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《弘道錄》Vol. 17

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Xu Daozang 續道藏 Vol. 17 / 41 7,880 characters

About this page. The original text of 《弘道錄》 Vol. 17 (Xu Daozang 續道藏, 41 volumes) is shown in Classical Chinese as transmitted in the Kanripo (Kyoto University) edition. An English interpretation of the 16 passages on this page accompanies it: select a passage or press “Interpretation” to show it. All texts in English

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Source textInterpretation

弘道録卷之二十四将一  義   昆弟之義 唐書虞世南與兄世基同受學于吴顧野王 餘十年精思不懈至累旬不盥櫛文章婉縟 慕僕射徐陵陵自以爲類已由是有名陳天 嘉中文帝知二子愽學遣使至其家䕶視世 基辭章清勁過世南而贍愽不及議者方晋 二陸大業中累官祕書郞煬帝時世基得君 貴盛妻妾服御擬王者而世南躬貧約不改 其操宇文化及殺世基世南抱持號訴請代 不能得自是哀毁入唐爲弘文館學士時已 老屢乞骸不聽太宗重之以其貌儒謹外若 不勝衣而中抗烈論議持正嘗曰朕與世南 商畧古今有一言之失未嘗不悵恨其懇誠 乃如此又稱其有五絶一德行二忠直三愽 學四文詞五書翰卒年八十一   録曰愚觀二虞氏一顯於隋一奮扵唐   顯扵隋者若春花吐艷焜燿一時故時   方二陸非不具美也奮於唐者若晚菊   含葩馨香四逹故世稱五絶莫之與京   也夫人際遇不同而本末迥異有如此   者然則人豈可以窮通蚤莫二其心哉 崔邠宇處仁兄弟六人酆郾郇鄯鄲同時至 三品凡爲禮部五吏部再唐興無有也父無 四世緦麻同爨當時治家者咸推其法邠以 鯁亮知名憲宗器之爲太常卿始視事大閱 四部樂都人縱觀邠自弟親導母輿公卿見 者皆避道都人榮之郾子廣畧姿儀偉秀人
Interpretation

Brotherly Loyalty

The Book of Tang records that Yu Shinan and his elder brother, Yu Shiji, studied together under Gu Yewang, a scholar from the Wu region. For more than ten years they devoted themselves to their studies without slackening. At times, they went dozens of days without washing their faces or combing their hair. Yu Shinan’s writing was elegant and refined, and he admired the style of Xu Ling, Vice Director of the Department of State Affairs. Xu Ling, too, considered Yu Shinan’s style close to his own, and Yu Shinan gradually became known for his writing.

During the Tianjia era of the Chen dynasty, Emperor Wen of Chen heard that the brothers were widely learned and sent an envoy to visit their home. Yu Shiji’s writing was vigorous and concise, surpassing Yu Shinan’s; in the breadth and richness of its content, however, it fell short of Yu Shinan’s. People at the time compared the brothers to Lu Ji and Lu Yun of the Jin dynasty. During the Daye era of Emperor Yang of Sui, Yu Shiji was promoted several times and rose to the post of Secretary in the Imperial Library. He later gained the emperor’s favor and attained high status; the clothing and daily expenses of his wives and concubines were on a par with those of princes and lords.

Yu Shinan, by contrast, remained content with a poor life and never changed his principles. When Yuwen Huaji killed Yu Shiji, Yu Shinan clung to his elder brother, weeping and begging to die in his place, but his plea was not granted. From then on, his grief left him gaunt and haggard. After the Tang dynasty was founded, he served as a scholar at the Hongwen Academy. By then he was old and repeatedly asked to retire and return to his home region, but Emperor Taizong refused each time. Taizong held him in high regard: outwardly, he seemed like a refined, cautious scholar, almost too frail to bear the weight of his clothes; inwardly, he was resolute and forceful, and in debate he always stood by what was right.

Taizong once said, “Whenever I discuss the past and present with Yu Shinan, if I say even one thing wrong, he never fails to regret it.” Such was his earnest loyalty. Taizong also praised him for his “Five Outstanding Qualities”: virtue, loyalty and integrity, breadth of learning, literary skill, and calligraphy. Yu Shinan died at the age of eighty-one.

The compiler of the Hongdao Lu remarks: “I see that the two Yu brothers each distinguished themselves in a different dynasty: one rose to prominence under the Sui, while the other made his mark under the Tang. Yu Shiji, who flourished under the Sui, was like flowers bursting into bloom in spring, dazzling for a time. People then compared him to the Jin brothers Lu Ji and Lu Yun, and not without reason. Yu Shinan, who made his mark under the Tang, was like a chrysanthemum budding and releasing its fragrance in late autumn, its scent carried far and wide. Thus people praised him for his Five Outstanding Qualities, unmatched by anyone. People meet with different fortunes, and the beginning and end of their lives may be very different. This shows that a person should not alter their principles because their circumstances differ at one point in life or another, or because they prosper or struggle early or late.”

Cui Bin (Bin is pronounced bīn) and his brothers—Feng, Yan, Xun, Shan, Dan, and Cui Bin himself—were six in all. Every one of them attained a post of the third rank. Among the Cui brothers, some served five times in the Ministry of Rites and twice in the Ministry of Personnel. Nothing like this had occurred since the founding of the Tang dynasty. While their father was alive, even relatives four generations removed, who by ritual rules needed to wear only the light hemp mourning garment, continued to live together and share a kitchen. People skilled in managing a household praised the family’s way of life.

Cui Bin was known for his forthrightness and clarity. Emperor Xianzong of Tang valued him and appointed him Minister of Imperial Sacrifices. When Cui Bin first took up the post, he inspected the Four Divisions of Music—the four kinds of court musical ensembles—and the people of the capital came out to watch. Cui Bin personally accompanied his younger brothers as they helped their mother’s carriage along. When the ministers and nobles passing by saw them, they gave way. The people of the capital considered the scene a great honor.

Cui Yan’s son, Cui Guanglüe, was tall and handsome in appearance, …

望而慕之下不敢欺每擬吏親挾科格褒黜 必當寒遠時無留才素不藏貲有輙周給親 舊居家怡然子弟化之鄯左金吾衛大將軍 卒干家不與李訓之亂人以爲積善報也鄲 以檢校尚書右僕射同平章事節度淮南所 居光德里搆便齋宣宗聞而嘆曰鄲一門孝 友可爲士族法因題曰德星堂後京兆即其 里爲德星社云  録曰柳氏嘗有言曰行道之人德行文學  爲根株正直剛毅爲柯葉有根無葉或可  俟時有葉無根膏雨所不能活也至於孝  慈友悌忠信篤行乃食之醯醬何可一日  無哉觀於崔氏而可見矣人可忽於範世  自負聯翩顯盛從而淫逞於富貴哉德星  之文將不曜矣 小學河東節度使柳公綽在公卿間最名有 家法中門東有小齋自非朝謁之日每平旦 輙出至小齋諸子仲郢皆束帶晨省扵中門 之北公綽决私事接賓客與弟公權及群從 弟再會食自旦至暮不離小齋燭至則命子 弟執經史躬讀一過訖乃講議居官治家之 法或論文或聼琴至人定鍾然後歸寢諸子 復昏定於中門之北凡二十餘年未嘗一日 變易其遇饑歲則諸子皆蔬食曰昔吾兄弟 侍先君爲丹州刺史以學業未成不聼食肉 吾不敢忘也及公綽卒仲郢一遵其法事公 權如事公綽非甚病見公權未嘗不束帶爲 京兆尹鹽鐵使出遇公權於通衢必下馬端
Interpretation

People who looked up to and admired him, even those of humble status, did not dare deceive him. Whenever he evaluated officials, he personally held the assessment regulations and decided whom to commend or censure.

In years of famine, he always gave relief to people in remote areas. He never hoarded wealth; whenever someone needed help, he gave assistance at once. He treated relatives, friends, and old acquaintances warmly, and the younger members of his household followed his example. When the Grand General of the Left Guard of the Shannan Circuit died, his family suffered no misfortune; when the Li Xun Rebellion, a political upheaval during the Tang dynasty, broke out, his household was not implicated. People believed these blessings were the reward for accumulated good deeds.

Later, while serving concurrently as Acting Right Director of the Department of State Affairs and Tongpingzhangshi, he was appointed military governor of Huainan. He lived in Guangde Ward, where he built a small study for quiet cultivation. When Emperor Xuanzong heard of it, he remarked, “The Zheng family is filial and loving toward one another; they are a model for the great families.” He then personally inscribed the words “Hall of the Virtuous Star.” Later, the Jingzhao prefecture named the neighborhood “Virtuous Star Ward.”

The Hongdao lu comments:

Liu once said, “Those who cultivate the Dao should take virtue and learning as their roots, and uprightness and fortitude as their branches and leaves. If the roots are deep but the branches and leaves have not yet grown, one may still wait for the right time. But if the branches and leaves are luxuriant without roots, even abundant rain will not keep them alive for long. As for filial piety and kindness, love among siblings, loyalty and trustworthiness, and steadfast practice, they are like seasoning in food: they must not be missing for even a single day.”

The story of the Cui family makes this principle clear. How could anyone take lightly the task of serving as an example to others? If someone relies on the prominence of their family and its generations of fame, then indulges in reckless conduct amid wealth and status, the good name “Virtuous Star” will cease to shine.

Elementary Learning:

Liu Gongchuo, military governor of Hedong, was highly esteemed among the ministers and maintained a set of household rules. In his residence, just east of the central gate, there was a small study. Every morning, unless he had to go to court to pay his respects to the emperor, he went there. His several sons, including Zhongying, dressed properly and greeted their father each morning on the north side of the central gate.

Liu Gongchuo handled personal affairs and received guests there. He also dined with his younger brother Liu Gongquan and their cousins. From morning until evening, he remained in the study. After the lamps were lit, he had the younger members of the family bring the Classics and histories, then read them through himself from beginning to end. When he had finished, he discussed with them the principles of official service and household management. Sometimes they talked about writing; sometimes they listened to someone play the qin. They did not return to their rooms until late at night, when the night watch drums sounded. The younger members then went to the north side of the central gate to wish their father good night. He kept to this routine for more than twenty years without missing a day.

During famines, the younger members of the family ate vegetables. He said, “In the past, when my brothers and I served our father and accompanied him during his tenure as governor of Dan Prefecture, he forbade us to eat meat because we had not yet completed our studies. I dare not forget this.”

After Liu Gongchuo died, Zhongying followed his father’s rules completely. He served his uncle Liu Gongquan just as he had served his father. Unless he was seriously ill, he always dressed properly when meeting Liu Gongquan. Later, when Zhongying was prefect of Jingzhao and commissioner of the salt and iron administration, he once met Liu Gongquan on the main road. He immediately dismounted and respectfully…

笏立候公權過乃上馬公權暮歸必束帶迎 候扵馬首公權屢以爲言仲郢終不以官達 有小改公綽妻韓氏相國休之曾孫家法嚴 肅儉約爲縉紳家楷範歸柳氏三年無少長 未嘗見其啓齒常衣絹素不用綾羅錦繡每 歸覲不乘金碧輿秪乘竹兜子二青衣步屣 以隨常命粉苦參黄連熊膽和爲丸賜諸子 每永夜習學含之以資勤苦  録曰史稱公綽仁而有勇仲郢方嚴簡素  父子更九鎮五爲京兆再爲河南皆不奏  祥瑞不度僧道不貸賍吏法凡理藩府急  於濟貧恤孤有水旱必先期假貸廪軍食  必精豊逋租必貰免館傳必增餙宴賓犒  軍必華盛而交代之際食儲帑藏必盈溢  於始至此居官之法也而脩身正家之法  史不具備録之 柳玼嘗著書戒其子弟曰壞名災己辱先喪 家其夫尤大者五宣深誌之其一自求安逸 靡甘淡薄苟利於己不恤人言其二不知儒 術不悅古道懵前經而不耻論當世而解頤 身既寡知惡人有學其三勝己者厭之佞已 者悅之唯樂戯談莫思古道聞人之善嫉之 聞人之惡揚之浸漬頗僻銷刻德義簮裾徒 在厮養何殊其四崇好優游眈嗜麯糵以啣 杯爲高致以勤事爲俗流習之易荒覺已難 悔其五急於名宦匿近權要一資半級雖或 得之衆怒群清鮮有存者余見名門右族莫
Interpretation

Liu Zhongying, an official of the Tang dynasty, stood holding his court tablet and waited until Liu Gongquan, the Tang calligrapher and official, had passed before mounting his horse. When Liu Gongquan returned home in the evening, Zhongying would always fasten his sash and stand before the horse to greet him. Liu Gongquan urged him many times that this was unnecessary, but Zhongying never changed his conduct in the slightest, even after becoming an official of high standing.

Han, the wife of Liu Gongchuo, was the great-granddaughter of Han Xiu, a chancellor. She managed the household with strictness and lived frugally, serving as a model for scholar-official families. For the three years after she married into the Liu family, neither young nor old ever saw her smile with her teeth showing. She often wore plain silk garments and never used fine patterned silks or brocades. Whenever she returned to visit her parents, she rode not in a splendid carriage but in a small bamboo palanquin, followed on foot by two maids dressed in blue. She often made pills from sophora root, coptis root, and bear gall, and gave them to her sons. When they studied late at night, she had them hold the pills in their mouths to spur them to diligent study.

The Record says: Histories describe Liu Gongchuo as benevolent and brave, and Liu Zhongying as dignified, upright, frugal, and incorruptible. The father and son successively governed nine regional circuits. They served five times as prefect of Jingzhao and twice as prefect of Henan. They never reported auspicious signs, indiscriminately authorized people to become Buddhist monks or Daoist priests, or pardoned officials guilty of corruption. In governing their circuits, they were quick to relieve the poor and care for orphans. When floods or droughts occurred, they lent grain to the people in advance. They made sure military provisions were of good quality and ample, and remitted overdue taxes. They ensured that relay stations and their facilities were repaired, and that banquets for guests and provisions for the troops were generous. When handing over their posts, they always left ample grain reserves and treasury stores. These were their principles as officials. The histories do not describe in detail how they cultivated themselves and set their households in order, so those accounts are added here.

Liu Ci, a member of the Tang dynasty Liu family, once wrote an essay admonishing the younger generation: “There are five grave ways to ruin your reputation, bring calamity upon yourselves, disgrace your ancestors, and destroy your family. You must keep them firmly in mind. First, to seek comfort for yourselves and refuse to live simply and frugally, caring only for your own interests and disregarding what others may say. Second, to know nothing of Confucian learning and take no pleasure in the teachings of antiquity; to be ignorant of the classics of earlier generations without feeling ashamed, yet to speak and laugh complacently about the affairs of the present day. Your own understanding is shallow, yet you resent those who are learned. Third, to dislike those who surpass you and favor those who flatter you; to enjoy nothing but laughter and idle talk, and give no thought to the teachings of antiquity. When you hear of another’s strengths, you become jealous; when you hear of another’s faults, you spread them around. Over time, you are influenced by corrupt customs, and your De and righteousness gradually disappear. Though you wear a scholar’s robes, how are you any different from a servant? Fourth, to prize idleness and wandering about, and become addicted to drink; to treat raising a cup as refined and diligent work as vulgar. Once this habit takes hold, it is easy to waste your days, and by the time you come to your senses, repentance will be difficult. Fifth, to pursue fame and official rank in haste, and secretly curry favor with the powerful. Even if you happen by chance to obtain an official post, you will incur the anger of the people, and your tenure will not be long…”

不由祖先忠孝勤儉以成立之莫不由子孫 頑率奢傲以覆墜之成立之難如升天覆墜 之易如燎毛言之痛心爾宜刻骨  録曰柳氏世有規範若此篇者不論長幼  無間窮達宜寫一通置之坐側未可以爲  小學莫之省也 宋史太祖幸洛張齊賢以布衣獻䇿條陳十 事内四說稱㫖及還語太宗曰我幸西都惟 得一張齊賢耳我不欲官之他日可使輔汝 爲相也及太宗登祚策試進士齊賢乃在選 中有司失扵掄擇寘諸下第帝不悅故一榜 書賜及第特與京官通判  録曰宋祖以齊賢留相太宗乃眞德實意  當時太宗私意未起因心尚存故一榜盡  賜及第可謂載錫之光矣及其私意一萌  齊賢乃在所畧趙普再薦始得大用觀其  曰陛下若進齊賢他日感恩更過扵此上  遂大悅然則奏王之謀齊賢與聞亦可見  矣嗚呼齊賢其負藝祖哉矧如王溥依違  前代取容本朝而欲望其盡忠匡救胡可  得乎 江州陳氏宗族七百口自陳崇以來數世未 嘗分異爲家法戒子孫擇群從掌其事建書 堂以教誨之詔旌爲義門免其徭役崇子衮 衮子昉同居不畜婢妾人無間言每食必群 坐廣堂未成人者别爲一席建書樓以延四 方之士鄉里率化昉弟子鴻鴻弟競競之世 子姓益衆甞苦乏食淳化中太宗詔本州每 歲貸粟二千石其後競死從弟旭止受貸粟
Interpretation

The ancestors built up the family estate through loyalty, filial piety, diligence, and frugality. Their descendants, however, often brought it to ruin through unruliness, self-indulgence, extravagance, and arrogance. Building a family estate is as hard as climbing to the heavens; destroying it is as easy as burning a single hair. It is truly painful to think of this. You should keep it firmly in mind.

The Hongdao Lu says: The Liu family established this rule for generations: everyone, young or old, rich or poor, should copy it out and keep it beside their seat. Do not assume it is meant only for children and so neglect to reflect on it yourself.

The History of the Song records that when Emperor Taizu of Song went to Luoyang, Zhang Qixian, then a commoner, presented him with a plan setting out ten proposals. Taizu approved four of them. After returning to the capital, Taizu said to Emperor Taizong: “On my visit to the Western Capital, I met only one man of consequence: Zhang Qixian. I do not intend to appoint him now, but in time you can have him assist you as chancellor.” Later, after Taizong took the throne, he held the examinations for presented scholars, which Zhang Qixian also sat. The officials in charge made a poor choice and placed him among those who had failed. Taizong was displeased, so he personally wrote on the examination list that Zhang was to be awarded the degree of presented scholar, and specially appointed him to a post in the capital and as a military prefect.

The Hongdao Lu comments: Emperor Taizu left Zhang Qixian to assist Taizong, and Taizong did indeed possess virtue and sincerity. At that time, Taizong had not yet developed selfish motives; his heart still held to impartiality. He therefore awarded the degree of presented scholar to everyone who had failed that examination, an act of exceptional favor that brought them honor. But once selfish motives arose, Zhang Qixian was set aside. Only after Zhao Pu recommended him again was he given important duties. Zhao Pu said, “If Your Majesty promotes Zhang Qixian, he will be even more grateful to you in the future than he is now.” Taizong was delighted to hear this. From this, we can see that Zhang Qixian, too, had a part in devising counsel for the emperor. Alas, had Zhang Qixian truly let Taizu down? And as for Wang Pu, who served two successive reigns by going along with whichever way the wind blew, seeking only to keep himself safe under the current dynasty, how could anyone expect him to offer loyal remonstrance or to correct and make amends?

The Chen family of Jiangzhou had seven hundred members. From the time of Chen Chong, several generations lived together without dividing the household; this was their family rule. The Chens instructed their descendants to choose one member of the clan to manage family affairs, and they also built a school hall to educate the clan. The emperor issued an edict praising them as a “family of righteousness” and exempting them from corvée labor.

Chen Chong’s son Chen Gun and Chen Gun’s son Chen Fang both lived together with the clan. Neither kept maidservants or concubines, and no one in the clan objected. At mealtimes, the whole family sat together in a spacious hall, while the underage children ate at a separate table. The Chens also built a library and welcomed scholars from all directions. Most people in the area were influenced by their example. Chen Fang’s younger brother was Chen Hong, and Chen Hong’s younger brother was Chen Jing. By Chen Jing’s generation, the number of descendants had grown so large that for a time they struggled with food shortages.

During the Chunhua era (990–994), the reign period of Emperor Taizong of Song, Taizong issued an edict ordering the prefectural government to lend the Chen family two thousand shi of grain each year. Later, when Chen Jing died, his younger cousin Chen Xu accepted only the grain that had been lent…

之半云省嗇而食可以及秋成屬歲歉粟貴 或勸旭全受而糶可邀若價旭曰朝廷以旭 家衆軫其乏食貸以公廩豈可見利忘義耶 帝聞深嘉嘆奬  録曰競之與旭猶帝之與羙也昉之於鴻  猶美之於昭也一家之中崇爲之長昉爲  之繼昉弟子鴻鴻弟競競弟旭數世一心  未嘗自異奈之何國法反不如家法之善  遺命反不若遺謀之遠乎究而論之其本  在於不競粟利始也夫自一芥至於萬鍾  一室至於天下古一聖賢所以競競業業  不敢肆然者正以預養是心無致見利而  忘義也是故區區一江州而有長幼七百  口之陳堂堂大天下而無一弟二姪之宋  帝之嘉嘆一人而甘於負謗萬世其不知  類也已 葛宫弟密奕世儒學以道義聞眞宗時上太 平雅頌十篇又獻寳符閣頌爲楊億所稱知 南充以惠政聞擢南劒州並溪山多產銅銀 吏挾姦罔利謂歲不登宫變其法歲羡餘六 百萬三司使聞於朝論當賞宫曰天地所產 敢爲功乎卒不言徙知秀州秀介江湖間吏 爲關涇瀆上以征徃來間有婚喪趨期者多 不克宫命悉除之卒官太子賓客性敦厚恤 録宗黨撫孤婺賴以存者甚衆密爲光州推 官豪李新殺人嫁禍於邑民葛華密得其清 出之亦當賞密白州使勿言仕至太常愽士 天性恬靖年五十上章致仕姻黨交止之笑
Interpretation

Someone urged Xu’s family to conserve grain and make it through to the autumn harvest. It was a year of poor harvests, and grain prices were high. Another person urged Xu to sell all the grain the authorities had lent his family so he could seize the chance to profit. Xu said, “The court took pity on my large family and our lack of food, and lent us grain from the state granaries. How could I forget our obligation for the sake of profit?” When the emperor heard of this, he greatly admired Xu and commended him.

The Hongdao lu comments: Jing’s relationship with Xu was like Di’s with Mei; Fang stood to Hong as Mei stood to Zhao. In this family, Chong was the elder, and Fang belonged to the generation below him. Fang’s disciple was Hong; Hong’s younger brother was Jing; and Jing’s younger brother was Xu. For generations, they remained united and never grew distant from one another. Why, then, were the laws of the state inferior to the rules of a single family, and the final instructions of rulers less farsighted than the plans of their forebears?

The root of the matter was that from the very beginning they had not competed for the profits to be made from grain. From a single grain of rice to ten thousand measures of grain, from one family to the whole realm, the ancient sages were diligent and careful, never daring to let themselves go, because they had cultivated this disposition in advance and would not let themselves forget their obligations for the sake of profit. Thus, in the small region of Jiangzhou, the Chen family could live harmoniously with seven hundred people, young and old; yet in the vast realm of the Great Song, the Song family could not even make room for a younger brother and a nephew. The emperor praised one man, yet willingly took on the blame of countless generations to come. This was truly a failure to understand what was right.

Ge Gong and his younger brother Mi studied the Confucian classics for generations and were known for their devotion to principle. During Emperor Zhenzong’s reign, Ge Gong presented ten pieces entitled Taiping Yasong, as well as an ode to the Baofu Pavilion, earning Yang Yi’s praise. He served as magistrate of Nanchong, where he became known for his benevolent governance, and was later appointed prefect of Nanjianzhou. The streams and mountains around Nanjianzhou yielded abundant copper and silver, and officials took advantage of this to cheat and profit. Seeing that harvests had been poor in previous years, Ge Gong changed the way things were done. By the end of one year, six million in grain and funds remained in surplus. The Commissioner of the Three Offices reported this to the court and proposed that Ge Gong be rewarded. Ge Gong said, “What Heaven and Earth produce—how could I dare claim it as my own achievement?” In the end, he did not disclose the matter.

Ge Gong was later transferred to serve as prefect of Xiuzhou. Situated between rivers and lakes, Xiuzhou had officials who set up checkpoints at passes and ferry crossings and taxed travelers. Those facing urgent matters, such as weddings or funerals, often had to hurry, but were delayed by these checkpoints. Ge Gong ordered them all to be removed. When he left office, he held the position of Guest of the Heir Apparent. He was kindhearted by nature and cared for his relatives and friends, supporting orphans and widows so that many were able to survive.

When Ge Gong’s younger brother Mi served as judicial aide in Guangzhou, a local strongman named Li Xin murdered someone and blamed an ordinary man, Ge Hua. Mi uncovered the truth and cleared Ge Hua’s name. Mi too should have received a reward, but he reported to the prefect and asked him not to make the matter public. Mi later rose to become a Erudite of the Court of Imperial Sacrifices. By nature, he was contented and quiet. At fifty, he submitted a memorial requesting retirement. His relatives and in-laws all tried to dissuade him, but he only smiled…

曰俟罪疾老死不已而休官者安得有餘裕 哉子書思調建德主簿時密已老欲迎之官 難之書思曰曾子不肯一日去親側豈以五斗移 素志哉遂投劾歸飬及父喪哀毁骨立盛暑 不釋苴麻終禫不忍去家舍累年乃出仕兄 書元爲望江令同𨽻淮南監司有捨兄而薦 己者移書乞改薦兄不許則封檄還之其篤 義類此仕至朝奉郞亦告老父子皆不待年 人咸高之卒謚曰清孝子勝仲儒林有傳孫 立方曾孫邲五世登科三世掌辭命邲遂相光 寧二宗甞曰十二時中莫欺自己其實踐有如此  録曰愚觀葛氏一門父祖子孫及扵昆弟  何其澤之遠哉或仕而舍要投閑或權而  正己守法或父子簮紱相高或兄弟薦引  相尚至扵清孝之謚儒林之稱皆前古所  未有而五世科第三世絲綸亦近代所罕  何蓋不但王氏之三槐而已 宋庠與弟祁同舉進士禮部奏祁第一庠第 二章獻太后不欲以弟先兄乃擢庠第一而 實祁第十人呼曰二宋以大小别之兄弟皆 優文學名擅天下寳元中庠以右諫議大夫 參知政事爲相儒雅練習故事遇事輙辯别 是非與吕夷簡論數不同乃出知楊州范仲 淹去任帝問章得象誰可代得象薦祁帝雅 意在庠復召爲參知政事爲人天資忠厚嘗 曰挾詐恃明殘人矜才吾不爲也卒謚元獻
Interpretation

He would rather wait until he was ill, old, and close to death than remain in office and refuse to retire. How could someone like that have any leisure?

When Ge Shusi served as registrar of Jiande, his father, Ge Mi, was already old. Ge Shusi wanted to bring his father to his post to care for him, but his father wrote to dissuade him. Ge Mi said, “Zengzi would not spend even a single day away from his parents. Would I change my lifelong resolve for five pecks of rice?” So he submitted his resignation and returned home to care for his father.

After his father died, Ge Shusi grieved so deeply that he was reduced to skin and bones. Even in the height of summer, he did not take off his mourning clothes. When the mourning period ended with the dan sacrifice, an ancient rite marking its completion, he still could not bear to leave home. He stayed there for several years before entering office.

Ge Shusi’s older brother, Ge Shuyuan, served as magistrate of Wangjiang County. Both brothers were under the jurisdiction of the Huainan Surveillance Commission, the office responsible for overseeing officials in the Huainan region. Someone bypassed the older brother and recommended Ge Shusi. Ge Shusi wrote asking that his brother be recommended instead. When the person refused, he sealed the appointment document and returned it. This gives us a glimpse of his steadfast kindness and sense of duty.

Ge Shusi eventually rose to the rank of Chaofeng Lang, but he too chose to retire. Neither he nor his father waited until the prescribed retirement age before leaving office, and people respected them both. After Ge Shusi died, he was given the posthumous title “Qingxiao” (“Pure and Filial”). His life is recorded in the “Biographies of Confucian Scholars.”

His grandson Ge Lifang and great-grandson Ge Bi belonged to a family in which someone passed the jinshi examination in five successive generations, while three generations held posts drafting imperial edicts. Ge Bi later served as a minister under both Emperor Guangzong and Emperor Ningzong of the Song, rising to become prime minister. He once said, “At every hour of the day, do not deceive yourself.” He lived by these words.

The Hongdao Lu comments: “When I look at the Ge family, from fathers and grandfathers to children, grandchildren, and brothers, how far their virtue and good influence have spread! Some relinquished important posts and withdrew to less demanding positions; others held power while keeping themselves upright and observing the rules. Fathers and sons encouraged one another through their official service, and brothers yielded recommendations to each other. Ge Shusi received the posthumous title ‘Qingxiao’ and was included in the ‘Biographies of Confucian Scholars’—honors rarely seen in earlier times. Five generations passing the examinations and three generations overseeing the drafting of edicts were also uncommon in recent times. The Ge family’s achievements—could they be compared only to the Wang family’s celebrated ‘Three Locust Trees’ tradition?”

Song Xiang and his younger brother Song Qi passed the jinshi examination in the same year. The Ministry of Rites reported Song Qi as first and Song Xiang as second. Empress Dowager Zhangxian did not want the younger brother placed ahead of the older, so she promoted Song Xiang to first place; Song Qi was actually ranked tenth. People called them the “Two Songs,” distinguishing the brothers as “Elder Song” and “Younger Song.” Both excelled in writing and scholarship, and their fame spread throughout the realm.

During the Baoyuan era, Song Xiang entered the court as a minister with the titles Right Remonstrance Counselor and Assistant Administrator of State Affairs, a deputy prime minister. He was a refined scholar, familiar with the institutions and precedents of the past, and able to judge matters of government clearly. He repeatedly disagreed with Lü Yijian and was eventually transferred out of the capital to serve as governor of Yangzhou. After Fan Zhongyan left office, the emperor asked Zhang Dexiang who might succeed him. Zhang recommended Song Qi, but the emperor had long favored Song Xiang, so he summoned him back to serve as Assistant Administrator of State Affairs.

Song Xiang was loyal and kind by nature. He once said, “I will not act deceitfully, use cleverness to harm others, or show off my abilities.” After his death, he was given the posthumous title “Yuansian” (“Original and Worthy”).

仁宗篆其墓碑曰忠規德範之碑祁謚景元 尤能文善議論所至治事明峻好作條教咸 平天聖間兄弟文雅節操友愛著聞于時自 宋以來不多見也 蘇軾與弟轍同登進士又同策制舉仁宗讀 策退而喜曰朕今日南子孫得兩宰相矣神 宗尤愛其文宫中讀之膳進忘食稱爲天下 奇才幼師父洵爲又既而得之扵天戰嘗自 謂作文如行窟流水初無定質但常行扵所 當行止扵所不可不止雖嬉笑怒罵之辭皆 可書而誦之其體渾涵光芒雄視百代有文 章以來盖亦鮮矣初好賈誼陸贄書既而讀 莊子嘆曰吾昔有見扵中口未能言今見此 書得吾心矣嘗謂轍曰吾視今世學者獨子 可與我上下矣自爲舉子至出入侍從必以 愛君爲本忠規讜論挺挺大節群臣無出其 右故論者謂其器識之閎偉議論之卓犖文 章之雄雋政事之精明四者皆能以特立之 志爲其主而以邁徃之氣輔之故意之所向 言足以逹其有猷行足以遂其有爲至扵禍 患之來節義足以固其有守皆志與氣所爲 也轍論事精確脩辭簡嚴王安石初議青苗 數語柅之自是不復及若非王廣兼傅會則 此議息矣皆其寡言鮮慾素有以服其心故 也元祐秉政力斥章蔡不主調停及議回河 顧役與文彦愽司馬光異同而西邉之謀又 與吕大防劉摯不合君子不黨扵此見之二
Interpretation

Emperor Renzong of Song personally inscribed his tombstone in seal script with the words “Stele of Loyal Counsel and Virtuous Example,” and bestowed on him the posthumous title Jingyuan. He was particularly skilled at writing and argument. Wherever he went, he handled government affairs with clarity and decisiveness, and he also liked to draft statutes and regulations.

During the Xianping and Tiansheng eras, his brothers were refined and principled, and showed affection for one another. Their close bond was widely known at the time. Such a family has been rare since the Song dynasty began.

Su Shi and his younger brother Su Zhe passed the jinshi examination together and also took the special court examination together. After reading their policy essays, Emperor Renzong was delighted and said, “Today, I have gained two prime ministers for my descendants.” Emperor Shenzong was especially fond of Su Shi’s writing. He often read it in the palace, sometimes forgetting to eat while doing so, and called Su Shi a rare talent in all the realm. As a child, Su Shi studied under his father, Su Xun; later, his natural talent won him a literary reputation. He once said that writing should flow like clouds and water, with no fixed form: one should simply keep going where it ought to go and stop where it must stop. Even words of joking, laughter, anger, and scolding could all be written down and read aloud. His writing was powerful and richly vivid, standing above the work of generations. Such writing had been rare ever since literature began.

Su Shi first enjoyed reading the works of Jia Yi and Lu Zhi. Later, after reading the Zhuangzi, he exclaimed, “I had already grasped something of this in my heart, but could not put it into words. Now that I have read this book, I find that it has expressed what I mean.” He once said to Su Zhe, “Among the scholars of our age, I think only you can match me.”

From the time he sat the civil service examinations until he served at court, Su Shi consistently made loyalty to the ruler his guiding principle. His frank counsel was apt, and his integrity steadfast; no other minister surpassed him in these qualities. Critics therefore said that he had broad capacity and vision, exceptional judgment, vigorous and elegant writing, and skill in handling government affairs. These four qualities were all grounded in an outstanding and independent ambition, supported by a spirited drive to advance. What he thought could be expressed in words clear enough to convey his plans; what he set out to do could be brought about through action; and when confronted with danger, he had the moral courage to uphold his principles. All of this came from his ambition and spirit.

Su Zhe’s arguments on government were precise, and his wording concise and exact. When Wang Anshi first proposed the Green Sprouts Law, Su Zhe stopped him with only a few sentences, and Wang did not raise the matter again. The original text goes on to say that without “Wang Guang jian fu hui,” the proposal would have died down; this passage may contain a textual error, and its meaning is difficult to determine. Su Zhe spoke little and had few desires. His deep, steady self-cultivation enabled him to win people’s trust.

When Su Shi held office during the Yuanyou era, he strongly opposed Zhang Dun and Cai Que and rejected compromise. On the question of diverting the Yellow River and the exemption-from-service law, he disagreed with Wen Yanbo and Sima Guang; on plans for the western frontier, he was at odds with Lü Dafang and Liu Zhi. This shows that he did not form factions.

人進退出處無不相同患難之中友愛彌篤 無少怨尤近古尤罕見云  録曰愚觀大宋以大科取士一舉而得二  宋又一舉而得二蘇何其盛歟自預以異  日爲相之望非區區一資半級可以見宋  朝待士之厚須材之篤過扵漢唐諸君遠  甚而數子者寧誳己私而不敢背公彗寧  忤權臣而不敢欺朝廷上不負天子下不  負所學可謂得以道殉身之義矣雖或相  或否而其體段已具無害乎其所謂大臣  也至扵成敗利銳又何足較哉 王安國任西京國子教授秩滿至京帝以安 石之故特詔問曰漢文帝何如主安國對曰 三代以後未之有也帝曰但恨其才不能立 法更制耳曰文帝自代來入未央宫定變故 俄頃呼吸間恐無才者不能至用賈誼言待 群臣有節專務以德化民海内興扵禮樂幾 致刑措則文帝加有才一等矣帝曰王猛佐 符堅以蕞爾之國而令必行今朕以天下之 大不能使人何也曰猛教堅以峻法殺人致 秦祚不傳今刻薄小人必有以是誤陛下者 願專以堯舜三代爲法則下豈有不從者乎 帝又問卿兄秉政外論謂何對曰恨知人不 明聚歛太急爾帝不悅由是止授崇文院校 書屢以新法之弊力諫安石又嘗以佞人目 惠卿故惠卿啣之  録曰帝之問安國即所以問安石也安石  探帝之情兼扵二秦故假權寵以濟其私
Interpretation

In their comings and goings, in whether they held office or withdrew from public life, these people were no different from one another. In times of hardship, their friendship only grew stronger. They felt not the slightest resentment or blame toward each other—a state of affairs rarely seen in recent times.

The Record says: “I see that the Song court selected talent through the grand examinations and found two men at one sitting. At another sitting, it selected the two Su brothers. How flourishing that was! Su Xun had long been regarded as someone who would one day become chancellor. This was not something that could be matched by a minor qualification or half a rank in office. From this we can see that the Song court treated scholars with great generosity and pursued talent with great urgency, far surpassing the Han and Tang. The esteem you have shown them is in a wholly different league.”

These men would rather set aside their own private interests than violate what was right; they would rather offend powerful ministers than deceive the court. They did not fail the emperor above, nor betray what they had learned below. One may say that they understood the principle of “sacrificing oneself for the Dao.” Whether or not they later became chancellors, they already possessed the bearing of senior ministers. As for success or failure, gain or loss, what is there to dwell on?

Wang Anguo was appointed professor at the Imperial College in the Western Capital. When his term ended, he went to the capital. Because he was Wang Anshi’s younger brother, the emperor issued a special edict asking him, “What kind of ruler was Emperor Wen of Han?”

Wang Anguo replied, “Among rulers since the Three Dynasties, none has surpassed him.”

The emperor said, “It is a pity that his abilities were insufficient: he could not establish institutions and carry out reforms.”

Wang Anguo said, “Emperor Wen came from Dai and entered Weiyang Palace to put down a rebellion, accomplishing this in an instant, in the space of a breath. Surely a man without ability could not have done so. He listened to Jia Yi’s counsel, kept the ministers within due bounds, and devoted himself to governing through virtue and transforming the people. Ritual and music flourished throughout the realm, and the land came close to having no need for punishments. If Emperor Wen had possessed even a little more ability, he would have been all the more remarkable.”

The emperor said, “When Wang Meng assisted Fu Jian, he was able to make his commands obeyed with only a small state. Now I possess the whole realm, yet I cannot make people comply. Why is that?”

Wang Anguo replied, “Wang Meng taught Fu Jian to kill people with harsh laws and severe punishments. As a result, the Qin state did not endure beyond his lifetime. Among the petty and ruthless men of today, there must be some who would mislead Your Majesty with this approach. I hope Your Majesty will take only Yao and Shun, and the rulers of the Three Dynasties, as models. Then who in the realm would fail to submit?”

The emperor then asked, “Your elder brother is in charge of government. What do people outside the court say about him?”

Wang Anguo replied, “I regret only that he does not judge people clearly and is too eager to amass wealth.”

The emperor was displeased. From then on, Wang Anguo was given only the post of proofreader at the Institute for the Advancement of Letters. Wang Anguo repeatedly urged Wang Anshi in the strongest terms to abandon the New Policies because of their harmful effects. Wang Anshi, too, had once called Huiqing a flatterer, and Huiqing consequently bore a grudge against him.

The Record says: “The emperor’s questions to Wang Anguo were really a way of asking what Wang Anshi thought. Wang Anshi read the emperor’s intentions and drew the ‘Two Qins’ into the matter. He then used his power and imperial favor to serve his own private aims.”

 安國鑒兄之失蔽扵群佞故𩛙正詞以明  其惑不然王氏幾無人矣以雱之疾戾欲  梟韓琦富弼之首而卒奪其魄天之降鑒  亦孔昭乎雖不能見悅扵帝而實不自絶  扵天後世不以安石病安國則較然矣 曾鞏少弧弟布與肇皆受學扵鞏爲文章本 原六經斟酌扵司馬遷韓愈一時工作文詞 者鮮能過也肇幼自力學愽覽經傳爲文温 潤有法更十一州類多善政及布得政自熙 寧以來四十年邪正相軋黨論屢起肇身更 其間與兄不合布因韓忠彥並相日夕傾危 之肇既居外移書告之曰兄方得君當引用 善人翊正道以杜惇卞復起之萌而數月以 來所謂端人吉士繼跡去朝所進以爲輔佐 侍從臺諫徃徃皆前日事惇卞者一旦勢異 今曰必首引之以爲固位計思之可爲慟哭 比來主意已移小人道長進必論元祐人扵 帝前退則盡排之扵要路異時惇卞縱未至 一蔡京足以兼之不可不深慮布不能從未 幾京果得政布與肇俱不免  録曰自二宋二蘇有名當時若金陵之王  南豐之曾文學行能畧不相遠君子未可  以差殊觀也一心術之偏寵禄之奪遂致  一邪一正若隔天淵一薫一蕕若分二器  其遺臭直至扵今豈非以其誣䧟正人排  斥忠義專務引用㓙邪以爲固位取寵之  計哉抑王氏昆弟之扵新政始終區别之
Interpretation

Anguo (Wang Anguo) saw that his elder brother Wang Anshi’s shortcomings were hidden from him by a group of treacherous sycophants. He therefore admonished him with frank words, hoping he would see through their deception. Otherwise, scarcely anyone in the Wang family would have remained safe. Wang Anshi’s son, Wang Pang, had a perverse disposition and once wanted to kill Han Qi and Fu Bi, but in the end fear robbed him of his courage. Heaven’s scrutiny of Wang Anguo was indeed clear and exact. Although he failed to win the emperor’s favor, he did not sever his ties with the Way of Heaven. It is plain that later generations did not condemn Wang Anguo for Wang Anshi’s faults.

Zeng Gong lost his father when he was young. His younger brothers, Zeng Bu and Zeng Zhao, both studied under him. They grounded their writing in the Six Classics and also drew on the styles of Sima Qian and Han Yu. Few writers of the time could surpass them. From childhood, Zeng Zhao studied diligently and read widely in the classics and histories. His writing was measured and well ordered. He governed eleven prefectures in succession and left a good record in most of them.

After Zeng Bu came to power, for forty years from the Xining era onward, the court was divided between upright and corrupt factions, and partisan disputes repeatedly flared up. Zeng Zhao lived through these struggles and differed with his elder brother Zeng Bu on matters of policy. When Zeng Bu governed alongside Han Zhongyan, Zeng Zhao worried that his brother would be pushed aside, so he wrote to him:

“Now that you have the ruler’s trust, you should recommend worthy men and uphold the right path, to prevent Zhang Dun and Cai Bian’s faction from gaining power again. Yet in recent months, those regarded as upright and worthy have one after another left the court. Those recommended for assistant, attendant, and censorial posts have often been people who formerly supported Zhang Dun and Cai Bian. The circumstances have changed. If you bring these people back into court merely to strengthen your own position, the thought is truly painful. The emperor’s attitude has recently shifted, and the influence of petty men is growing. When they enter the palace, they accuse the people of the Yuanyou era before the emperor; when they leave, they push them out of important posts. Even if Zhang Dun and Cai Bian do not regain power, Cai Jing alone would be enough to carry out what they did. This must be considered with the utmost care.”

Zeng Bu did not heed his advice. Before long, Cai Jing indeed came to power, and neither Zeng Bu nor Zeng Zhao escaped misfortune.

The Hongdao lu comments: “At that time, the Two Songs and the Two Sus—Su Shi and Su Zhe—were renowned. The Wang family of Jinling and the Zeng family of Nanfeng were broadly comparable in learning, character, and ability. A gentleman should not lightly rank one above the other. Yet when a person’s judgment is skewed and he is tempted by power and emoluments, he may end up on opposite sides of right and wrong, as far apart as heaven and earth. Good and evil become mixed together, as though placed in separate vessels. The ill name he left behind has still not faded. Was this not because he falsely accused upright men, drove away the loyal and righteous, devoted himself to promoting the treacherous, and made securing his position and winning favor his sole aims? As for the Wang brothers’ attitudes toward the New Policies, they were distinct from beginning to end.”

 將凂焉徽宗既相蔡京旋復相布肇實爲  草制曰東西分臺左右建輔嗚呼盍不扵  是時明其是非以爲去就乎既以居外乃  始移書或已晩矣宜乎布之不能從也 吕祖儉祖泰祖謙之弟也受業祖謙祖謙卒 祖儉監明州倉部法半年不上爲違限祖儉 必欲終期喪朝廷從之詔以一年爲限自祖 儉始寧宗即位除大府丞時韓□冑誣趙汝 愚祖儉上封事曰陛下初政清明曾未踰時 朱熹老儒彭龜年舊學悉許之去至扵李祥 老誠篤實衆聼所孚者今又斥逐臣恐天下 視以爲戒今能言之士其所難非在扵得罪 君父而在扵忤意權勢姑以臣所知者言之 莫難扵論災異然而不諱者以其事不關扵 權勢也若乃御筆之降廟堂不敢重違臺諫 不敢深論給舍不敢固執蓋以其事關貴倖 深慮乘間激發而重得罪也比者左右□御 於黜陟廢置之際間得聞者車馬輻凑其門 如市恃權怙寵揺憾外庭臣恐事勢浸淫政 歸倖門不在公室凡所薦進皆其所私凡所 傾䧟皆其所惡豈但側目憚畏莫敢指言而 阿比順從内外表裏之患必將形見臣豈矯 激自取罪戾實以士氣頽靡私憂過計深慮 陛下之勢孤而相與維持宗社者䆮寡也有 㫖安置韶州朱熹與書曰熹以官則高扵子 以恩禮則深扵子然坐視群少之爲不能言
Interpretation

Emperor Huizong of Song first appointed Cai Jing as chancellor, then soon reinstated Zeng Bu (styled Zixuan) to the position. At the time, someone drafted an edict stating "the Censorate divides east and west, while ministers flank left and right"—this was precisely when right and wrong should have been clearly distinguished, and decisions made about who should stay or go. By the time remonstrations came after their demotions from the capital, it was likely too late—no wonder Zeng Bu refused to comply.

Lü Zujian was the younger brother of Lü Zuqian and studied under him. After Lü Zuqian’s death, Lü Zujian was assigned to oversee the granaries of Mingzhou (modern Ningbo). According to regulations, he could not assume office within six months due to mourning obligations, but he insisted on completing the full mourning period. The court eventually agreed and issued a special decree extending the deadline to one year—this precedent began with Lü Zujian.

After Emperor Ningzong ascended the throne, Lü Zujian was appointed as Grand Minister of the Court Treasury. At the time, Han Tuozhou falsely accused Zhao Ruyu, prompting Lü Zujian to submit a memorial stating:

"Your Majesty’s governance was clear and just upon your accession, yet before long, venerable Confucians like Zhu Xi and erudite scholars like Peng Guinian were forced to leave, and even a widely respected, loyal minister like Li Xiang was demoted. I fear the world will take this as a warning—those who dare speak today face not the difficulty of offending the ruler, but of angering the powerful. Take what I know: discussing celestial portents and anomalies is easier because it does not threaten the powerful. But if the emperor issues a direct edict, the chancellor dares not oppose it, the censors dare not investigate deeply, and the remonstrators dare not persist—all because it involves powerful figures who might retaliate harshly.

"Recently, those close to the throne have taken bribes in matters of official promotions and demotions, their gates bustling with carriages like a marketplace. They rely on their influence to shake the foundations of governance. I fear that if this continues, court affairs will be controlled by favored ministers, who appoint only their own faction and suppress dissent. Not only will people grow fearful and silent, but it will also foster collusion between inner and outer courts. I do not speak recklessly to invite disaster—I simply see the decline of scholarly integrity and worry that Your Majesty stands increasingly alone, with fewer allies to safeguard the realm."

As a result, Lü Zujian was exiled to Shaozhou. Zhu Xi wrote to him: "In rank, I outstrip you; in imperial favor, I surpass you... yet I have watched villainy prevail without daring to speak..."

以報効乃令子約獨舒憤懣觸群小而蹈禍 機其愧嘆深矣祖儉報書曰在朝行聞時事 如在水火中不可一朝居使處鄉閭理亂不 知又何以多言爲哉嘗言因世變有所推折 失其素履者固不足言因世變而意氣有所 加者亦私心也祖泰性䟽達尚氣誼學問該 愽徧遊江湖交當世知名士祖儉安置遠州 祖泰徒步徃省之留月餘語其友王深厚曰 自吾兄之貶諸人箝口我雖無位義必以言 報國當少須之未敢以累吾兄也及祖儉没 貶所祖泰乃上言論□胄有無君之心道學 者自古所恃以爲國也立僞學之禁逐汝愚 之黨是將空天下而陛下不知悟邪陳自强 特童孺之師躐致宰輔蘇師旦平江吏胥以 潜邸而得節鉞周均韓氏厮役以皇后親屬 得大官不識陛下在潜邸時果識師旦乎椒 房之親果有均乎凡□胄之徒自尊大而卑 朝廷一至扵此也願亟誅□胄及師旦而罷 逐自强之徒獨周必大可用宜以代之書出 中外大駭有㫖挾私狂妄杖之百發配欽州  録曰眞文公嘗稱大愚有成公之風然猶  一大府丞也至泰然韋布之末耳無官守  無言責而甘履危機何歟宋轍既南明離  不復奸邪疊興然未有若□胄之時者也  自僞學之說興公然以放僻邪侈爲人之  眞情廉潔好脩乃僞情耳自生民以來未
Interpretation

To repay the state, Zu Tai let Zu Yue voice his indignation on his own and provoke the petty men, which brought disaster upon him. Zu Ji felt deep shame and sighed over this. Zu Jian wrote back: “Those who serve at court hear of the state of affairs as if they were caught between water and fire; they cannot endure even a single day. If I were to stay in the countryside, deaf to the world’s order and disorder, what more would there be to say?” He once remarked that people who changed their choices and went against their usual principles because the times had changed were not worth mentioning in the first place; those who became even more impetuous because the times had changed were acting from the same selfish motives.

Zu Tai was openhearted by nature and valued integrity and friendship. He was widely learned, traveled throughout the rivers and lakes, and befriended celebrated scholars of his day. After Zu Jian was banished to a remote prefecture, Zu Tai went on foot to visit him and stayed for more than a month. He said to his friend Wang Shenhou: “Ever since my elder brother was demoted, everyone has kept silent. Though I hold no office, duty requires me to speak in order to serve the state. We should wait a little longer. I dare not bring trouble upon my brother.” Only after Zu Jian died in exile did Zu Tai submit a memorial, accusing □ Zhou of harboring disloyal intentions. He wrote: “Since ancient times, men of learning and the Dao have been people on whom the state can rely. Now a ban on ‘false learning’ has been imposed, and the party of Ruyu has been driven out. Does this not leave the whole realm without talent, while Your Majesty remains unaware? Chen Ziqiang was no more than a teacher of young children, yet he was promoted beyond his station to the post of chief minister. Su Shidan was originally a minor clerk in Pingjiang, but because he was employed while Your Majesty was still heir apparent, he was granted the command baton. Zhou Jun was a servant in the Han household, yet became a high official simply because he was related to the empress. Did Your Majesty truly know Shidan while still heir apparent? Is there really anyone among the empress’s household relatives like Zhou Jun? □ Zhou and his faction consider themselves exalted and hold the court in contempt; matters have reached this point. I urge Your Majesty to execute □ Zhou and Shidan without delay, and dismiss and banish Ziqiang and his faction. Only Zhou Bida is fit to be appointed; he should replace the chief minister.”

When the memorial became public, the court and the country were deeply shaken. The emperor issued an edict declaring that Zu Tai was acting from selfish motives and speaking and behaving recklessly. He was given one hundred strokes of the cane and banished to Qinzhou.

The Record comments: “Zhen Wengong once praised Dayu as having the mettle of Chenggong, yet Dayu ultimately held only the post of assistant prefect. As for Zu Tai, he was merely a scholar among the common people, without the duties of an official or any obligation to submit remonstrances. Why, then, was he willing to risk everything? The fortunes of the Song had already shifted south; the sign of ‘Radiance Clinging’ no longer appeared. Treacherous men rose one after another, but the situation had never been as grave as when □ Zhou held power. Since the doctrine of ‘false learning’ arose, some have even openly treated indulgence in evil and perversity as a person’s true nature, and called integrity and self-restraint hypocrisy. Never since there have been people…”

 有此說是殆甚扵指鹿爲馬之奸慘扵焚  書坑儒之禍人人得而誅之况世得中原  文獻之傳者乎抑吕許公韓魏公之在仁  宗朝皆居相位有盛名至其子孫邪正之  分不啻若此吕雖屢竄屢逐馨香百倍而  韓之元㓙極醜遺臭萬年君子不能不爲  之長太息也 陸九齡兄弟六人父賀累世義居推一人最 長者爲家長一家之事聼命焉子弟分任家 事凡田疇租稅出内庖爨賓客之事各有主 者九齡繼其父志益脩禮學治家有法闔門 百口男女以班各供其職閨門之内嚴若朝 廷而忠敬和樂鄉人化之皆遜弟焉與弟九 淵相爲師友和而不同學者號爲二陸有來 問學者九齡從容啓告人人自得或未可與 語則不發嘗曰人之惑有難以口舌爭者言 之激適以固其意少需之未必不自悟也廣 漢張敬夫與九齡不相識晩歲以書講學期 以世道之重吕祖謙常稱之曰所志者大所 據者實有肯綮之阻雖積九仞之功不敢遂 有毫釐之偏雖立萬夫之表不敢安公聼並 觀却立四顧弗造扵至平至粹之地弗措也 弟九韶學亦淵粹隱居山中晝之言行夜必 書之以訓戒之辭爲韻語晨興家長率衆子 弟謁先祠畢擊鼓誦其詞使列聼之  録曰愚觀陸氏家規之切閨範之嚴後世  鑿鑿可以遵而行之張公藝忍之一字昔
Interpretation

There is a saying that this conduct was more treacherous even than Zhao Gao’s act of calling a deer a horse—that is, deliberately turning right and wrong upside down—and caused greater harm than Qin Shi Huang’s burning of books and burying of scholars. Anyone who behaves this way deserves to be condemned and punished. How much more so when he is a descendant of a family that has passed down the literature of the Central Plains for generations?

Lü Xugong and Han Weigong both served as prime ministers during Emperor Renzong’s reign and were renowned. Yet among their descendants, the difference between uprightness and wickedness was astonishing. Though the Lü family suffered repeated demotions and expulsions, its reputation remained fragrant a hundredfold. The chief culprit among Han’s descendants behaved with such vileness that his name stank for ten thousand years. A noble person cannot help but sigh deeply at this.

There were six brothers in the Lu Jiuling family. Their father, Lu He, had several generations of the family live together under one roof. They chose the eldest to head the household, and the whole family followed his arrangements. The younger generations each took charge of household matters: farming the fields, managing rents and expenses, preparing food, and receiving guests.

Lu Jiuling carried on his father’s aspirations and devoted himself even more to the study of ritual, managing the household according to clear principles. More than a hundred members of the family, men and women alike, performed their duties in proper order. Inside the household, discipline was as strict as in the court, yet everyone was loyal and respectful, harmonious and content. The people of the local community were influenced by them and became modest and friendly toward one another.

Lu Jiuling and his younger brother Lu Jiuyuan were both teachers and friends to each other. They lived in harmony but did not blindly follow one another. Students called them “the Two Lus.” When people came to Lu Jiuling for instruction, he would guide them calmly, so that each gained something from the exchange. If he felt someone was not yet ready to hear certain things, he would keep silent. He once said, “Some doubts are not easily dispelled by argument. If you speak too forcefully, the other person may only become more stubborn. Wait a while, and they may yet come to understand on their own.”

Zhang Jingfu of Guanghan and Lu Jiuling had not known each other before, but in their later years they exchanged letters about learning and agreed to shoulder together the responsibility for the world. Lü Zuqian often praised Lu Jiuling, saying, “His aspirations are lofty, and his arguments are grounded. Even when he encounters an obstacle at a crucial point, though he may already have put in nine-tenths of the effort, he does not presume that he is right. Even when his insights are exceptional, he does not grow complacent. He listens widely and observes carefully, then takes a step back to examine the matter from every side. If he has not yet attained impartiality and purity, he will not stop.”

His younger brother Lu Jiushào also had deep and sound learning, and lived in seclusion in the mountains. Each evening, he wrote down what he had said and done during the day, turning it into rhymed verses of admonition. At dawn, the head of the household would lead the younger generations in paying respects at the ancestral shrine. After the rites, he would beat a drum and recite the verses, while everyone stood in rows and listened.

The Record of Broadening the Way says: “I have observed that the Lu family rules were strict and practical, and that the rites within the household were also carefully upheld. Later generations can indeed follow and put them into practice. The story of Zhang Gongyi, who governed his household through the word ‘forbearance,’ was once…”

 見其有所未盡此則道學之益不可徒以  累世義居目之也 史彌鞏彌遠從弟也入太學升上舍時彌遠 柄國寄埋(未仕避謙/謂之寄理)不獲試淹抑十載嘉定 十年始登進士端平初入監都進奏院嘗應 詔上書曰天倫之變世孰無之陛下友愛之 心亦每發見洪咨夔所以蒙陛下殊知者謂 霅川之變非濟邸本心濟邸之死亦非陛下 本心其言深有以契聖心耳矧以先帝之子 陛下之兄乃使不能安其體魄扵地下豈不 干和氣召災異乎時有鄧若水者亦上言曰 行大義然後可以弭大謗收大權然後可以 固大位除大奸然後可以息大難寧宗皇帝 晏駕濟王當繼大位也廢黜不聞於先帝過 失不聞扵臣民彌遠不利其立矯先帝之命 棄逐濟王并弑皇孫曾未半年竟殞扵湖揆 以春秋之法非弑乎非篡乎天下皆歸罪彌 遠而不敢歸過扵陛下者何也倉卒之間非 陛下所得知亦諒陛下必無是心也今已踰 年矣而乾剛不决威斷不行無以大慰天下 之望昔之信陛下者今或疑其有昔之謂不 知者今或疑其知陛下何忍以青天白日而 受此污辱乎此臣所謂行大義以弭大謗者 也  録曰濟王之冤若水訟之可也彌鞏以弟  而訟兄可乎有宋盛時吕端至銷繼恩而  立眞宗當是時也豈不忌太子英明如史
Interpretation

If one sees that he still had shortcomings, one can understand the benefits Daoist learning brought him; they cannot be summed up merely as “virtues accumulated over generations and harmonious relations.”

Shi Migong was a cousin of Shi Miyuan. He entered the Imperial Academy and advanced to the Upper House, a higher stage of study there, when Shi Miyuan held control of the government. Shi Migong was not given the opportunity to sit the examinations. Suppressed and delayed for ten years, he did not pass the jinshi examination until the tenth year of the Jiading era. In the early Duanping era, he took up a post at the Metropolitan Directorate of Memorials.

In response to an imperial edict, he once submitted a memorial saying: “Who in this world has never experienced a crisis among relatives? Your Majesty’s affection for your kin has often been evident. Hong Zikui won Your Majesty’s particular regard because he said that the incident at Zhaochuan was not the Prince of Ji’s true intention, and that the Prince of Ji’s death was not Your Majesty’s true intention either. His words truly accorded deeply with Your Majesty’s mind. Besides, the Prince of Ji was the late emperor’s son and Your Majesty’s elder brother. Now he has been left unable to rest in peace beneath the earth. Surely this will disturb the harmonious Qi of Heaven and Earth and bring down calamities?”

At that time, another man, Deng Ruoshui, also submitted a memorial. He said: “Only by carrying out great justice can the gravest criticism be quieted; only by wielding great authority can the highest position be secured; only by removing a great traitor can a great disaster be averted. After Emperor Ningzong died, the Prince of Ji should have inherited the throne. The late emperor never announced that he had been deposed, and the officials and people had heard of no fault of his. Because Shi Miyuan opposed the Prince of Ji’s accession, he falsely claimed to be carrying out the late emperor’s command, exiled the prince, and killed the imperial grandson. Less than half a year later, Shi Miyuan himself died in Huzhou. Judged by the standards of the Spring and Autumn Annals, was this not regicide and usurpation? Everyone under Heaven places the blame on Shi Miyuan, yet dares not blame Your Majesty. Why? Because events unfolded so suddenly that Your Majesty could not have known of them; people also believe that Your Majesty could not have intended such a thing.

“Now more than a year has passed, yet Your Majesty has still been unable to act with firm resolve and exercise decisive authority, and so has failed to meet the hopes of all under Heaven. Those who once trusted Your Majesty may now have doubts; those who once said they did not know the full story may now suspect that Your Majesty did know. How can Your Majesty bear to carry such a stain beneath the open sky? This is what I mean by ‘carrying out great justice to quiet the gravest criticism.’”

The Hongdao lu comments: “It is understandable that Deng Ruoshui spoke up for the Prince of Ji, who had suffered an injustice. But Shi Migong was his younger brother: was it proper for him to speak up on his elder brother’s behalf? At the height of the Song dynasty, Lü Duan once arranged to remove Jien and install Zhenzong. At the time, was he not wary of the crown prince’s brilliance, like Shi…”

 新恩之慮乎然而卒不能易者金匱之盟  未寒玉葉之分匪遠人不得以遠間親新  間舊也理宗之世有五國城之釁扵前有  十世孫之嫌扵後天下之事譬之傳舍寓  䖏者不以爲恩居停者翻以爲福祇爲權  奸靡漫而已而公義直道未可謂秦無人  然而卒不能有所救藥者彼方以攘臂爲  得援立爲恩何暇徐行後長而爲泰伯季  子之事乎則亦無怪乎其然也已矣 曹友聞友諒武惠王十二世孫也兄弟俱有 大志尋師取友不遠千里登寳慶二年進士 辟天水軍教授天水被圍友聞與守臣張維 䋅民厲戰兵退制置使旌之自是弟友諒及 萬各以武畧知名檄守仙人關又捍七方關 元兵入大安統制何進敗死友聞與萬各率 所部間道斬其將檄知天水軍復與友諒徃 來督戰有功换武翼大夫御前都統制時趙 彦呐進屯青野原元人圍之友聞曰青野爲 蜀咽喉不可緩遺萬領兵夜半截戰遂解其 圍授武德大夫驍騎大將軍萬四川制置司 帳前總管明年元太子闊端合蕃漢軍五十 餘萬將至友聞曰國家安危在此一舉衆寡 不敵豈容浪戰唯當乘高據險出奇設伏以 待之制置使趙彦呐檄友聞控制大安以保 蜀口友聞以爲不可彥呐不從乃遣萬友諒 引兵上鷄冠隘多張旗幟示敵堅守友聞選 精銳密徃流溪設伏約曰敵至以鳴皷舉火
Interpretation

Those who have recently received favor may have misgivings, yet in the end they cannot change course because of the “Golden Coffer Covenant” (said to be an oath concerning the succession to the throne, which Song Taizu and Zhao Pu hid in a golden coffer). Relations among members of the imperial clan had not yet grown distant. An outsider could not use a distant relative to drive a wedge between close kin, nor use a newcomer to divide those who had long been established.

During the reign of Emperor Lizong of Song, there was first the “calamity of the Five Kingdoms City” (the earlier capture and confinement of Emperors Huizong and Qinzong by the Jin in Five Kingdoms City), followed later by suspicion surrounding the “tenth-generation descendant.” Affairs of the world are like an inn: someone who borrows a room for a short stay does not regard it as a favor, while someone who lodges there treats it as a blessing. This was simply the wanton abuse of power by treacherous ministers. There were still people who upheld public justice and the right path, but in the end they could not save the situation. The other side regarded a forced military advance as aid and the installation of a ruler as a gift of grace. How could they then have the leisure to yield respectfully and honor seniority, as Taibo and Jizha had done when they gave up the throne? It is hardly surprising that matters came to such a pass.

Cao Youwen and Cao Youliang were twelfth-generation descendants of King Wuhui. Both brothers had lofty ambitions and traveled thousands of li to seek teachers and make friends. In the second year of the Baoqing era, Cao Youwen passed the civil service examination and was appointed an instructor in Tianshui Army. When Tianshui was besieged, he fought alongside the prefect Zhang Wei and the local people, driving back the enemy. The military commissioner commended him for this. From then on, his younger brother Youliang and Cao Wan also became known for their military ability.

The court ordered Cao Youwen to defend Xianren Pass, and he then repelled enemy forces at Qifang Pass. When the Yuan army entered Da’an, the commander He Jin was defeated and killed. Cao Youwen and Cao Wan each led their troops along a concealed route to attack, killing an enemy general. The court then appointed Cao Youwen to administer Tianshui Army. Later, he and Cao Youliang took turns overseeing the fighting and distinguished themselves in battle. Cao Youwen was promoted to Martial Wing Grand Master and Commander-in-Chief of the Imperial Guard.

At the time, Zhao Yanna was stationed at Qingye Plain, where the Yuan army surrounded him. Cao Youwen said, “Qingye Plain is a vital gateway to Shu. We cannot afford to delay.” He sent Cao Wan with troops to attack the enemy by night, and the siege was finally lifted. Cao Youwen was therefore appointed Martial Virtue Grand Master and General of the Dashing Cavalry. Cao Wan, meanwhile, became chief manager of the Sichuan Military Commission’s headquarters.

The following year, the Yuan crown prince Kuoduan assembled more than five hundred thousand troops, both frontier and Han Chinese, and prepared to attack. Cao Youwen said, “The fate of the state will be decided in this battle. The enemy is numerous and we are few; how can we rush into combat? We can only rely on high ground and rugged terrain, using surprise attacks and ambushes to await the enemy.” The military commissioner Zhao Yanna ordered him to control Da’an and defend the gateway to Shu. Cao Youwen thought this unwise, but Zhao Yanna would not heed him. Cao Youwen therefore sent Cao Wan and Cao Youliang with troops to climb Jiguang Pass and raise many banners, making a show of holding their position against the enemy. He himself selected an elite force and secretly went to Liuxi to lie in ambush, agreeing on this signal: “When the enemy arrives, beat the drums and raise the fire…”

爲應元兵果至萬出逆戰友聞遣統制楊大 全擊後隊總管夏用擊中隊吕嗣德擊前隊 友聞親帥精兵三千疾馳至隘下會大風雨 西軍素以綿□代鐵甲經雨濡濕不能舉元 兵益以鐵騎四面圍繞友聞嘆曰此殆天乎 吾有死而已於是極口詬罵殺所乘馬以示 必死血戰愈厲與弟並全軍盡没元兵遂長 驅入蜀秦鞏人汪世顯素服友聞威望常以 名馬遺之師還過戰地嘆曰蜀將軍眞男兒 漢也  録曰宋事至此雖有智者莫能爲矣向也  自似道之開邉釁也元人固甞躪階成而  擾興沔穿金房以𣊟襄樊矣尚頼仙源有  以議後而蜀道得以安全當是之時猶未  以航海爲意也及乎友聞既死全蜀長驅  長江之險虜得其勝順流直擣何所恃哉  是故不至扵天涯海角不已也惟不能見  幾扵始故無以自善於終然則人君豈可  不以奸邪誤國爲戒乎此曹氏兄弟上不  愧武惠下無忝所生死有重扵泰山關扵  宗社不可以常戰目之也 元王元伯與兄宣伯四世不異釁家人百餘 口無間言宣伯卒家事付姪軌軌辭曰叔父 行也宜主元伯曰姪宗子也相讓既久卒以 付軌縉紳之家自謂不如諸婦亦各聚一室 爲女工畢歛貯一庫室無私藏至幼稚亦相 與共乳一婦值歸寧留其子衆婦不問孰爲 己兒兒亦不知孰爲己母也
Interpretation

Yingyuan’s army arrived as expected. Yang Youwen ordered the commander Yang Daquan to attack the enemy’s rear, the steward Xia Yong to strike the center, and Lü Side to assault the vanguard. He personally led three thousand elite troops and hurried to the foot of a strategically important pass. At that moment, a fierce storm broke out.

The Western army customarily wore coats made of layers of cotton cloth in place of iron armor. Once soaked by the rain, these garments made it difficult for the soldiers to move. Yuan cavalry in iron armor then surrounded them from all sides. Youwen sighed, “This must be Heaven’s will! There is nothing left for me but to die.” He shouted curses at the enemy and killed his own mount to show that he was resolved to fight to the death. He fought with ever greater courage, and in the end he, his younger brother, and the entire army fell in battle. The Yuan forces then advanced deep into Sichuan.

Wang Shixian of Qinzhou and Gongzhou had long admired Youwen’s reputation and often sent him fine horses. Later, as Wang Shixian led his troops past the battlefield, he exclaimed, “The generals of Sichuan were truly men who stood between Heaven and Earth!”

The compilers of the Hongdao lu commented: “By this stage, no matter how wise a person might have been, the Song dynasty’s fortunes could not have been turned around. As early as after Jia Sidao provoked conflict along the border, Yuan forces had entered the area around Jiezhou and Chengzhou, raided Xingyuan and Mianzhou, and passed through Jinzhou and Fangzhou, waiting for an opportunity to attack Xiangyang and Fancheng. Fortunately, Xianyuan devised a strategy that preserved the roads into Sichuan. At the time, the Song court had not yet considered fleeing by sea. After Yang Youwen died in battle and the Yuan forces pushed deep into all of Sichuan, the natural barrier of the Yangtze River also fell into enemy hands. If the enemy advanced downstream, what could possibly stop them? At this rate, the Song court would not stop until it had fled to the ends of the earth.

“This came to pass because the warning signs were not recognized in time, leaving no way to save themselves in the end. How, then, can a ruler fail to take as a warning the way treacherous men bring a state to ruin? The Yang brothers did not disgrace their ancestor Wuhui, nor did they fail their parents. They gave their lives for the state and its ancestral shrines. Their deaths weigh more than Mount Tai; they should not be regarded as merely ordinary battlefield deaths.”

In the Yuan dynasty, Wang Yuanbo and his elder brother Xuanbo lived together with four generations of their family, more than a hundred people in all. They were harmonious, and no one had ever heard of discord among them. When Xuanbo died, he entrusted the household affairs to his nephew Wang Gui. Wang Gui declined, saying, “While my uncle was alive, he always managed the household. It is right that he should continue to do so.” Yuanbo replied, “My nephew is the eldest legitimate son of the clan.” The two yielded to each other for a long time, but in the end they entrusted the household affairs to Wang Gui.

The family lived together in remarkable harmony. The women each worked on needlework in separate rooms, and everything they made was stored in a single storeroom; no one in the household kept possessions for herself. Even the young children were nursed and cared for by everyone together. When one woman returned to her parents’ home for a visit, leaving her child behind, the other women did not ask which child belonged to whom. The children, too, could not tell which woman was their mother.

 録曰吏書江州陳氏有犬百餘共一牢食  一犬不至諸犬亦不食此未必然今故削  之然則幼稚啼泣諸母見者即爲抱哺自  是實事也録之 闕里誌孔誴宇崇伯宣聖五十七代孫父希 鳳母王氏生六子誴其長也次評𧪚論謹診 諒撫愛之尤篤平居一飯必共案出入必聯 轡弗至則停筋立馬以俟無倦容親朋至者 命酌呼諸弟以次酬勸講論典墳賡唱詩句 亹亹數百言可聼可愛諸弟薰而良善者多 族長屢以朂其族人曰若等能如崇伯昆弟 者亦足矣鄒魯士大夫之談者咸以爲孔氏 良子弟及卒相與爲位哭之私謚曰敦友  録曰孔子曰朋友切切愢愢兄弟怡怡義  之所裁各有攸宜若敦友者可謂能念爾  祖者矣此録之終也
Interpretation

The Book of Officials records that the Chen family of Jiangzhou kept more than a hundred dogs, all of which ate together in one enclosure. One dog did not come, and the others refused to eat as well. This account may not be reliable, so it has been omitted here.

However, it is common for mothers to pick up and feed crying infants when they see them, so this has been recorded.

The Gazetteer of Que Li (a local gazetteer describing the Kong family affairs in Confucius’s hometown) says: Kong Cong, courtesy name Chongbo, was the fifty-seventh-generation descendant of Confucius, the Sagely Proclaimer. His father was Kong Xifeng, and his mother’s surname was Wang. They had six sons. Kong Cong was the eldest; the other five were named, in order, Ping, Tan, Lun, Jin, Zhen, and Liang. Kong Cong was especially affectionate and caring toward his younger brothers.

At mealtimes, the brothers always sat at the same table. When they went out, they rode side by side. If anyone had not arrived, they would lay down their chopsticks and hold their horses, waiting without the slightest impatience. When friends and relatives came to visit, Kong Cong would order wine to be prepared and invite his younger brothers to offer cups and urge the guests to drink in turn. They would discuss the classics and compose verses in response to one another, often exchanging hundreds of lines in lively and delightful conversation. Influenced by him, his younger brothers mostly became kind and decent men. The clan head repeatedly urged the family members, saying, “If you can be like Chongbo and his brothers, that will be enough.”

Scholars and officials in the Zou and Lu regions praised the Kong brothers as young men of good character. After Kong Cong died, people set up a memorial tablet and wept for him. In private, they gave him the posthumous name “Sincere in Friendship,” meaning that he was sincere and generous in his affection for others.

The Record says: Confucius once said, “Friends should earnestly admonish one another, while brothers should treat one another with harmony and affection. One’s conduct should accord with reason, with due measure in every matter.” A man like Sincere in Friendship truly did not fail his ancestors. This is the end of this Record.

弘道録卷之二十四

Source text: Kanripo 漢籍リポジトリ(KR5h0033); Licence: CC BY-SA 4.0 · Report an error / feedback

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