return soon.

Ji Fu wrote this poem, and its meaning is as gentle as a breeze. Zhongshan Fu's heart had long been troubled by affairs of state, and may this poem bring them comfort.

When Bao Gong served as minister, they slandered Su Gong. Su Gong then wrote a poem to sever ties with them, which reads:

"Who is that person, anyway? Their intentions are truly hard to fathom. Why do they pass by my bridge without entering my gate? Whom do they follow? I have only heard that they follow Bao Gong. When two people walk together, whose doing brought this disaster? Why do they wander to my bridge yet not come in to console me?

"It was not like this at first, yet now you refuse to acknowledge me. Who is that person, anyway? Why have they come into my courtyard? I hear their voice but cannot see their figure. Are they not afraid of shame before others, or of Heaven itself?

"Who is that person, anyway? They are like a wind that blows unpredictably. Why do they not come from the north or the south? Why do they come to my bridge only to throw me into turmoil?

"You walk slowly, yet you have no leisure to stop. You hurry along, yet you still have time to grease your axle. Just come once, and I will receive you with respect. When you return and enter my gate, my heart will be at ease. If you return but do not enter, the matter will remain unclear. Just come once, and that will set my mind at rest.

"Elder brother plays the xun, and younger brother plays the chi, in harmony and perfect closeness. You and I were meant to be bound together in the same way. I suppose you truly do not understand my heart. I offer these three sacrifices to curse you: if you were a ghost, there would be no way to catch you. Yet you plainly have a face and eyes, and in front of everyone you show no restraint. I have written this fine poem to fully expose your fickleness."

The commentator Wang says: Bao Gong was disloyal to the ruler and unfaithful to a friend, which was a grave offense, and so Su Gong severed ties. Yet in breaking off, Su Gong did not name and rebuke Bao Gong directly. They said only that the person walked with others, and did not state plainly that Bao Gong had slandered them. They merely let others know they harbored suspicion. Though the ties were severed, Su Gong still told Bao Gong that, if they would only come once, they would receive them with respect. Perhaps a gentleman holds himself to loyalty and treats others with generosity. If the other party repented and came near in good faith, this is surely what Su Gong hoped for. Even if the other party does not...

 能如此我固不爲已甚豈若小文夫然哉  一與人絶則醜詆固拒唯恐其復合也  録曰樊與尹暴與蘇皆王朝卿士而義則  朋友也其詩或如清風或如飄風盖天下  有道人皆好德而夙夜匪懈譬則天高日  朗自不覺其暢然也天下無道爲鬼爲蜮  而讒口交張譬則波蕩風靡亦不覺其異  態也二風作周道别矣所以謂能興觀者  如此 通鑑王將殺杜伯而非其罪伯之友左儒爭 之九復之而不許王曰汝别君而異友也儒 曰君道友逆則順君以誅友友道君逆則師 友而違君王怒曰易而言則生不易則死儒 曰士不枉義以從死不易言以求生臣能明 君之過以正杜伯之無罪王殺杜伯左儒死 之  録曰杜伯之事不可考然以一死而爭之  九復左儒可謂篤於義矣雖然别君而異  友則廢友友道而君逆則違君無己歸過  於己以代之乎將并死而無益乎 左傳士伯士會荀林父皆晋卿也伯之使秦 以召公子雍也荀林父止之曰夫人太子猶 在而外求君此必不行盍以疾辭不然將及 攝卿以徃可也何必子同官爲寮敢不盡心 乎弗聼爲賦板之三章又弗聼及趙盾背士 伯立靈公士伯亡荀伯盡送其帑及其噐用 財賄於秦曰爲同寮故也  録曰荀伯之論善矣何以不於公朝言之  而私議於蔑歟衰與盾父子秉政乃心晋
Interpretation

I believe I have not gone too far in this. How could I be like those shallow people?

Once they break off with someone, they go to great lengths to slander that person and refuse absolutely to reconcile, fearing the two sides might ever make peace again.

The Hongdao Lu (Hongdao Lu) says: Fan and Yin, and Bao and Su, were all ministers of the royal court, and in terms of righteousness they were also friends. Their poems are sometimes like a gentle breeze and sometimes like a gale. When the world has the Way, people all love virtue, day and night without slackening, as if the sky were high and the sun bright, which naturally gives one a sense of ease. When the world lacks the Way, people act like ghosts and demons, slanders rise on every side, and it is like wind stirring the waves and bending the grass and trees. People gradually grow used to this unnatural scene. When these two kinds of atmosphere arise, the political path of the Zhou dynasty forks at that point. This is what is meant by the saying that poetry can "stir up feeling and observe customs."

The Zizhi Tongjian (Zizhi Tongjian) records that the Zhou king wanted to kill Du Bo, though Du Bo had committed no crime. Du Bo's friend Zuo Ru argued nine times, asking the king to withdraw the order, but was never permitted to do so. The king said, "Do you mean to turn against your sovereign and take a friend's side?" Zuo Ru replied, "When the sovereign acts in accordance with righteousness and a friend acts against it, I follow the sovereign and punish the friend. When a friend acts in accordance with righteousness and the sovereign acts against it, I take the friend as my teacher and defy the sovereign." The king grew angry and said, "Recant and you will live; refuse and you will die." Zuo Ru said, "A scholar does not change his words and abandon righteousness to preserve his life, nor does he bend righteousness to meet death. I can point out the sovereign's error and prove that Du Bo is innocent." The king killed Du Bo, and Zuo Ru died as well.

The Hongdao Lu says: The matter of Du Bo cannot be verified, but Zuo Ru remonstrated nine times to win Du Bo's pardon, and he truly deserves to be called steadfast in righteousness. Yet Zuo Ru speaks of defying the sovereign and following a friend. Should he not have taken the blame upon himself and borne the punishment in Du Bo's place? Or did he intend to die alongside Du Bo, though it accomplished nothing?

The Zuo Zhuan (Zuo Zhuan) records that Shi Bo, Shi Hui, and Xun Linfu were all ministers of the state of Jin. Shi Bo was sent on a mission to Qin to escort Prince Yong back to Jin to take the throne. Xun Linfu tried to dissuade Shi Bo, saying, "The lady and the heir are both still within the state. To seek a ruler abroad will surely fail. Why not feign illness and decline? Or send an acting minister in your place. Why must you go yourself? We serve in the same office as colleagues, so how could I not urge you earnestly?" Shi Bo did not heed this. Xun Linfu then recited the third stanza of the "Ban" ode from the Shijing (Classic of Poetry) to advise him, but Shi Bo still did not listen. Later, Zhao Dun abandoned Shi Bo and installed Duke Ling on the throne, and Shi Bo fled. Xun Linfu sent Shi Bo's family, household goods, and property all to Qin, saying, "Because we were colleagues."

The Hongdao Lu says: Xun Linfu's advice was very sound. Why did he not speak openly at court, but instead deliberate in secret at the Mie assembly? Shi Mie and the father and son of the Zhao house held power, yet their hearts were set on the state of Jin...

 室立長之議既大頼秦之心方堅賈季一  召公子樂使人殺之季之出奔正以此歟  (六年晋狐射姑殺陽處父出奔傅/以爲侵官又以爲漏言皆非是)嗚呼不  聞蒭蕘之言卒起令狐之禍重釁疊難晋  之喪亡亦幾矣所謂我即爾謀聼我囂囂  正以爲盾也惜乎無以語之 及先蔑奔秦士會從之在秦三年不見其人 曰能亡人於國不能見於此焉用之士會曰 吾與之同罪非義之也將何見焉及歸遂不 見  録曰此隨會所由返國而士伯所以無宗  歟夫伯晋之正卿其徃秦也夫人太子猶  在既不能直言匡諫以伸匪躬之義及荀  伯之諌又不能見幾而作以盡寮友之情  進退皆無所據矣使士會拘于小節不知  自愛憧憧徃來朋從爾思則失其正固之  道不能無成有終矣故易曰未感害也其  用意深哉 史記管夷吾鮑叔牙者友也夷吾少困時爲 鮑叔賈分財多自與鮑叔不以爲貪知其貧 也爲鮑叔謀事而大窮困鮑叔不以爲愚知 時有利不利也三仕三見逐於君鮑叔不以 爲不肖知不遭時也三戰三敗鮑叔不以爲 怯知其有老母也所事公子糾敗幽囚受辱 鮑叔不以爲無耻知其不羞小節而耻名不 顯於天下也故夷吾嘗曰生我者父母知我 者鮑叔也 藺相如完璧歸趙王以爲上卿位在廉頗之
Interpretation

At that time, the proposal of Shi Shi to set up the elder was indeed trusted by the state of Qin, and Jia Ji (that is, Hu Shegu) had by then fully made up his mind. He summoned Gongzi Le and had him killed. Was Jia Ji's later flight perhaps precisely because of this?

(In the sixth year of Duke Xi of Lu, Hu Shegu of Jin killed Yang Chufu and then fled. The Zuo Zhuan explains that this was because Yang Chufu exceeded his authority and leaked secret information, but these explanations are all mistaken.) Alas, had the people's opinions been heeded at that time, the calamity of Linghu might not have occurred. Jin suffered misfortune after misfortune, and the situation came close to ruin. The ancient saying, "I am planning for your sake, yet you shout at me," is precisely the excuse people use to justify themselves. Unfortunately, no one at that time was able to say these words to them.

Later, Xian Mie fled to Qin, and Shi Hui followed him there. Xian Mie stayed in Qin for three years but never managed to see Shi Hui, and he said, "You were able to flee our state together with me, yet you refuse to see me here. What use are you to me?" Shi Hui replied, "He and I committed the same fault. To see him would be to approve of such conduct; why should I go to see him?" After Shi Hui returned to Jin, he never went to see Xian Mie again.

The Hongdao Lu comments: Shi Hui was able to return to his state because of this, while Shi Bo (Xian Mie) lost the support of his clan. Shi Hui was the chief minister of Jin. When he went to Qin, the consort and the heir of the Jin ruler were still there. He neither offered direct remonstrance, which would have fulfilled a minister's duty to disregard his own safety and correct his lord, nor, when Xun Bo later advised him, did he perceive the situation in time to fulfill the obligations of friendship between colleagues. His decisions to stay or leave, and to advance or withdraw, all lacked sufficient grounds.

Suppose Shi Hui had been bound by minor scruples, unable to look after himself, and had merely run back and forth in a state of mental unrest, following his friend's wishes. He would then have lost the principle of holding fast to the Right Way, and would also have found it difficult to finish well. The Book of Changes says, "not yet affected by harm," meaning not yet moved or injured. The intent of this passage is indeed profound.

The Records of the Grand Historian records that Guan Yiwu (Guan Zhong) and Bao Shuya were friends. In his early years, when Guan Yiwu was in hardship and divided profits from a business on Bao Shuya's behalf, he always took a larger share for himself, yet Bao Shuya did not consider him greedy, knowing that his family was poor. When Guan Yiwu made plans on Bao Shuya's behalf, the results were often worse, yet Bao Shuya did not consider him foolish, knowing that circumstances could be favorable or unfavorable. He took office three times and was dismissed by the ruler three times, yet Bao Shuya did not consider him without talent, knowing that he had merely not met with good timing. He fought three battles and was defeated three times, yet Bao Shuya did not consider him cowardly, knowing that he had an aged mother at home to care for. When Guan Yiwu served Gongzi Jiu and Gongzi Jiu failed, he was imprisoned and humiliated, yet Bao Shuya did not consider him shameless, knowing that he was not ashamed of being humiliated over minor matters, but ashamed that his name could not be made known throughout the world. Therefore Guan Yiwu once said, "It is my parents who gave me life, but it is Bao Shuya who truly understands me."

After Lin Xiangru returned the intact jade disc to Zhao, the King of Zhao appointed him Shangqing, ranking above Lian Po...

右頗曰我見相如必辱之相如聞之每朝常 稱病不出或望見輙引車避匿其舍人以爲 耻相如曰子視廉將軍孰與秦王夫以秦王 之威而相如廷叱之辱其群臣相如雖駑獨 畏廉將軍哉顧吾念之彊秦之所以不敢加 兵於趙者徒以吾兩人在也今兩虎共闘其 勢不俱生吾所以爲此者先國家之急而後 私讎也廉頗聞之肉袒負荆至門請罪遂爲 刎頸之交  録曰自管鮑廉藺之名著古今莫不以爲  羙談也然觀其所論廼在血氣用事之間  非有道德仁義之羙所謂王期於王霸期  於霸大抵如此雖然世衰道㣲時則有若  孫龐范魏蘇張之徒徃徃折脇刖足甘心  盡命以圖報復時君不悟又爲之聚怨酬  恩一毫不爽譬則閭閻之稚爾汝相戲而  報施不稱不免鬨然而怒使其父母賢也  爲之謝過不賢未有不爲里閈之羞者然  則四子之事其賢矣乎 魯仲連者好奇偉俶儻之策不肯仕宦任職 以其高節遊於諸侯趙孝成王時秦兵圍邯 鄲魏安釐王使將軍晋鄙救趙畏秦止於蕩 陰不進使客新垣衍因平原君說趙欲共尊 秦爲帝以却其兵仲連聞之徃見衍曰彼秦 者棄禮義而上首功之國也彼即肆然而爲 帝則連有蹈東海而死爾不願爲之垊也今 秦萬乘之國也梁亦萬乘之國也從而帝之 秦將行天子之事以號令天下變易諸侯之
Interpretation

Lian Po once said, "When I see Lin Xiangru, I will certainly humiliate him." When Lin Xiangru heard this, he pleaded illness and stayed away whenever court was held, and whenever he saw Lian Po from afar, he had his carriage turned aside to avoid him. Lin Xiangru's retainers all felt this was shameful.

Lin Xiangru said to them, "Consider this: between General Lian and the King of Qin, which is the more formidable? Yet with the King of Qin's power, I still dared to rebuke him at court and humiliate his ministers. Though my talents are mediocre, why would I fear General Lian? I have simply considered that the mighty state of Qin does not dare to attack Zhao only because the two of us are here. Now, when two tigers fight, they cannot both survive. In acting this way, I am putting the urgent needs of the state first and placing private grudges last."

When Lian Po heard these words, he stripped off his upper garment, carried a bundle of thorn switches on his back, and came to Lin Xiangru's gate to beg forgiveness. The two then formed a bond of friendship in which they would share life and death together.

The Hongdao Lu comments: From Guan Zhong, Bao Shuya, Lian Po, and Lin Xiangru, whose reputations have been passed down through the ages, people everywhere have regarded their stories as fine tales. Yet on closer examination of their deeds, they still acted out of temperament and passion, and did not embody the beauty of moral virtue and benevolence. As the saying goes, "Those who seek to be kings think only of kingship; those who seek hegemony think only of hegemony." This is roughly what it amounts to.

Yet when the world declines, figures such as Sun Bin, Pang Juan, Fan Sui, Wei Qi, Su Qin, and Zhang Yi also appear. They often endured torment, some even suffering mutilating punishments, yet they were willing to risk their lives solely for revenge. The ruler, not understanding the reasons behind this, in turn gathered enmities for them and repaid their favors, never allowing a single one to be missed. It is like children in the lanes and alleys who tease one another, and when the response does not satisfy them, they quarrel and grow angry. If their parents are wise, they will apologize to others on the child's behalf; if their parents are not wise, such incidents will always bring shame upon the neighbors. Can it then truly be said that the deeds of these four were wise?

Lu Zhonglian delighted in devising extraordinary, bold, and outstanding strategies. Unwilling to take office or assume official duties, Lu Zhonglian traveled among the feudal states on the strength of lofty integrity. During the reign of King Xiaocheng of Zhao, the Qin army laid siege to Handan. King Anxi of Wei sent General Jin Bi to rescue Zhao, but Jin Bi, fearing Qin, halted the army at Dangyin and would not advance. Wei then sent the persuader Xin Yuanyan to advise Zhao through Lord Pingyuan, hoping that Zhao would jointly honor the King of Qin as emperor, thereby forcing the Qin army to withdraw.

Upon hearing of this, Lu Zhonglian went to see Xin Yuanyan and said, "Qin abandons ritual propriety and esteems the slaying of enemies as a means to win merit. If Qin indulges itself by declaring itself emperor, I, Lu Zhonglian, would rather throw myself into the Eastern Sea and die than become a subject of Qin. Now Qin is a great state with ten thousand chariots, and Wei is also a great state with ten thousand chariots. If Wei follows Qin and honors it as emperor, Qin will act in the role of the Son of Heaven, issue commands to the realm, and alter the status and order of the feudal lords..."

大臣彼將奪其所不肖而與其所賢奪其所 憎而與其所愛梁王安得晏然而已乎衍起 再拜曰吾乃今知先生天下之士也不敢復 言帝秦矣  録曰魯連之不肯帝秦其志則大矣其號  則不可也曷不曰天尊地卑乎周天子也  秦諸侯也列國亦諸侯也以周在上而復  帝秦是太陽之尊下同萬物蒼生何由仰  照連有蹈東海而死爾豈不名正而言順  哉或曰戰國所趨者利所避者害也苟不  爲利秦之貪何由塞不有害諸侯之救何  由至哉曰非然也蓋秦嘗帝矣稱而復否  無所措手足也苟不畏天無二日民無二  王之義何至却軍五十里乎或曰連之言  前後不倫豈太史之迷作乎要之鄒魯守  禮義之國孟氏醇乎醇者也連與兩生大  醇而小疽 趙良見商君商君問曰子觀我治秦孰與五 羖大夫賢趙良曰千人之諾諾不如一士之 諤諤僕請終日正言而無誅可乎商君曰諾 趙良曰五羖大夫荆之鄙人也穆公舉之牛 口之下加之百姓之上秦國莫敢望焉相秦 六七年而東伐鄭三置晋君一救荆禍其爲 相也勞不坐乘暑不張盖五羖大夫死秦國 男女流涕童子不歌謡舂者不相杵今君之 從政也陵轢公族殘傷百姓公子虔杜門不 出已八年矣君又殺祝驩而黥公孫賈詩曰 得人者興失人者崩此數者非所以得人也
Interpretation

Suppose the minister took from those he deemed unworthy what they possessed and gave it to those he deemed worthy, and took from those he hated what they owned and gave it to those he loved. How then could the King of Liang remain at ease? Lu Zhonglian (a native of the state of Qi during the Warring States period) rose and bowed twice, saying, "Today I finally understand that you, Sir, are the true worthy scholar of the realm. I will not dare to raise again the matter of having Qin declared emperor."

The Hongdao Lu (Record of Broadening the Dao) comments: Lu Zhonglian's refusal to let Qin become emperor did show a lofty aspiration, but the title he used was not appropriate. Why did he not say "Heaven is exalted and Earth is lowly"? The Zhou king sat above, Qin was a feudal lord, and the other states were likewise feudal lords. For the Zhou king, who held the position of honor, to let Qin become emperor would be like lowering the sun from its exalted place to the level of all living things. How could the myriad beings then look up to its light? That Lu Zhonglian would rather throw himself into the Eastern Sea and die shows that his status was rightly ordered and his words accorded with reason.

Someone may object: "In the Warring States period, people pursued profit and fled from harm. Without profit, how would Qin's greed have ever stopped? And if the feudal lords did not fear being harmed, why would they have come to rescue Zhao?" The reply is that this is not so. Qin once declared itself emperor, then abolished the imperial title, and so it found itself without footing. Had it not feared the principle that "Heaven has no two suns and the people have no two kings," how could it have withdrawn fifty li?

Another person asks: "The words Lu Zhonglian spoke, before and after, are inconsistent with reason. Could the Grand Historian, Sima Qian, have recorded them wrongly?" In sum, Zou and Lu were states that held firmly to ritual and righteousness, and Mengzi (Mencius) was a man of pure and genuine character. Lu Zhonglian and those two gentlemen (referring to the two figures mentioned earlier) were on the whole upright in conduct, with only minor flaws.

Zhao Liang called on Lord Shang (Shang Yang). Lord Shang asked, "How do you find my governance of Qin compared with that of the Wugu Dafu (the wise chancellor of Duke Mu of Qin, Baili Xi)?" Zhao Liang replied, "A thousand people who all say yes and no are not as valuable as one scholar who speaks frankly in remonstrance. If I may speak the truth from beginning to end, will I be spared execution?" Lord Shang said, "You may."

Zhao Liang said, "The Wugu Dafu was a man from a remote region of Chu. Duke Mu of Qin raised him from his lowly station and placed him above the common people, and no one in Qin could compare with him. He assisted Qin for six or seven years, campaigned eastward against Zheng, three times established rulers of Jin, and once rescued Chu from calamity. When he served as chancellor, he did not ride in a carriage even when weary, and he did not use an umbrella in the summer heat. When the Wugu Dafu died, the men and women of Qin all wept, the children stopped singing, and those pounding grain no longer answered one another in song.

"Now you hold the reins of government, oppress the ducal kin, and harm the common people. Prince Qian has kept his gate shut and not come out for eight years. You executed Zhu Huan and tattooed the face of Gongsun Jia. The Odes say: 'A state that wins the hearts of the people flourishes; a state that loses them perishes.' None of these measures can win you the hearts of the people."

君之危若朝露而尚貪商於之富寵秦國之 政畜百姓之怨秦王一旦捐賔客而不朝秦 國之所以收君者豈其㣲哉商君弗從居五 月而難作  録曰以啇君之威而容趙良之說豈其未  泯之良心與虎狼暴矣食人而號欲生之  德無乎不有也特不勝其慾焉耳啇君之  始也豈遽欲爲虐一至此乎亦不勝其慾  之心不如是不足以動孝公而饗目前之  大利至於身之大患亦較然明矣則雖正  言而何誅哉惜乎良之說有未盡也夫鞅  之廢井田開阡陌其罪上通于天先王之  法至是而殆盡者果誰之尤乎雖擢髮不  足以數之□諤諤而可盡耶雖然良無足  恠蘇氏號爲賢者以車裂爲足以報其亡  秦之罰然則先王之法置而不問可乎 東漢傳嚴光少有高名與光武同游學及即 位乃變姓名隱身不見帝思其賢物色訪之 齊國上言有一男子披羊衷釣澤中帝疑其 光乃備安車玄纁遣使聘之三反而後至舍 於北軍給牀縟大官朝夕進膳司徒侯霸與 之素舊遣使奉書曰聞先生至欲即諧造迫 於典司是以不獲願因日暮自誳語言光不 答但投札與之曰君房足下位至鼎足甚善 懷仁輔義天下悅阿諛順㫖要領絶霸得書 奏之帝笑曰狂奴故態也車駕即日幸其館 光卧不起帝即光卧所撫其腹曰咄咄子陵
Interpretation

The sovereign (Duke Xiao of Qin) was in a situation as precarious as morning dew, yet he still clung to the fiefs of Shang and Yu and the favor he enjoyed in Qin, and went on enforcing edicts that bred resentment among the people. Once the King of Qin set aside his guests and stopped holding court, how could Qin have any difficulty in dealing with you? Lord Shang (Shang Yang) did not heed this counsel. He remained in office for five months, and then calamity struck.

The Hongdao Lu (Record of Expanding the Way) comments: With all of Lord Shang's power, he was still willing to let Zhao Liang admonish him. Could this be the work of a conscience that had not yet been extinguished? Tigers and wolves are fierce and devour people, yet they may also claim to practice the benevolence that sustains life. Such things are not unheard of, but in the end the animal could not withstand its own desires. Did Shang Yang intend from the outset to be so cruel? Surely not. He was ruled by desire, and he believed that without such methods he could not win the favor of Duke Xiao or enjoy the immediate great rewards. As for the great disaster that would befall him, he had perhaps seen it quite clearly. Since Zhao Liang spoke with integrity, what reason did Shang Yang have to blame him?

Unfortunately, Zhao Liang's admonition did not go far enough. Shang Yang abolished the well-field system and opened up the qianmo (the footpaths and field boundaries between plots). His offenses were so great that they reached up to Heaven. By this time, the laws of the former kings had been nearly all abandoned. Whose fault was this? Even if one were to pull out every hair on one's body, it would not be enough to count his crimes. Could Zhao Liang's frank remonstrance alone exhaust the full extent of these offenses? Still, we should not blame Zhao Liang. Su Shi called Shang Yang a worthy man and argued that being torn apart by chariots was sufficient to atone for the punishment he brought upon Qin. But if the laws of the former kings were cast aside and no one questioned it, could that really be enough?

The Account of the Eastern Han records that Yan Guang had a reputation for talent and integrity from his youth, and that he had studied together with Emperor Guangwu. After Guangwu ascended the throne, Yan Guang changed his name and retreated into seclusion. The emperor, remembering his virtue and talent, sent people to search for him in every direction. The State of Qi reported that a man wearing a sheepskin robe was fishing in a marsh. The emperor suspected that this man was Yan Guang, so he prepared a light carriage and black-and-red silks, the carriage and gifts traditionally used to summon worthy scholars, and dispatched an envoy to invite him. The envoy went back and forth three times before Yan Guang agreed to come.

Yan Guang lodged in the Northern Army, and the court provided him with bedding, while the imperial kitchen sent meals to him each morning and evening. The Minister of Works, Hou Ba, was an old friend of Yan Guang's. He sent a message saying, "I hear that you have arrived. I very much wish to visit you at once, but I am bound by my office and by ceremonial rules, so I cannot do so. I hope that at dusk we might speak privately for a few words." Yan Guang did not reply. He only returned the letter to the messenger, and on it he wrote: "To Your Excellency Junfang (Hou Ba's courtesy name): You hold the position of one of the Three Dukes, and your rank is high. This is fine. If you can cherish benevolence and uphold righteousness, all under Heaven will submit to you. But if you only flatter and fawn, echoing whatever the ruler wishes to hear, you will lose your head."

When Hou Ba received the letter, he presented it to the emperor. The emperor laughed and said, "That wild, unruly fellow is still the same as ever." That very day, the emperor personally went to visit Yan Guang at his lodgings. Yan Guang remained lying down and did not rise. The emperor walked to where he lay, stroked his belly, and said, "Ah, Ziling (Yan Guang's courtesy name)!"

不可相𦔳爲理耶不應良久乃張目熟視曰 昔唐堯著德巢父洗耳士故有志何至相迫 乎帝曰子陵我竟不得不汝耶於是升輿嘆 息而去復引入論道舊故相對累日帝從容 問曰朕何如昔時對曰陛下差增於徃因共 偃卧光以足加帝腹上明日太史奏客星犯 御座甚急帝笑曰朕故人嚴子陵共卧耳除 爲諫議大夫不屈乃耕於富春山後人名其 處爲嚴陵瀨焉  録曰愚觀嚴光所以不可留者有五而三  公不與焉夫不觀孔子無以見仁義之中  正不參孟子無以達去就之權衡光雖不  効已甚之行而有何至相迫之言此不見  諸侯之義也矧乃變姓名漁澤中乎若是  着羊裘誠有心矣一也及其至也以故人  招之惟當以故人處之亦義也夫大夫之  招招虞人虞人死不敢徃然則故人之招  招諌議故人其可留乎二也魯繆公無人  乎子思之側則不能安子思彼侯霸何爲  者哉觀其曰阿諛順㫖要領絶與責子絶  長者同義而謂可留乎三也貴易交富易  妻帝尚不難於言而能久而敬者鮮矣四  也愽士如范升客星如太史一薛居州獨  能相助爲理乎五也向使尊以三公不過  書名雲臺一世之士而釣臺崔巍萬世之  士易不云乎君子幾不如舍其斯子陵之  謂乎 廉范與洛陽慶鴻初爲刎頸交人稱前有管
Interpretation

"Can they not assist one another in governing the realm?" Yan Guang did not answer. After a long while, he opened his eyes, looked carefully at Emperor Guangwu, and said:

"In the past, when Tang Yao's virtue (De) was resplendent, Chao Fu refused him and washed his ears rather than hear his summons. Each scholar has his own aspirations. Why must you press me so?"

Emperor Guangwu said, "Zi Ling (Yan Guang's courtesy name), am I truly unable to keep you here?" With that, he mounted his carriage and departed with a sigh.

Later, Emperor Guangwu invited Yan Guang to the palace again. The two recalled their old friendship and sat facing each other for several days. The emperor calmly asked, "How do I compare with the past?" Yan Guang replied, "Your Majesty has improved somewhat."

That night the two lay down together to rest, and Yan Guang rested his foot on the emperor's belly. The next day, the Grand Historian (the official in charge of astronomy and the calendar) reported, "A guest star (the ancient term for a star that suddenly appears or lies out of its normal position) has encroached upon the imperial throne. The situation is extremely urgent." Emperor Guangwu laughed and said, "That is only my old friend Yan Ziling sharing my bed."

The emperor appointed Yan Guang as Grand Remonstrator (the official responsible for remonstrating with the emperor), but Yan Guang would not accept it and went to farm on Mount Fuchun. Later generations named the place where he lived the "Yan Ling Rapids" (the shoal near Yan Guang's former hermitage).

The commentary in the Hongdao Lu (Record of Expanding the Dao) states:

In my view, there are five reasons why Yan Guang could not be retained, and enfeoffment as one of the Three Excellencies is not among them.

Without examining Confucius, one cannot see clearly the centrally balanced Dao of benevolence and righteousness. Without referring to Mencius, one cannot understand the weighing of office against seclusion. Although Yan Guang did not imitate extreme actions, his words "why must you press me so?" expressed his disapproval of the practice of visiting the feudal lords. Moreover, he changed his name and hid by the water. To fish while wearing a sheepskin robe (a sheepskin garment) is indeed a deliberate withdrawal from the world. This is the first reason.

Once Yan Guang arrived, Emperor Guangwu summoned him as an old friend, and so he should have been treated as one, which is the proper moral course. When a grand officer summons a recluse by ritual, the recluse, if he is a forester (the official who oversaw mountain forests and parks), would not dare to go even at the risk of death. How, then, could Yan Guang remain when an old friend summoned him with the office of Grand Remonstrator? This is the second reason.

Had Duke Mu of Lu not relied on the people around Zisi, he could not have kept Zisi at ease in his service. And who was Hou Ba? Yan Guang said that Hou Ba "flattered and conformed to the ruler's wishes." This carries the same sense as "having one's head cut off" (preferring execution) and as the words used to rebuke Zisi, "cutting off ties with the elder." How could a man like that have kept Yan Guang here? This is the third reason.

High rank changes one's associations, and wealth changes one's wife. Emperor Guangwu did not shy away from saying such things, and those who can long preserve their respect are few. This is the fourth reason.

There was the Erudite Fan Sheng, and there was the Grand Historian who reported the guest star. With only one Xue Juzhou, could one really assist in governing the realm? This is the fifth reason.

Suppose Yan Guang had been honored as one of the Three Excellencies. He would then have been no more than a name inscribed on the Yuntai Pavilion (a tower commemorating meritorious officials), a famous man of his age. Yet the high terrace where Yan Ziling fished still stands tall, and it has made him a figure revered for ten thousand generations. The Book of Changes says, "The gentleman, seeing that the situation is about to change, withdraws in time and lets go." Does this not describe Ziling exactly?

Lian Fan and Geng Hong of Luoyang were at first friends bound by a sworn bond (a deep friendship in which each would give up his life for the other). People praised them, saying, "Before there was Guan..." [The original text ends here.]

鮑後有慶廉時隴西太守鄧融備禮謁范爲 功曹後融爲州所舉案徴下獄范乃變姓名 求代廷尉獄卒衛侍左右盡心勤勞後又辟 公府會薛漢坐誅故人門生莫敢視范獨收 歛其尸侯吏以聞顯宗大怒召見責曰薛漢 與楚謀反范公府椽不與朝廷同心而反收 歛罪人何也范叩頭曰臣無狀以爲漢等皆 以伏誅不勝師資之情帝稍解曰卿廉頗後 邪與右將軍裒大司馬丹有親屬乎對曰裒 臣之曾祖丹臣之祖也帝曰恠卿志膽敢爾 因貰之由是顯名世居邉郡廣田地積財粟 悉散以賑宗族朋友值肅宗崩范奔赴敬陵 適廬江椽嚴麟奉章弔國塗深馬死不能自 進范見而愍之命從騎與之馬不告而去麟 事畢不知所歸或謂曰故蜀郡太守廉叔度 好周人急今奔國喪獨當是爾遂牽馬造門 果然因謝而歸之  録曰吏稱亷范以氣俠立名觀其賑危急  赴險阸有足壯者亦足以信意而感物矣  明帝加怒以發其志始以就戮更延其寵  古今所罕聞也若乃五桍之事人或能之  故不列云 桓帝初爲蠡吾侯受學於甘陵周福及即位 擢福爲尚書時同郡河南尹房植有名當朝 鄉人爲之謡曰天下規矩房伯武因師獲印 周仲進後汝南太守宗資任功曹范滂南陽 太守成瑨亦委功曹岑晊二郡謡曰汝南太
Interpretation

Lian Fan (courtesy name Shudu) was later rewarded by the court. At that time, Deng Rong, the Governor of Longxi, prepared gifts and visited Lian Fan, inviting him to serve as gongcao (a subordinate official who assisted the commandery governor in administrative affairs). Later, Deng Rong was impeached by the provincial authorities and summoned to prison. Lian Fan then changed his name and went to the prison of the Court of Judicial Review to request that he be allowed to serve Deng Rong's sentence in his place. He remained in the prison, attending to and caring for Deng Rong with complete devotion.

Afterward, Lian Fan was again summoned to serve in the public offices. Xue Han was executed for his crimes, and his old friends and disciples did not dare to visit him. Only Lian Fan collected and buried his body. The prison officers reported the matter upward, and Emperor Xianzong (Ming) was furious. He summoned Lian Fan and demanded, "Xue Han took part in the rebellion in the Chu region. You are an official in the public offices, yet you did not stand with the court. Instead, you gathered the body of a criminal. Why did you do this?"

Lian Fan kowtowed and replied, "This minister is guilty. I believed that Xue Han and the others had already been executed, and I could not resist the bond of old teacher and student, so I buried him." The emperor's anger gradually subsided, and he asked, "Are you a descendant of Lian Po? Are you related to the Right General Pou and the Grand Marshal Dan?" Lian Fan answered, "Pou was this minister's great-grandfather, and Dan was this minister's grandfather." The emperor said, "No wonder you have such courage that you dared to do such a thing." He then pardoned him. From that time on, Lian Fan's reputation grew greatly.

Lian Fan's family had lived for generations in the frontier commanderies and owned large tracts of land. They had accumulated much wealth and grain, all of which they distributed to relatives and friends in need. When Emperor Suzong died, Lian Fan hurried to the imperial tomb at Jingling. By chance, Yan Lin, an official of Lujiang Commandery, had been sent to present a memorial of mourning for the ruler. On the way, the roads were muddy and his horse died, so he could not continue. Seeing his plight with pity, Lian Fan ordered his mounted attendants to give Yan Lin their horse, and then he left without revealing his name.

When Yan Lin had finished his duties, he did not know to whom he should return the horse. Someone told him, "The late Lian Shudu, Governor of Shu Commandery, delighted in relieving people in urgent need. Now, of those who have hurried to the national mourning and could do such a thing, it is probably he." Yan Lin then led the horse to Lian Fan's residence, and it was indeed Lian Fan. After thanking him, Yan Lin returned the horse.

The Record comments: Among officials, Lian Fan is praised because he was renowned for his righteous spirit. His aid to those in danger and his hastening to difficult and perilous situations truly deserve admiration, and they are also enough to show his sincerity and move others. Emperor Xianzong was initially furious at his burying a criminal, but later he came to value him even more. Such a thing is rare both in ancient and modern times. As for the matter of the "five trousers" (wu ku), some people were also able to do it, so it is not listed here.

When Emperor Huan was still the Marquis of Liwu, he once studied under Zhou Fu of Ganling. After he ascended the throne, he promoted Zhou Fu to the post of Secretary of the Imperial Secretariat. At that time, Fang Zhi, the Governor of Henan from the same commandery, enjoyed great prestige at court, so the villagers composed a ballad: "Tiānxià guījǔ Fáng Bówǔ, yīn cóng shī ér dé guānyìn Zhōu Zhòngjìn" (Under heaven, Fang Bowu sets the standard; Zhou Zhongjin obtained his official seal because he followed a teacher). Later, Zong Zi, the Governor of Runan, entrusted government affairs to his merit officer Fan Pang, and Cheng Jin, the Governor of Nanyang, also entrusted government affairs to his merit officer Cen Jie. Thereupon, a ballad circulated in both commanderies: "Runan Tai..."

守范孟愽南陽宗資主畫諾南陽太守岑公 孝弘農成瑨但坐嘯因此流言傳入太學諸 生三萬餘人郭林宗賈偉節爲其冠並與李 膺陳蕃王暢更相褒重學中語曰天下模楷 李元禮不畏彊禦陳伯舉天下俊秀王叔茂 並危言深論不隱豪强自公卿以下莫不畏 其貶議屣履到門  録曰孟子稱伊尹管仲學焉後臣然則因  師獲印何足異哉漢自桓榮稽古所謂學  與師者不過專門章句卒無啓心沃心之  益一旦規模楷範屬之他人而因師獲印  無足多尚顧不知自反而乃互相譏揣各  樹朋徒此何謂哉夫以帝王莫如學學莫  如務求師至於同心同德信任不疑又君  子之所深幸興學育才至於三萬亦後世  之所罕逢不以成頌而反以成隙盖光武  以詞說興故亦以言㫖衰而爲之謡者雖  曰出於偶然其殆莫之爲而爲也歟 時天下名士爲之稱號上曰三君次曰八俊 次曰八顧次曰八及次曰八厨猶古之八元 八凱也竇武劉淑陳蕃爲三君君者言一世 之所宗也李膺荀昱杜密王暢劉佑魏朗趙 典朱寓爲八俊俊者言人之英也郭林宗宗 慈巴蕭夏馥范滂尹勳蔡衍羊陟爲八顧顧 者言能以德行引人者也張儉岑晊劉表陳 翔孔昱范康檀敷翟超爲八及及者言其能 導人追宗者也度尚張邈王考劉儒胡母班
Interpretation

Governor Cen Gong of Nanyang (Cen Ji) often had his registrar, Meng Bo, sign official documents on his behalf. When Xiao of Hongnong held office, he would simply sit and whistle long, and as a result he was slandered by rumor, and the matter reached the Imperial Academy. The Academy had more than thirty thousand students, and Guo Linzong and Jia Weijie were their leaders. They also praised and esteemed Li Ying, Chen Fan, and Wang Chang, and the Academy circulated the saying: "The model for the world is Li Yuanli (Li Ying); the one who fears no power is Chen Bojü (Chen Fan); the outstanding talent of the age is Wang Shumao (Wang Chang)." Their words were upright and their judgments incisive, and they did not conceal the faults of the powerful. From the ministers and dukes downward, none did not fear their criticism, and some were so eager to visit them that they did not stop to put on their shoes.

The commentary in the Record observes: Mencius praised both Yi Yin and Guan Zhong for having learned from teachers. Given this, what is strange about gaining fame through a teacher? Since the time when Huan Rong began teaching ancient learning in the Han, what is called studying under a teacher has mostly amounted to specialized study of the chapters and phrases of the classics, and in the end it did not open the mind or nourish the spirit. Later, people entrusted their models and standards to others and relied on their teachers for their reputations, which is likewise nothing worth special praise. Yet they did not reflect on themselves. Instead they mocked and speculated about one another, each forming a circle of disciples and building factions. What is this worth?

The way of the sovereign has nothing more important than esteeming learning, and the way of learning has nothing more important than earnestly seeking a teacher. To be united in purpose and virtue with one's teacher and to trust him without doubt is a source of deep gratitude for the gentleman. That the cultivation of education and talent should grow to thirty thousand students is something rarely seen in later ages. They should have earned a good name by this, yet instead it bred estrangement among them. Perhaps Emperor Guangwu (Liu Xiu) rose to power through lecturing on the meaning of the classics, and so he too declined through being bound to words and doctrines. The songs that mocked the students of the Academy may have appeared by chance, but they likely arose from the course of events and were not without cause.

At that time, the famous scholars of the realm were divided into categories and given titles. The highest were the "Three Lords," followed by the "Eight Outstanding," the "Eight Esteemed," the "Eight Reaching," and the "Eight Kitchens," just as the ancients spoke of the "Eight Talents" and the "Eight Gentlemen." Dou Wu, Liu Shu, and Chen Fan were called the "Three Lords." "Lord" means that they were revered by their generation. Li Ying, Xun Yu, Du Mi, Wang Chang, Liu You, Wei Lang, Zhao Dian, and Zhu Yu were called the "Eight Outstanding." "Outstanding" means that they were the heroes among the multitude. Guo Linzong, Zong Ci, Ba Xiao, Xia Fu, Fan Pang, Yin Xun, Cai Yan, and Yang Zhi were called the "Eight Esteemed." "Esteemed" means that they could guide others through their virtue. Zhang Jian, Cen Ji, Liu Biao, Chen Xiang, Kong Yu, Fan Kang, Tan Fu, and Zhai Chao were called the "Eight Reaching." "Reaching" means that they could lead others to follow and emulate virtue. Du Shang, Zhang Mai, Wang Kao, Liu Ru, Hu Muban……

秦周蕃嚮王章爲八厨厨者言能以財救人 者也  録曰八元八凱身尊道高顧厨俊及身誳  道喪何懸絶之若此乎盖三代以上政出  於一而賢能爲實用季世政岀於二而才  藝爲忌端周禮冢宰以八柄詔王馭群臣  奚容岐而二之哉若使彼子而此奪彼廢  而此置彼生而此殺雖堯舜不可一日居  况桓靈之世乎學校者禮義之所出非威  辟之所關也孔門弟子記顔淵等十人而  并目其所長分爲四科當時不以爲異後  世不以爲嫌未聞其招禍也苟不在其位  不謀其政惟以禮義廉耻互相維持則顧  厨俊及之名豈可少哉豈可少哉 李膺性簡亢無所交接唯以同郡荀淑陳寔 爲師友荀爽嘗就謁膺因爲其御既還喜曰 今日得御李君矣其見募如此時張讓弟朔 爲野王令貪殘無道至乃殺孕婦聞膺厲威 嚴懼罪逃還京師匿讓第藏於合柱中膺知 其狀率吏卒破柱取朔付洛陽獄受辭畢即 殺之讓訴冤於帝詔詰以不先請便加誅辟 之意膺對曰昔仲尼爲魯司㓂七日而誅少 正卯今臣到官己積一旬私懼以稽留爲愆 不意獲速疾之罪帝顧謂讓曰此汝弟之罪 司𨽻何愆乃遣出之自此諸黄門常侍皆鞠 躬屏氣休沐不敢復出宫省帝恠問其故並 叩頭泣曰畏李校尉是時朝廷日亂綱紀頽 弛膺獨持風裁以聲名自高士有被其容接
Interpretation

The "Eight Kitchens" (bachu) were Qin Zhou, Fan Xiang, and Wang Zhang. By "kitchen" was meant a person who had wealth and was willing to use it to aid others.

The Hongdao Lu comments that the "Eight Yuan" and the "Eight Kai" were all men of lofty virtue who accorded with righteousness. Yet the names "Gu," "Chu," "Jun," and "Ji," and such designations, perplex the reader, as though the world had already declined and the distinctions had become so extreme. Presumably, before the Three Dynasties, government affairs were managed by a single authority, and worthy and capable men could obtain office. In the last age, power was divided between two sides, and talent instead became the seed of resentment and jealousy. The Rites of Zhou says that the Grand Steward (the chief of the hundred officials) assisted the Zhou king in controlling the ministers with eight kinds of authority. How could such a system tolerate divided power and decrees that each side carried out as it pleased?

If one side appoints a man while the other side strips him of his post, if one side dismisses a man while the other side keeps him in office, if one side lets a man live while the other side seeks to kill him, then even Yao and Shun could not govern stably for a single day, let alone in the age when Emperors Huan and Ling held power. Schools are the origin of ritual, righteousness, and moral instruction, not places where punishments are carried out. The disciples of Confucius recorded the ten men led by Yan Yuan, listing each one's particular strengths and dividing them into four categories. At the time no one thought this strange, and later generations did not object to it either. Nor is there any record of it bringing calamity. So long as one does not hold a post, one does not presume to comment on its affairs, and one only supports one another through ritual, righteousness, integrity, and a sense of shame, then how could the names "Gu," "Chu," "Jun," "Ji," and such designations ever be too few? How could they ever be too few?

Li Ying (an official of the Eastern Han known for his uprightness and severity) had a stern and aloof temperament and did not readily associate with others. He regarded only Xun Shu and Chen Shi, who were from his own commandery, as his teachers and friends. Xun Shu once went to visit Li Ying and, on the way, drove his carriage for him. When he returned, he joyfully declared, "Today I drove for Master Li!" That Li Ying was so admired by people was due to such things.

At that time, Zhang Rang's younger brother, Zhang Shuo, served as magistrate of Yewang County. He was greedy and cruel, and he even killed a pregnant woman. Hearing that Li Ying enforced the law strictly, he feared punishment, so he fled back to the capital and hid in Zhang Rang's house, even concealing himself inside a hall pillar. After Li Ying established the facts, he led his officials and soldiers to smash open the pillar, dragged Zhang Shuo out, and sent him to the prison in Luoyang. Once the interrogation was complete, he had him executed.

Zhang Rang lodged a complaint with the emperor. The emperor issued an edict questioning Li Ying as to why he had executed the offender on his own authority without first memorializing the throne. Li Ying replied, "In the past, when Confucius served as Minister of Justice in the state of Lu, he executed Shao Zhengmao after only seven days. Now I have been in office for more than ten days, and I have privately worried only that delaying the case would become a fault. I never expected to be punished for acting too quickly." The emperor turned to Zhang Rang and said, "This is your younger brother's crime. What fault does the Director of the Retainers have?" He then ordered Li Ying to leave his post.

From that time on, eunuchs such as the Huangmen and Changshi bowed low and held their breath, and even on their days off they no longer dared to leave the palace precincts. The emperor found this strange and asked the reason, whereupon they knelt together, kowtowed, and tearfully explained, "We are afraid of Captain Li." At that time the court grew more chaotic by the day, and its laws and disciplines were gradually slackening. Only Li Ying alone upheld the standards of conduct and maintained his dignity through his reputation. Among the scholars, those whom he received...

者名爲登龍門  録曰愚觀膺之破柱成獄臨軒正詞至今  凛凛猶有生氣矧一時閹堅寧不竦然屏  氣乎然不知維辟作福維辟作威威福之  柄自上而下吾從而執之所威者天下之  威所福者天下之福由朝廷逹於天下夫  誰曰不然時皇德不綱宦濁同軌而膺獨  持風采其所子奪廢置與朝廷曾不相及  則是威福之柄自我而將非自上而下也  故小人得以指而爲辭謂更相㧞舉迭爲  唇齒有不合者見則排斥嗚呼彼不合者  正耶邪耶㧞舉者是耶非耶彼之非帝初  不覺而我之是上莫與知於是正者反以  爲邪而邪者得以害正矣然則坐視而不  救可乎否之九四曰有命無咎疇離祉象  曰有命無咎志行也故君子寧正辭直言  以誅姦雄討亂賊無寧專殺擅誅以□同  儔殃善類歟 范滂少厲清節爲州里所服舉孝廉光禄四 行時冀州饑荒盗賊群起乃以滂爲清詔使 案察之滂登車攬轡慨然有澄清天下之志 及至州境守令自知臧汙望風觧印綬去其 所舉奏莫不厭塞衆議及黨獄起桓帝使中 常侍王甫辯詰以次及滂滂曰臣聞仲尼之 言見善如不及見惡如探湯將欲使善善同 其清惡惡同其汙謂王政之所願聞不悟更 以爲黨古之循善自求多福今之循善身蹈 大戮身死之日願埋滂於首陽山側上不負
Interpretation

This is what is called "climbing the Dragon Gate."

The Hongdao Lu says: When I read of Li Ying (a renowned scholar of the Eastern Han) who smashed a pillar, passed judgment on men, and spoke upright truths at court, I still feel awe today, as if I could sense his bearing. How much more must the eunuchs and powerful men of that time have trembled and held their breath in fear?

Yet they did not understand that the ruler holds the authority to bestow favor and wield awe. The power to reward and to punish should flow from above downward; I was merely carrying out orders. The awe I exercised was the awe of all under heaven, and the favor I bestowed was the favor of all under heaven. Coming from the court and extending to the whole realm, who could say it was otherwise?

At that time the emperor could not put the government in order, the eunuchs were corrupt and colluded with one another, and Li Ying alone upheld his integrity. The men he recommended, dismissed, or placed in office were all beyond the court's power to question. This amounted to saying that the power to reward and punish lay in his hands rather than flowing from above. Thus petty men found an excuse to accuse them of recommending one another, colluding with each other, and pushing aside anyone who did not suit them.

Alas, were those who did not suit them truly upright or truly wicked? Were those who recommended them right or wrong? The wrongdoings they were accused of were not initially noticed by the emperor, and what we regarded as right, the emperor likewise had no way of knowing. And so the upright were taken for wicked, while the wicked were instead able to harm the upright.

Then could one simply look on without intervening or offering aid? The fourth line of the Pi (Standstill) hexagram in the Book of Changes says: "Having a mandate, there is no blame; those of one kind share in the blessing." Its meaning is that when one acts under a proper command, there is no calamity, and one's companions also receive good fortune. The Great Commentary explains: "Having a mandate and no blame means that one's aspiration is carried out." Therefore the gentleman would rather correct his words and remonstrate frankly, punishing treacherous heroes and attacking rebels, than kill men on his own or exceed his authority in carrying out punishments, lest he implicate his companions and bring disaster upon the good.

Fan Pang (a renowned scholar of the Eastern Han) cultivated an upright and incorruptible character from his youth and was respected by his community. He was recommended as a Filial and Incorrupt candidate and later served in the Guanglu office. At that time Jizhou suffered famine and bandits rose everywhere, so the court appointed Fan Pang as an Envoy of Clear Edicts and sent him to investigate. He mounted his carriage, gripped the reins, spirited and resolute, determined to set right the customs of the realm. When he entered the territory of Jizhou, the commandery governors and county magistrates, knowing themselves guilty of corruption and lawbreaking, upon hearing the news removed their seals and ribbons and abandoned their posts. The men he recommended and reported on were likewise all in accord with the expectations of the people.

Later, when the Party Prohibitions calamity arose, Emperor Huan sent Palace Attendant Wang Fu to interrogate the accused one by one. When the questioning reached Fan Pang, he said: "I have heard Confucius say: when we see good deeds, we pursue them as if we could not catch up; when we see evil, we pull away from it as quickly as withdrawing a hand from boiling water. In doing so, we hope that people will all draw near to goodness and keep far from wickedness. I thought this was what the kingly government of the Way hoped for, and never imagined that it would instead be called forming factions. The ancients followed the good way in order to obtain greater blessings; today, following the good way brings the ultimate penalty. After my death, I hope to be buried beside Shouyang Mountain, so that above I shall not fail..."

皇天下不愧夷齊甫愍然爲之改容  録曰愚觀孟愽之對未嘗不潸然流涕也  禹之言曰堯舜之民皆以堯舜之心爲心  方是時也九官十二牧濟濟相讓充滿于  廷天下未嘗不同以爲清也四㓙之罪投  竄誅殛曾不少貸天下未嘗不同以爲汙  也如使善而不清何貴於善惡而不汙何  賤於惡以至於春秋之時雖曰人心不古  然而三都之墮少正之戮不遺餘力故又  曰見善如不及見不善如探湯斯民也三  代之所以直道而行也嗚呼何不幸而生  於孟愽之世耶不旋踵間外兵内亂重釁  疊禍危亡無日此豈天之降喪哉人之貪  亂寧爲荼毒其實盖不可逭也已 弘道録卷之二十五    大明萬曆三十五年二月十五日奉
Interpretation

Beneath the august heavens, the only person worthy of standing alongside Boyi and Shuqi was Fu (a personal name). When Meng Bo heard these words, he could not help but look grief-stricken, and his expression changed.

The Hongdao Lu records: Whenever I read Meng Bo's reply, I could not help but weep.

Yu said, "The people of the ages of Yao and Shun all took the intentions of Yao and Shun as their own." At that time, the Nine Officials (the nine categories of officials at court) and the Twelve Shepherds (officials responsible for governing the regions) were abundant in talent, yielded to one another, and the court was filled with an atmosphere of harmony. All under heaven regarded this custom as upright. When the Four Villains (four wicked figures punished in the age of Yao and Shun) were convicted, they were banished, exiled, or put to death, and none of them was pardoned; all under heaven also regarded this as corrupt conduct. If doing good were not considered upright, what would be precious about doing good? If doing evil were not considered corrupt, what would be contemptible about doing evil?

In the Spring and Autumn period, although people's hearts were no longer as simple and sincere as in antiquity, when the state of Lu tore down the Three Capitals (the fiefs of the three great ministerial houses of Lu) and executed Shao Zhengmao (said to have been put to death by Confucius), it still exerted itself fully to rectify governance, without the slightest slackening. Therefore it was also said, "When seeing good deeds, one feels as if one cannot catch up; when seeing evil deeds, one recoils as if one's hand had been thrust into scalding water." The people of the Xia, Shang, and Zhou dynasties acted along the proper path by relying on just this resolve.

Alas, why was he born precisely in Meng Bo's age? In the blink of an eye, there was war from without and turmoil within; calamities followed one upon another, and the state might perish at any moment. Was this a catastrophe sent down by Heaven? In truth, people coveted chaos and were willing to inflict slaughter, and such an outcome could ultimately not be escaped.

Hongdao Lu, Volume Twenty-Five.

Reprinted and circulated by imperial decree on the fifteenth day of the second month of the thirty-fifth year of the Wanli reign of the Great Ming.

Proofread by your minister Zhang Guoxiang, Great Perfected One of the Zhengyi (Orthodox Unity) Hereditary Teaching.

㫖續刊印施      正一嗣教大眞人臣張國祥校

Source text: Kanripo 漢籍リポジトリ(KR5h0033); Licence: CC BY-SA 4.0 · Report an error / feedback

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