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《弘道錄》Vol. 19

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Xu Daozang 續道藏 Vol. 19 / 41 7,296 characters

About this page. The original text of 《弘道錄》 Vol. 19 (Xu Daozang 續道藏, 41 volumes) is shown in Classical Chinese as transmitted in the Kanripo (Kyoto University) edition. An English interpretation of the 15 passages on this page accompanies it: select a passage or press “Interpretation” to show it. All texts in English

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弘道録卷之二十六将三  義   朋友之義 晋書王裒家貧躬耕諸生有爲割麥者遂至 棄之知舊致遺皆不受門人爲本縣所役告 裒求囑令裒曰卿學不足以庇身吾德薄不 足以蔭卿囑之何益且吾不執筆已四十年 矣乃步檐乾飯兒負鹽豉草屩送所役生到 縣安丘令以爲詣已也整衣出迎裒至磬折 而立云門生爲縣所役故來送别因執手涕 泣而去令即放之一縣以爲耻鄉人管彦少 有才而未知名裒獨以爲必當自逹㧞而友 之北海邴春少立志操寒苦自居負笈遊學 鄉邑僉以爲邴原復出裒以春性險狹慕名 終必不成其後春果無行學業不終有識以 此歸之  録曰裒之不受門人囑也由其不受門人  之獲始也其不答安丘令也由其不向西  面之坐始也不然勞役不恤人必以爲迂  整衣不答人必以爲簡雖然以節行著聞  之徒而親爲擔飯負草之舉然則曰不囑  者是乃所以深囑之歟 唐書秦王世民以海内䆮平銳情經術乃開 館於宫西延四方文學之士出教以杜如晦 房玄齡虞世南褚亮姚思廉李道元蔡允恭 薛元敬顔相時蘇最于志寧蘇世長薛收李 守素陸德明孔頴達盖文達許敬宗共一十 八人並兼文館學士分爲三番更日直宿伺 朝謁之暇討論經典文籍與議天下事或至
Interpretation

Righteousness: The Righteousness of Friendship

The Book of Jin records that Wang Pou (a scholar of the Jin dynasty) lived in poverty and farmed the land himself. When one of his students reaped wheat for him, he refused to accept it again. He also declined all gifts that relatives and friends sent him.

One of his disciples was conscripted by the county government for corvée labor and asked Wang Pou to intercede on his behalf. Wang Pou replied, "Your learning is not yet enough to protect you, and my virtue (De) is too shallow to shield you. What use would intercession be? Moreover, I have not put brush to paper for forty years." He then set out on foot, carrying cooked rice, salted fermented soybeans (douchi, a preserved bean product), and straw sandals, which he had his son carry, and escorted the disciple to the county seat.

The magistrate of Anqiu, thinking Wang Pou had come to visit him, straightened his robes and came out to greet him. Wang Pou bowed deeply and said, "My disciple has been conscripted by the county, and I have come specially to see him off." He then held his disciple's hand and bade him farewell in tears. The magistrate promptly released the disciple. The people of the whole county regarded this as a disgrace to the magistrate.

Guan Yan, a fellow townsman, was talented in his youth but had yet to win a reputation. Only Wang Pou believed that Guan Yan would certainly become famous, and so he supported him and made friends with him. Bing Chun, a man from Beihai, had resolved to uphold his integrity in youth. Though poor, he went off to study with his book chest on his back, and the villagers said he was another Bing Yuan (a man known for conduct and learning in the Eastern Han). Wang Pou, however, judged that Bing Chun was narrow-minded and coveted only fame, and would never achieve anything. Later Bing Chun did indeed behave improperly and never completed his studies. Men of discernment held that this confirmed Wang Pou's judgment.

The Hongdao Lu comments that Wang Pou's refusal of his disciples' gifts stemmed from his initial refusal to accept the wheat his disciple had harvested for him. His failure to respond to the Anqiu magistrate also stemmed from the fact that he never sat in a seat facing west, the seat of honor (here the seating arrangement illustrates that he would not seek to attach himself to power through the etiquette of host and guest). Otherwise, had he been unsympathetic to his disciples' labor, others would surely have called him pedantic; had he put on his robes and gone out yet refused to answer the magistrate, others would surely have called him arrogant. Even so, Wang Pou was renowned for his steadfast integrity and cultivation, yet he personally carried rice for his disciple and brought straw sandals to see him off. Then, was his statement "I will not intercede through others" not precisely a deeply heartfelt intercession on his disciple's behalf, expressed through action?

The Book of Tang records that Qin Wang Li Shimin (the future Emperor Taizong of Tang), seeing that the realm was gradually settling down, devoted himself to the study of the classics. He established a Literary Hall on the western side of his palace, invited learned men from across the land, and ordered that Du Ruhui, Fang Xuanling, Yu Shinan, Chu Liang, Yao Silian, Li Daoyuan, Cai Yungong, Xue Yuanjing, Yan Xiangshi, Su Zui, Yu Zhining, Su Shichang, Xue Shou, Li Shousu, Lu Deming, Kong Yingda, Ge Wenda, and Xu Jingzong, eighteen men in all, concurrently serve as scholars of the Literary Hall. They were divided into three shifts and took turns on night duty. Each day before the morning audience, they discussed the classics and documents, and also took part in deliberations on affairs of state, sometimes even...

夜分使閻立本圖像褚亮爲賛號十八學士 士大夫得預其選者時人謂之登瀛州  録曰孟子之時桃應問曰舜爲天子臯陶  爲士瞽瞍殺人則如之何萬章又曰象曰  以殺舜爲事及爲天子則封之此非有所  爲也預講而宿難之何哉以唐之天下皆  太宗之功欲其如舜之不與固亦難矣惜  乎諸賢並進曾無一及於桃應萬章者公  暇之所討夜分之所論非富貴之筌蹄則  功名之膾炙以是知大聖大賢平日所以  處人倫大變必有素定初非偶得所以預  講而宿難者非其迂濶不情而實則鑿鑿  可據夫豈瀛州之選所能與哉 及即位又置弘文館娶四部書二十餘萬卷 選天下文學之士虞世南褚亮姚思廉歐陽 詢蔡允恭蕭德言等並以本官兼學士令更 日宿直聼朝之隙引入内殿講論前言徃行 商確政事與討古今道所以成敗日昃夜艾 未嘗少怠又取三品以上子孫充弘文館學 生  録曰湯克夏嘗修文德矣曰聖敬日躋也  而未聞置弘文之館也周克殷亦敷文教  矣曰彝倫攸叙也而未聞聚四庫之書也  唐以方興之運矧其君有邁世之資使能  加意於聖敬黽勉於彝倫而不爲口耳見  聞之學則貞觀之治豈直如斯而已哉大  抵帝王之學與經生異誇多闘摩者經生  之學也守約施愽者帝王之學也然則兩
Interpretation

Late at night, Emperor Taizong of Tang (Táng Tàizōng) ordered Yan Liben (Yán Lìběn), a painter of the Tang dynasty, to paint their portraits, and ordered Chu Liang (Chǔ Liàng), a Tang literary figure, to compose eulogies for them. He called this group the "Eighteen Scholars" (shíbā xuéshì). Officials of the scholarly class who were fortunate enough to be selected were then said to "ascend Yingzhou" (dēng Yíngzhōu), meaning to climb to Yingzhou, the fairy island.

The Record of Spreading the Dao (Hóngdào Lù) comments: When Mencius was alive, Taoying (Táoyīng) once asked, "When Shun was Son of Heaven, Gaoyao (Gāoyáo) served as Minister of Justice, in charge of criminal cases. If Gusou (Gǔsǒu), Shun's father, had committed murder, what should have been done?" Wan Zhang (Wàn Zhāng) then asked, "Xiang once plotted to kill Shun, yet after Shun became Son of Heaven, he enfeoffed Xiang as a feudal lord. Was this not partiality?" Shun's conduct was not driven by any private motive.

Taizong gathered his scholars to discuss ancient affairs, and he too pondered these difficult questions through the night. Why was this? The Tang realm had been founded by Taizong's own hand, so it was indeed hard to ask him to do as Shun did and not pass the realm to his own kin. Unfortunately, these scholars were promoted together, yet not one of them addressed the questions raised by Taoying and Wan Zhang. Their discussions by day during leisure hours and their debates late at night, if they were not pursuits of paths to wealth and rank, were preoccupied with the topics of fame and office. From this we can see that sages and worthies, when facing major upheavals in human relationships, must have long considered them thoroughly beforehand and did not respond by chance. Therefore, discussing such problems in advance and pondering them through the night was not pedantic or unreasonable, but had solid grounds. How could the scholars selected for Yingzhou compare?

After Taizong ascended the throne, he established the Hall of Literary Expansion (Hóngwén Guǎn), collected books from the four categories (over two hundred thousand scrolls), and selected learned men from across the realm. Yu Shinan (Yú Shìnán), Chu Liang, Yao Silian (Yáo Sīlián), Ouyang Xun (Ōuyáng Xún), Cai Yungong (Cài Yúngōng), Xiao Deyan (Xiāo Déyán), and others all concurrently served as scholars while retaining their original posts, taking turns on overnight duty. In the intervals between audiences, Taizong would summon them into the inner palace to discuss the words and deeds of the ancients, deliberate on state affairs together, and explore the principles behind order and chaos, success and failure, past and present. They often talked from daylight until late at night and never grew slack. He also selected sons and grandsons of officials of the third rank and above to serve as students of the Hall.

The Record of Spreading the Dao comments: After Shang Tang defeated the Xia dynasty, he promoted cultural and moral transformation, and the classics say this was why "the virtue of wisdom, reverence, and sincerity grew day by day." Yet we have not heard that he established a Hall of Literary Expansion. After the Zhou defeated the Shang, they too widely promoted cultural instruction, and the classics say this was why "the bonds of human relations were settled and ordered." Yet we have not heard that they gathered the four categories of books. The Tang was at the very beginning of its founding, and its ruler had talents beyond the ordinary. If he had given greater weight to the virtue of wisdom and reverence, diligently followed the bonds of human relations, and not confined learning to oral transmission and the accumulation of what was heard and seen, would the Zhenguan era (Zhēnguān zhī Zhì) have reached only this level?

Broadly speaking, the learning of rulers differs from that of scholars who read the classics in pursuit of learning. To boast of abundant knowledge and compete with one another is the learning of scholars; to grasp the essentials and apply them widely is the learning of rulers. Then, the two...

 言爲有餘矣其於二十餘萬卷乎何有 京兆李泌幼以才敏著聞玄宗使與太子爲 布衣交太子嘗稱之曰先生後隱居頴陽肅 宗立遣使召之謁見於靈武上大喜出則連 轡寢則對榻如爲太子時事無大小皆以咨 之言無不從至於進退將相亦與之議屢欲 以爲相泌固辭曰陛下待以賓友則貴於宰 相矣何必屈其志乃止  録曰肅宗以泌爲賔友不可乎正良娣之  后辨建寧之誣敦太上之禮建功臣之議  井井乎開導切磋之義使帝未即位之先  泌苟早至其施爲氣象必不如是之草草  也惜乎心之未純信之未篤衡山之遣無  幾觀察之命旋出以泌之賢卒不免於末  議此其功名之際不可不持無欲自得之  心也 狄仁傑同府參軍鄭崇質母老且疾當使絶 域仁傑謂曰君可貽親萬里憂乎詣長史藺 仁基請代行仁基咨美其誼時仁基方與司 馬李孝廉不平至是相語曰吾等可少愧矣 則仍與相待如初每曰狄公之賢北斗以南  人而已  録曰此與以柳易播同不録此何以録鄭  之使不得已劉之貶得已也以北斗以南  一人視元和以下八子則固有不同矣此  其所以異也 韓愈爭臣論或問諫大夫陽城可以爲有道 之士乎學廣而聞多不求聞於人行古人之 道居於晋之鄙人薰其德大臣聞而薦之天
Interpretation

Words have already been spoken in abundance, and how much more so the more than two hundred thousand scrolls of books? What, then, does all this amount to?

Li Mi of Jingzhao (the area around Chang'an, the Tang capital) was renowned in his youth for his quick intelligence and talent. Emperor Xuanzong had him form a friendship of plain cloth (a bond in which the two were not regarded as ruler and minister) with the crown prince, who called him "Master." Later Li Mi retired to Yingyang. When Emperor Suzong ascended the throne, he sent an envoy to summon Li Mi, and the two met at Lingwu. Suzong was overjoyed. When they went out together they rode side by side, and when they rested they shared a couch, just as Li Mi had with the crown prince. In all matters of state, great or small, Suzong consulted him and always followed his advice, and even the appointment of generals and chief ministers was discussed with him. Suzong several times wished to make Li Mi chief minister, but Li Mi firmly declined, saying, "Your Majesty treats me as a guest and a friend, and this courtesy already surpasses that of a chief minister. Why should you constrain my aspirations?" Suzong then desisted.

The Hongdao Lu comments: Was it not appropriate for Suzong to treat Li Mi as a guest and a friend? Had Suzong been able to rectify the conduct of Consort Zhang (Suzong's favorite, later empress), clear the slander suffered by Prince Jianning, observe the proper rites due the Retired Emperor, and deliberate carefully over the rewards of meritorious officials, then governance would have been orderly. This is precisely the principle of guiding through words and of mutual discussion. Had Li Mi come to Suzong's side early, before Suzong ascended the throne, the character of his governance would surely not have been as hasty and careless as it later became. Unfortunately, Li Mi's devotion was not single-minded enough, and his trust in Suzong was not firm enough. Soon after he was sent to Mount Heng, he was ordered to serve as Observation Commissioner. Even a worthy of Li Mi's caliber could not avoid being drawn into the court's late disputes. From this we see that, amid fame and profit, one must not fail to maintain a mind free of desire and content in itself.

Zheng Chongzhi, a fellow staff officer of Di Renjie, had an aged and sickly mother, yet he himself was about to be dispatched to a distant frontier. Di Renjie said to him, "Can you bear to have your mother worry about you across ten thousand li?" Di Renjie then went to see the Chief Administrator Lin Renji and asked to go in Zheng Chongzhi's place. Lin Renji praised his righteous act. At that time, Lin Renji was at odds with the Assistant Administrator Li Xiaolian. After this affair, the two said to each other, "We truly ought to be ashamed," and they resumed their former cordial relations. They often said, "A man of virtue like Lord Di is the only one south of the Northern Dipper."

The Hongdao Lu comments: This matter resembles Liu Zongyuan's request to take Liu Yuxi's place on the journey to Bozhou. Why did the compilers omit that case yet include this one? Zheng Chongzhi's mission was unavoidable, whereas Liu Yuxi's demotion was of his own making. To regard Di Renjie as the sole worthy south of the Northern Dipper is naturally different from the so-called eight worthies of the years after the Yuanhe reign. This is the reason the two episodes are distinct.

In Han Yu's On Contentious Ministers, someone asks: "Can the Remonstrance Grand Master Yang Cheng be called a man of the Way? He is broadly learned and well informed, yet he does not seek to be known by others. He upholds the righteousness of the ancients and dwells in the remote parts of Jin, and the villagers are all transformed by his virtue. When the great ministers heard of this, they recommended him..." The original text breaks off at this point.

子以爲諫議大夫五年矣在位不爲不久聞 天下得失不爲不熟天子待之不爲不加而 未嘗一言及於政問其官則曰諫議也問其 政則曰我不知也有道之士固如是乎吾聞 之有官守者不得其職則去有言責者不得 其言則去今陽子以爲得其言乎哉愈非以 爲直而加於人也惟善人能受盡言謂其能 聞而改之及裴延齡誣逐陸贄等帝怒甚無 敢言者城乃守延英閣上䟽極論慷慨引誼 累日不止聞者寒懼而城聲色愈厲帝大怒 詔抵城罪皇太子開救得免然帝意欲遂相 延齡城曰延齡爲相吾當取白麻壞之帝不 相延齡城之力也  録曰愈之盡言非訐直也朋友有責善之  義麗澤有啇兊之益雖衆人所不敢言而  愈言之易曰介疾有喜此韓子之意人固  不得而測也城之不言亦非不言也利害  有切於朝廷得失有關於君德必舉世不  敢言而後言之易曰括囊無咎此陽子之  意人亦不得而窺也天下之事孰有大於  置相者乎以一盧杞顚沛危亡社稷幾於  不隕而延齡旋復蹈之頼城而已其功豈  止於一人之適一事之間乎設使朝拜官  而夕奏䟽非惟忠告之義不顯而含章之  羙終無成矣此歐公之論余無取乎爾也 蕭頴士與李華同年相善天寳初頴士補秘 書正字華爲監察御史名聞一時宰相李林
Interpretation

You have served as Remonstrance Counselor (Jianyi Daifu) for five years, which is no short time. You are thoroughly familiar with the gains and losses of affairs throughout the realm, and the favor the Son of Heaven has shown you is considerable. Yet you have never spoken on matters of government. Asked about your office, you say you are a Remonstrance Counselor; asked for your views on governance, you say you do not know. Is this really how a person of the Dao (the Way) behaves?

I have heard that one who holds office, if unable to fulfill its duties, should step down, and one charged with remonstrance, if unable to remonstrate, should likewise step down. Do you believe you have fulfilled your duty of remonstrance? I do not mean to fault you for being upright, nor to use these words to press you. Only those of good character can accept frank speech, for they are willing to hear counsel and can thereby correct themselves.

When Pei Yanling slandered and drove out Lu Zhi and others, the emperor was furious, and no one dared to speak. Yang Cheng, however, remained at Yanying Pavilion (the place where Tang emperors summoned ministers to deliberate) and submitted a memorial, earnestly setting out the principles at stake, for several days running. Those who heard him were terrified, yet Yang Cheng's expression and tone only grew more intense. The emperor flew into a rage and issued an edict to punish him. Only when the Crown Prince interceded on his behalf was Yang Cheng spared. Yet the emperor had originally intended to appoint Pei Yanling as chief minister. Yang Cheng said, "If Pei Yanling becomes chief minister, I will take up the appointment edict and tear it to pieces." In the end the emperor did not appoint Pei Yanling as chief minister, and this was owing to Yang Cheng's merit.

The Hongdao Lu (Record of Propagating the Dao) comments: Han Yu's direct remonstrance was not a matter of deliberately exposing others' faults or showing off his own strength. Between friends there is a bond of encouraging one another and helping to correct faults, as the Book of Changes (Yijing) describes in the image of Li Ze (two marshes joined together, symbolizing friends who study together and mutually benefit). Even what everyone else dared not say, Han Yu said. The Book of Changes says, "Being firm against faults brings good fortune" (jie ji you xi), and this serves to explain Han Yu's intent. A person's inner thoughts are never fully fathomable to others.

Yang Cheng's refusal to remonstrate was not a matter of unbroken silence. Only when a matter bears on the gains and losses of the court or on the virtue of the ruler, and when the people of the realm all dare not speak, did he offer remonstrance. The Book of Changes says, "Tie up the sack; there is no blame" (kuo nang wu jiu), meaning that one who closes the mouth of a bag with care, keeping cautious silence, can avoid fault. This precisely expresses Yang Cheng's intent, which, likewise, others find hard to discern.

Among the affairs of government, what is more important than the appointment of a chief minister? When Lu Qi held power, the state fell into distress and peril, and the altars of the state nearly perished. Pei Yanling then came close to repeating the same disaster, and only Yang Cheng's intervention stopped him. His merit lies not merely in sparing one man misfortune or sparing one matter from error. Suppose Yang Cheng had only just received his appointment and by evening had submitted a remonstrance. Not only would it fail to show the meaning of loyal counsel, it would also fail to achieve the virtue of prudence and reticence. Therefore, I do not agree with Ouyang Xiu's view.

Xiao Yingshi and Li Hua passed the examination in the same year and were close friends. In the early Tianbao era, Xiao Yingshi was appointed Proofreader (Zhengzi) of the Imperial Secretariat, and Li Hua served as Censor, and both were then highly renowned. Chief Minister Li Lin

甫欲見之頴士居父喪不詣林甫至故人舍 邀之反哭于門内以待林甫不得已弔之乃 去怒其不下已服闋調廣陵叅軍裴耀卿張 均韋述皆先進器其材與釣禮述嘗薦以自 代召詣史館而林甫方擅威福遂不屈免官 及禄山寵恣頴士陰語柳并曰亂不久矣託 疾遊太室山卒免於難生平樂聞人善以推 引後進爲己任如李陽李幼卿皇甫冉陸渭 等數十人由其奬目皆爲名士天下椎爲知 人又友殷寅顔眞卿柳芳陸㩀邵軫趙驊時 人語曰殷顏柳陸李蕭邵趙以能全其交也 華少曠達外若坦蕩内謹重尚然許每慕汲 默爲人楊國忠支婭所在橫猾華劾按不撥 州縣肅然其文辭綿麗少宏傑氣頴士徤爽 自肆時謂不及而華自擬過之初作含元殿 賦穎士曰景福之上靈光之下又作吊古戰 場文極思研㩁已成迂爲故書雜置梵書之 庋他日穎士讀之稱工問誰可及曰君加精 思便能至矣愕然而服宗人翰亦以進士知 名寓居陽翟爲文精密用思苦性常從令皇 甫曾求音樂每思涸則奏樂神逸則著文禄 山之亂友人張巡守睢陽有薄巡者言其降 賊翰序城守事迹撰列傳以上肅宗方明巡 之忠義士友稱之  録曰世稱蕭李齊名豈徒文與才擅若蕭  之不屈於林甫李之見疾於國忠翰惓惓  表暴張巡許遠之忠班班然節義之徒也
Interpretation

Li Linfu wanted to see Xiao Yingshi. At that time Yingshi was observing mourning for his father and did not go to pay his respects. Later Linfu went to the home of an old acquaintance and had someone invite Yingshi over. Yingshi went back inside his gate, wept, and waited for Linfu. Unable to do otherwise, Linfu came in person to offer his condolences and then left. He resented Yingshi for refusing to lower himself to meet him.

When the mourning period ended, Yingshi was appointed as an adjutant in Guangling. Pei Yaoqing, Zhang Jun, Wei Shu, and others were his seniors. They valued his talent and associated with him according to ritual propriety. Wei Shu once recommended Yingshi to take his place, and the court summoned him to serve in the Historiography Office. But Li Linfu was then monopolizing power, and Yingshi ultimately refused to submit to him, so he was dismissed from office.

When An Lushan was arrogant and in the ascendant, Yingshi privately said to Liu Bing, "Disorder in the realm will come before long." He used illness as a pretext to travel to Mount Taishi, and in this way he escaped the coming calamity.

Throughout his life Yingshi delighted in hearing of other people's strengths, and he regarded recommending and nurturing younger scholars as his own responsibility. Li Yang, Li Youqing, Huangfu Ran, Lu Wei, and several dozen others became renowned scholars because of his appreciation and recommendations. The people of the realm praised him for his skill in judging others. He was also close with Yin Yin, Yan Zhenqing, Liu Fang, Lu Ju, Shao Zhen, Zhao Hua, and others. People of the time praised their friendship, saying, "Yin, Yan, Liu, Lu, Li, Xiao, Shao, Zhao," and commended them all for preserving their mutual bonds.

Xiao Hua was broad-minded and unconstrained in his youth. His outward manner was frank, but his inner character was cautious and steady. He valued his promises and often admired the conduct of Ji Ang, a figure of the Han dynasty known for his uprightness and willingness to speak out. When relatives and followers of Yang Guozhong ran wild everywhere, Xiao Hua was responsible for impeachment and investigation and never showed them leniency, so the officials of prefectures and counties all restrained themselves.

Xiao Hua's writing was dense and ornate in diction, but its momentum was not grand or vigorous enough. Xiao Yingshi's temperament was robust, candid, and unrestrained, and people of the time judged that his literary talent fell short of Xiao Hua's. Xiao Hua himself, however, felt that he surpassed Yingshi. When Xiao Hua first wrote the Rhapsody on the Hanyuan Hall, Yingshi said, "This rhapsody stands above the Jingfu Palace, but below the Rhapsody on the Lingguang Hall of Lu." Later Xiao Hua wrote the Essay on Mourning the Ancient Battlefield. He deliberated and polished it repeatedly, but once it was finished, he deliberately placed it on the shelf together with Buddhist scriptures. Some days later Yingshi read the essay, praised it as excellent, and asked who else could match it. Xiao Hua replied, "If you think deeply and with greater diligence, you too can reach this level." Yingshi was astonished and admired him.

Li Han, a clansman of Yingshi, was also famous for passing the jinshi examination. He lived in Yangzhai, and his writing was meticulous, its composition laborious. He often received orders to consult Huangfu Zeng on music. When his thinking ran dry, he would play music, and when his spirit was relaxed, he would write.

When An Lushan rebelled, Li Han's friend Zhang Xun defended Suiyang. Someone slandered Zhang Xun, claiming that he had surrendered to the rebels. Li Han then compiled an account of the defense of Suiyang, wrote a biography of Zhang Xun, and presented it to Emperor Suzong. Only then did the emperor understand Zhang Xun's loyalty and righteousness, and scholars and friends alike praised Li Han.

The Hongdao lu comments: People of the world say that Xiao Hua and Li Han were equally renowned. Was this merely because of their outstanding writing and talent? Xiao Hua refused to submit to Li Linfu, and Li Han, disregarding his own safety, set forth the facts to defend the loyalty and righteousness of Zhang Xun and Xu Yuan. Both men clearly belonged to the ranks of those who possessed integrity.

 特所擬吊古戰場文及今具在後世有目  者自能品題而雜置梵庋以希聲譽何視  之不廣耶 宋史張忠定與寇忠愍布衣交也㓂兄事張 常面折不少恕不以貴而有所改㓂之入相 張時帥成都謂僚屬曰㓂公奇材惜學術不 足耳及後知陜張適自成都還㓂嚴供帳大 爲具以待將别送之郊問曰何以教準張徐 曰霍光傳不可不讀準莫諭其意歸取光傳 讀之至不學無術笑曰此張公謂我矣  録曰詠之譏準不學果何所見乎孔子曰  如有周公之材之羙使驕且吝其餘不足  觀也已準之欲人懷惠已非無我之公而  拒人拂鬚甚失容人之量未免在朝則自  矜其功在外則自伐其望功名所在切然  動情豈惟不附孫𠁗之論而且迎合朱能  之謀致使門人得而議之朋友從而惜之  孤注之讒無足恠矣使能讀書明理囂然  自得平生事業豈復有如澶淵之役者哉  功成之後奉身而退付是非得失於不聞  天下後世之公論不啻如斯而已也然則  能感雷陽之枯竹不能照汗簡之遺編矣  乎 唐介爲御史當仁宗朝張貴妃寵冠後庭伯 父堯佐驟除宣徽節度景靈群牧四使介力 爭之帝曰除擬本出中書時文彦愽爲首相 介并劾彦愽帝怒曰介論事是其職至謂彦 愽由妃嬪致宰相此何等言也遂貶介英州
Interpretation

This passage recounts several historical anecdotes that primarily critique officials who possessed talent but lacked moral virtue.

During the Song Dynasty, Zhang Yong (posthumously titled "Loyal and Steadfast") and Kou Zhun (posthumously titled "Loyal and Compassionate") were close friends from humble backgrounds. Kou Zhun respected Zhang Yong like an elder brother, and Zhang Yong often pointed out Kou's faults to his face. Later, when Kou Zhun became prime minister, Zhang Yong, then serving in Chengdu, remarked to his subordinates, "Lord Kou is a man of rare talent, but it's a pity his learning is insufficient." When Zhang Yong was transferred back from Shaanxi, Kou Zhun hosted him with great ceremony. At their parting, Kou asked if Zhang had any advice for him. Zhang simply replied, "You must read the Biography of Huo Guang." At first, Kou Zhun was puzzled, but when he later came across the phrase "without learning, one lacks wisdom" in the text, he realized Zhang was subtly admonishing him.

The author comments: Zhang Yong's criticism of Kou Zhun's insufficient learning was justified. As Confucius said, even if one possessed the talents of the Duke of Zhou, arrogance and stinginess would render all other virtues meaningless. Kou Zhun expected gratitude from others, lacked selfless magnanimity, and rejected criticism, showing a lack of tolerance. In court, he boasted of his achievements, while outside, he flaunted his reputation, overly attached to fame and merit. Not only did he disregard Sun Shuang's loyal advice, but he also abetted Zhu Neng's schemes, leading to criticism from his disciples and regret among his friends.

The passage then recounts the story of Tang Jie from Emperor Renzong's reign. When Consort Zhang gained imperial favor, her uncle Zhang Yaozuo was suddenly appointed to four high-ranking positions. Censor Tang Jie vehemently opposed this, but Emperor Renzong claimed it was the Secretariat's recommendation. At the time, Wen Yanbo was prime minister, and Tang Jie even impeached him. Enraged, the emperor deemed Tang's accusation—that "Wen Yanbo rose to power through imperial concubines"—too extreme and exiled Tang to Yingzhou.

These stories illustrate that talent alone is insufficient for officials; moral cultivation is paramount. Take Kou Zhun: though he could move withered bamboo in Leiyang (a metaphor for his persuasive power), he failed to grasp the lessons of history (indicating his lack of self-reflection). Had he studied more and understood principle, perhaps controversies like the Treaty of Chanyuan could have been avoided. A true sage achieves merit and then withdraws, indifferent to personal gain or loss, leaving judgment to posterity.

别駕而罷彥愽知許州朝中士大夫各以詩 送行獨待制李師中頗爲傳誦詩云孤忠自 許衆不與獨立敢言人所難去國一身輕似 葉高名千古重如山並遊英俊顔何厚未死 姦諛骨已寒天爲吾皇扶社稷肯教夫子不 生還由是直聲動於天下稱眞御史必曰唐 子方  録曰愚觀子房之事師中之詩盖不惟直  聲動於天下而主上寬仁之德可傳後世  大臣服義之羙可法縉紳自此以後則車  盖之怨蟄龍之誣紛紜疊出逐致矛盾終  身一徃不返而朋友之義君臣之德大臣  之量胥失之矣 歐陽脩朋黨論畧曰君子以同道爲朋小人 以同利爲朋小人無朋惟君子則有之盖小 人所好者利禄所貪者財貨當其同利之時 暫相黨引以爲朋者僞也及其見利而爭先 或利盡而反相賊害雖兄弟親戚不能保故 曰小人無朋君子則不然所守寸道義所行 者忠信所惜者名節以之脩身則同道而相 益以之事國則同心而共濟終始如一故曰 惟君子則有朋君子之朋雖多而不厭故爲 君但當退小人之僞朋用君子之眞朋則天 下治矣  録曰脩之論千百十言其㫖歸不越乎周  比和同兩詞而已至孟子反發善與利之  說曰鷄鳴而起孳孳爲善者舜之徒也鷄  嗚而起孳孳爲利者蹠之徒也夫徒同類  也人君茍能究心聖賢之學深明義利之
Interpretation

He was dismissed from his post when he was made Assistant Military Governor. When Wen Yanbo was appointed Prefect of Xuzhou, the scholar-officials at court all wrote poems to see him off, and the one by Li Shizhong, a Drafting Academician, was especially widely circulated. It reads:

"Alone you hold to your loyalty, while the crowd refuses to agree; standing up alone to speak plainly is something others cannot do. Leaving the court, you feel as light as a single leaf; the fame you leave behind for all ages weighs as heavily as a mountain. You fine men who travel with him, why do you treat him so generously? The treacherous and fawning ones have grown cold to the bone before he has even died. Heaven means to aid our sovereign and sustain the altars of state; would it fail to bring our master home safely?"

As a result, his reputation for speaking plainly and daring to remonstrate spread throughout the realm. Whenever people praise a true censor, they are sure to mention Tang Zifang.

The Hongdao lu records: In my view, the deeds of Zifang and the poem by Shizhong did more than spread the fame of plain speech throughout the realm; they also allowed the sovereign's reputation for magnanimity and benevolence to be passed down to later generations, and the great ministers' virtue of placing righteousness first was enough to serve as a model for the scholar-official class. It is regrettable that after this, resentments born of the carriage canopy and slanders calling men "dormant dragons" appeared one after another, and conflicts grew ever deeper. Some men left and never returned, and they did not see one another for the rest of their lives. The bonds of friendship, the virtue between ruler and minister, and the magnanimity that great ministers ought to possess were all lost as a result.

Ouyang Xiu's "On Factions" says, in essence: gentlemen form friendships because they share the same aims and principles, while petty men form factions because they share the same interests. Petty men have no true friends; only gentlemen have true friends. Petty men value emoluments and covet wealth. When their interests coincide, they briefly band together and call themselves friends, but this bond is false. Once they compete for profit, or once the profit is exhausted, they turn on one another, and even brothers and kinsmen cannot be preserved. Therefore it is said that petty men have no true friends.

Gentlemen are not like this. They hold fast to righteousness, act with loyalty and good faith, and cherish their integrity. When they cultivate themselves by these principles, like-minded people can help one another and advance together; when they serve the state by them, they can unite their hearts and tide over difficulties together, steadfast to the end. Therefore it is said that only gentlemen have true friends. A gentleman can never have too many friends. If the sovereign rejects the false factions of petty men and employs the true friends of gentlemen, the realm will be at peace.

The Hongdao lu further says: Ouyang Xiu's essay uses thousands of words, but in the end it comes down to no more than two notions, "zhoubi" (universal and impartial) and "hetong" (harmonious yet not partisan). Mencius went further and clarified the distinction between what is good and what is profitable: "One who rises at cockcrow and diligently practices goodness is a man of the kind of Shun; one who rises at cockcrow and diligently pursues profit is a man of the kind of Robber Zhi." The word "kind" (tu) here means people of the same type. If the sovereign can devote his mind to studying the learning of the sages and thoroughly distinguish righteousness from private gain...

 辯則君子小人不待較而自明矣仁宗天  資粹美惜無學問爲之開導是以邪正無  辨慶曆嘉祐之間雖君子滿朝而小人互  進迭爲治忽未能純乎元愷絶乎共兠以  造雍熙之世一再傳而爲神宗王章蔡吕  之徒朋淫黨奸孳孳爲利而大亂作矣斯  論也豈惟筮龜之昭灼其千古之明鑑歟 司馬光與范鎮同心友善相得甚歡當熙寧 元豐間士大夫論天下賢者必曰君實景仁 其道德風流足以師表當世其議論可否足 以榮辱天下皆自以爲莫及也嘗曰吾與子 生同志死當同傳人亦無敢優劣之者夫既 相約而後死者又必爲志其墓故君實爲景 仁傳畧曰吕獻可之先見范景仁之勇决皆 子所不及也盖二公用舍大節不謀而同如 仁宗時論建儲英宗時論濮議神宗時論新 法其言若出一人又嘗謂人曰吾與景仁兄 弟也但姓不同耳至扵論鍾律則反復相非 終身不能相一君子是以知二公非苟同者 也  録曰愚觀誠之一字而人之吉㓙禍福進  退存亡靡不由之盖熙寧元豊之間天下  之是非淆矣至今百世之後如言君實景  仁若辨白黑者誠也誠則無妄矣動而徤  剛中而應豈待謀而後同哉彼傳法沙門  護法善神者不誠也不誠則妄而匪正悖  於人理天道所不祐何善終之有乎故一  則生同傳死同誌民到于今稱之一則面
Interpretation

Once right and wrong have been distinguished, the gentleman (junzi) and the petty man (xiaoren) will reveal themselves naturally, and no further comparison is needed. Emperor Renzong of Song had a naturally pure disposition, but he lacked learning and proper guidance, so he could not tell the upright from the corrupt. During the Qingli and Jiayou reign periods, the court had many gentlemen, yet petty men also rose to power in turn. The court alternated between clarity and disorder, and it never consistently employed Yuan Kai (a wise minister) or thoroughly expelled Gong Dou (a treacherous minister from ancient legend), so it never achieved lasting peace. Later, after a generation or two, during the reign of Emperor Shenzong, Wang Anshi, Zhang Dun, Cai Jing, Lü Huiqing, and others formed factions, pursued private gain, and finally brought about great turmoil. Is this argument not as clear as a divination hexagram, sufficient to serve as a mirror for all ages?

Sima Guang and Fan Zhen shared the same aspirations and had a deep friendship, getting along very well. During the Xining and Yuanfeng reign periods, when officials spoke of the worthiest people in the realm, they would invariably name Junshi (Sima Guang's courtesy name) and Jingren (Fan Zhen's courtesy name). Their moral conduct was enough to set an example for their age, and their opinions were enough to shape people's judgments of right and wrong. Everyone acknowledged that they were beyond comparison. Sima Guang once said, "In life, you and I shared the same aspirations. After death, we should also be recorded together in a single biography." At that time, people did not dare to judge which of the two was superior.

Since they had agreed to be recorded together after death, when Sima Guang later wrote Fan Zhen's epitaph, he briefly stated in the biography, "I fall short of Lü Xianke in foresight and of Fan Jingren in decisive resolve." On matters of critical national importance, the two often agreed without prior discussion. For example, when the court debated the selection of an heir under Emperor Renzong, the status of Prince Pu under Emperor Yingzong, and the New Policies under Emperor Shenzong, their views were as if they had come from a single mouth. Sima Guang once said to others, "Jingren and I are as close as brothers; we simply have different surnames."

However, when they discussed musical pitch and the standards of measurement of the ancient system, the two argued repeatedly and never reached agreement for the rest of their lives. From this, gentlemen know that they did not simply agree with each other in everything out of forced conformity.

The commentator of Hongdao Lu remarks: I believe the character cheng (sincerity) bears on a person's fortune and misfortune, advancement and retreat, survival and ruin, and nothing arises apart from it. During the Xining and Yuanfeng reign periods, right and wrong in the realm were confused. Yet even a hundred generations later, when people speak of Junshi and Jingren, they can still discern their characters as clearly as distinguishing black from white. This is the power of sincerity. With sincerity, one is not deceptive. Acting with vigor, holding firmly to rectitude within, and responding to one another, what need is there for prior consultation in order to share the same views?

As for the Buddhist monks who transmit the Dharma and the benevolent deities who protect it, if they lack sincerity, they will fall into deception and impropriety, violate human relations and the Heavenly Way, and receive no protection from Heaven. How then could they come to a good end? Therefore, Sima Guang and Fan Zhen shared the same aspirations in life and were recorded together after death, and they are still praised by the people today. But as for those who appear close while in truth lacking sincerity……

 相若皆二公死之日民無得而稱焉 正言鄒浩士田翟田晝議論慷慨以氣節相 激厲浩嘗劾章惇不忠慢上之罪未報而劉 后立晝謂人曰志完不言可以絶交矣至是 論之惇抵其罪除名編管新州浩既得貶晝 迎諸途浩見之出涕晝正色曰使志完隱默 官京師遇寒疾不汗五日死矣豈獨嶺海之 外能死人哉願君毋以此舉自滿士所當爲 者未止此也  録曰晝之言逹者之論也君子必以是存  於心而後成敗利鈍死生榮辱無所縈於  其懷雖然非所欲也彼光天盎宇萬彙眀  熙豈故效蛩之嗚螿之韻哉不得已而地  道失靜君子惟計倫理之輕重道議之淺  深非有所爲也以眞哲二朝皆崇劉后而  明肅卒以正終崇恩斃於自盡志完今果  完矣然則雖死猶不死而况於眞不死乎  若仁宗廢郭而立曹猶爲彼善又不可以  此時而同彼時也 安定先生胡瑗患隋唐以來仕進尚文辭而 遺經業苟趨捋禄及爲蘇湖二州教授嚴條 約以身先之雖大暑必公服終日以見諸生 嚴師弟子之禮解經至有要義𢢽𢢽爲諸生 言其所以治已而後治乎人者學徒千數日 月刮劘爲文章皆傳經義必以理勝信其師 說敦尚行實後爲太學四方歸之庠舍不能 容其在湖學置經義齋治事齋經義齋者擇 䟽通有器局者居之治事齋者人各治一事
Interpretation

Gentlemen and scholars often encouraged one another with their integrity. Zou Hao (courtesy name Zhiwan), who was upright and outspoken, discussed affairs with Tian Zhou, Tian Zhai, and others with great fervor, and they sharpened one another's sense of integrity. Zou once memorialized to impeach Zhang Dun, charging that he was disloyal and negligent toward his sovereign. Before the memorial received a reply, Empress Liu ascended to the imperial throne. Tian Zhou told others, "If Zhiwan had not spoken out, I would have cut off my friendship with him." Zou Hao did indeed impeach Zhang Dun again, and Zhang was punished, stripped of his official registry, and exiled to Xinzhou under surveillance.

After Zou was demoted, Tian Zhou went out on the road to meet him. When Zou saw Tian, he wept. Tian Zhou, his expression grave, said: "Suppose Zhiwan had concealed his words at the time and remained in the capital as an official. If he had then caught a chill fever and did not sweat for five days, he too would have died. Must people die only in the remote seaside wilds of Lingnan? I hope you will not be satisfied with yourself because of this one act. What a scholar ought to do goes well beyond this."

The Hongdao Lu comments that Tian Zhou's words reflect the view of one who has truly penetrated the Way. A gentleman should keep these words firmly in mind, for then success or failure, smooth or adverse circumstances, life or death, honor or disgrace will not disturb his heart. Yet a gentleman does not wish to meet with such calamities. Heaven and earth are vast and bright, and the myriad things flourish in clarity; who would deliberately imitate the chirring of crickets or cicadas? Only when the constant order of the world is broken, and he cannot help but act, does a gentleman weigh the relative importance of ethical principle and the depth of his remonstrance, and he does so not for personal gain.

Both the Zhenzong and Zhezong reigns honored Empress Liu. Empress Mingsu was ultimately able to die peacefully, while Empress Chongen took her own life in despair. Zhiwan (Zou Hao) has now indeed preserved his integrity. Therefore, though he died, his spirit did not truly die, and how much less could he be said to have died at all? As for Renzong's deposing of Empress Guo and installing Empress Cao, that may be counted as a comparatively better arrangement, yet the circumstances of that case should not be confused with this one.

Master Hu Yuan of Anding worried that since the Sui and Tang, scholars had prized only literary polish and neglected the study of the classics. When he taught in Suzhou and Huzhou, he set down strict rules and led by his own example. Even in the most sweltering weather he always wore formal official robes, received his students throughout the day, and strictly observed the proper etiquette between teacher and student. When he explained the classics and reached points of major doctrinal importance, he always earnestly told his students that one must first cultivate oneself before one can govern others.

More than a thousand students studied under Hu Yuan. Through long instruction and mutual exchange, their writings centered on clarifying the meaning of the classics and prized thoroughly reasoned argument. They believed in their teacher's teachings and valued moral conduct and practical integrity. Later Hu taught at the Imperial Academy, and students came from every region in such numbers that the lecture halls could not hold them. At the school in Huzhou he established two divisions: the Jingyi Study (Study of Classical Meaning), which admitted those who were learned and possessed substantial capacity, and the Zhishi Study (Study of Practical Affairs), in which each student specialized in a particular area of practical administration.

又兼一事如治民治兵水利筭數之類其在 太學亦然弟子散在四方隨其人賢愚皆循 循雅𩛙其言談舉止遇之不問可知爲先生 弟子其學者相語稱先生不問可知爲胡公 也  録曰録安定者濂洛之風未廣蘇湖之教  居先既無先傅後倦之心兼以明體適用  之學當是之時人材日盛國運日隆風俗  日淳德業日厚未必不由明師賢傳有以  先之勞之也 二程先生平生誨人不倦故學者出其門最 多淵源所漸皆爲名士而劉絢李籲謝良佐 㳺酢張繹蘇昞吕大臨吕大鈞尹焞成德尤 著 絢爲人氣和而體莊持論不苟合跬步 不忘學人謂明道平和簡易惟質夫庶幾似 之又曰質夫沛然 籲才器可大任所造尤 深所得尤粹胸中閎肆開發求之孔門如賜 也達 良佐英果明决强力不倦日有程課 如以生意論仁以實理論誠以常惺惺論敬 以求是論窮理其命意皆精當而直指窮理 居敬爲入德之門又最得明道教人之綱領  酢德宇粹然誠於中形於外儀容辭令粲 然有文初與兄醇俱以文行知名伊川見之 京師謂其資可以進道招使肆業盡棄所學 而學焉 繹與焞同時繹以高識焞以篤行 俱爲先生所稱嘗曰吾晩得二士者是也 大鈞强明直諒所行不二于心所知不二于 行以孔子上達之心立其志以孟子集義之
Interpretation

Moreover, they were also well versed in governing the people, managing the military, hydraulic works, arithmetic, and other practical affairs. The same was true at the Imperial Academy (Taixue), the highest institution of learning in ancient times. Their disciples were scattered across many regions, and whether they were worthy or ordinary, their bearing was gentle and courteous. One need not ask: upon seeing them, one could tell they were disciples of the master. When scholars spoke of their teacher, no explanation was needed, for everyone knew they meant Master Hu.

The Hongdao Lu (Record of Spreading the Way) says: Before the Neo-Confucian learning of the Lian and Luo schools had spread widely, the teaching of Master Hu Anding (Hu Yuan, a Northern Song scholar) had already taken the lead in education in Suzhou and Huzhou. He did not grow weary after teaching his disciples first, nor did he later feel a sense of tiredness, and he taught a learning that grasped fundamental principles and put them to practical use. In that age, talent flourished ever more, the fortunes of the state grew ever more prosperous, customs became ever more sincere, and people's virtue and learning grew ever deeper. These achievements were quite likely owed to the guidance and tireless instruction of wise and capable teachers who had come before.

The Cheng brothers, Master Cheng Hao and Master Cheng Yi, taught others throughout their lives without ever tiring, so more scholars came from their school than from any other. Shaped by their scholarly transmission, most of their disciples became renowned men of learning. Among them, Liu Xuan, Li Yu, Xie Liangzuo, You Zuo, Zhang Yi, Su Bing, Lü Dalin, Lü Dajun, and Yin Tun achieved particularly outstanding moral cultivation.

Liu Xuan was even-tempered and dignified in bearing, cautious in his arguments, and unwilling to agree with others lightly; even while walking, he did not forget to study. People said that Master Mingdao (Cheng Hao) was even-tempered, unpretentious, and easy to approach, and that only Liu Zhifu (Liu Xuan's courtesy name) came close to him. They also said, "Zhifu's talent and thought are abundant."

Li Yu had great ability and capacity and was fit to bear heavy responsibilities. His scholarship was especially profound, and what he attained was pure. His mind was broad, and he excelled at elucidating principles. If one seeks among Confucius's disciples someone resembling him, one would probably find Zigong (Duanmu Ci), whose understanding was far-reaching.

Xie Liangzuo was discerning and decisive, resolute in will, and diligent without slackening; he kept a fixed daily routine of study. He explained ren (benevolence) through the notion of shengyi (the vital intention of life), explained cheng (sincerity) through the reality of truth, explained jing (reverence) through remaining alert and never muddled, and explained qiong li (the investigation of principle) through the pursuit of correctness. The intent of each formulation was precise and apt. He especially pointed out directly that qiong li and ju jing (abiding in reverence, keeping the mind respectfully upright) are the paths into the gate of moral cultivation, and for this reason he best grasped the central guiding principles of Master Mingdao's teaching.

You Zuo had pure virtue, and his inner sincerity showed in his outward words and deeds; his bearing and speech were both refined and measured. At first, he and his elder brother You Chun were both known for their writing and their virtue. When Master Yichuan (Cheng Yi) met them in the capital, he judged that their natural gifts could be developed further through study, and so he summoned them to devote themselves wholly to learning. The two brothers then set aside what they had previously studied and turned to Cheng Yi as their teacher.

Zhang Yi and Yin Tun were contemporaries of Cheng Yi. Zhang Yi was known for his far-reaching insight, and Yin Tun for his earnest and steadfast practice; the master praised both of them. Cheng Yi once said, "In my later years I obtained these two scholars, and they are just like this."

Lü Dajun was unyielding, clear-sighted, upright, and sincere. Once he had settled something in his heart, he did not readily change it, and the principles he understood were carried into action. He set his aspiration on Confucius's aim of penetrating heavenly principle, and he followed Mencius in accumulating righteous principle and cultivating moral duty...

功養其德以顔子克己復禮之用厲其行其 要歸之誠明不息不爲衆人沮之而疑小辯 奪之而屈勢利劫之而回智力窮之而止其 自任以聖賢之重如此大臨深濳縝密本 是箇剛的氣質涵養得到如此故聖人以剛 爲侰子若剛矣能除去過剛之病全其爲剛 之德何事不可爲不剛終不能成事  録曰録程門者有宋一代道學大明其上  者不由師傳默契道體濂溪以來一人而  已是後明道濬其源伊川會其流晦菴揚  其波駸駸乎無有窮已其所以淑人心眀  道術敦風化之本原厚邦國之元氣究其  用心直欲上躋三代之盛而後巳焉此其  道義顯著後世鮮能及也 屏山先生劉子翬忠顯公韐之子憤父死難 隱居武夷山與胡憲劉勉之交歡相得所與 遊皆知名士而期以任重致遠者晦菴一人 而已嘗讀易涣然有得以爲學易當先復故 以不遠復之言告晦菴俾佩之終身後卒爲 儒宗 籍溪先生胡憲安國從子生而靜慤 不妄笑語平生危坐雖倉卒無疾言遽色人 犯之未嘗校時禁伊洛之學憲與勉之求得 其書潜抄默誦夜以繼日聞涪陵譙定受學 于頤徃從受業久未有得定曰心爲物潰故 不能有見惟學乃可明耳憲悟曰所謂學者 非克己工夫耶自是一意下學不求人知歸 崇安力田以奉其親從遊者益衆日與學者
Interpretation

Through cultivation one develops one's virtue (De), and through Yan Zi's (Yan Hui's) discipline of subduing private desire and returning to ritual propriety, one refines one's conduct. The foundation he pursued was sincerity, clear understanding, and perseverance. He did not waver before the obstruction of the crowd, did not yield to clever disputation, was not altered by threats of power or profit, and did not stop for lack of wisdom or because his circumstances were straitened. Taking upon himself the weighty charge of the sages in this way, he was cautious in affairs and thorough in deliberation. This was a state reached only when an unyielding temperament had been nurtured and refined. For this reason the sages urged the gentleman toward firmness. If one can be firm and also remove the fault of excessive rigidity, preserving the virtue of firmness, what affair cannot be accomplished? Without firmness, one will in the end find it difficult to accomplish anything.

The Hongdao lu (Record of Expanding the Way) records that after the rise of the Cheng school (the followers of Cheng Hao and Cheng Yi), the Learning of the Way (Daoxue) of the Song dynasty became greatly manifest. Among its most outstanding figures, some could silently apprehend the essence of the Great Dao without relying on transmission from a teacher; since Zhou Dunyi, only one such person had appeared. Afterward, Cheng Hao clarified the sources and currents of this learning, Cheng Yi gathered its lineages, and Zhu Xi (courtesy name Hui'an) brought it to full flourishing, so that it developed continuously, seemingly without end. They devoted themselves to teaching and transforming people's hearts, to elucidating the arts of the Dao, to making customs sincere, and to nurturing the vital qi that forms the root of the state. Ultimately, they aimed to bring the world to the splendor of the three dynasties of Xia, Shang, and Zhou, and they would not rest until this was achieved. Their righteousness shone with remarkable clarity, and few in later generations have been able to equal it.

Mr. Liu Huichong of Pingshan was the son of Duke Zhongxian, Liu Han. Grieved that his father had died in the service of the state, he withdrew to live in seclusion on Mount Wuyi, where he formed deep friendships and shared aspirations with Hu Xian and Liu Mianzhi. The people he associated with were all men of renown, yet when he considered who would in the future bear great responsibility and achieve a far-reaching undertaking, he judged that there was only one: Zhu Xi. He once read the Classic of Changes (Yijing) and had a sudden insight. He held that the study of the Yijing should begin with fu (Return), and so he told Zhu Xi the principle of bu yuan fu ("not going far before returning"): one who strays from the proper path but turns back soon will not stray far. He had Zhu Xi keep this principle in mind for his whole life. Zhu Xi did in the end become the master of Confucian learning.

Mr. Jixi Hu Xian was a nephew of Hu Anguo. By nature he was quiet and cautious, and he did not jest carelessly. In ordinary times he sat upright, and even in sudden situations he neither spoke hastily nor showed confusion in his expression. When others offended him, he never took it to heart. At that time the court prohibited the dissemination of the Yi-Luo learning (the teachings of Cheng Hao and Cheng Yi). Hu Xian and Liu Mianzhi found ways to obtain the relevant books, copied them in secret, and read them quietly, day and night without pause. Hearing that Qiao Ding of Fuling had studied under Cheng Yi, he went to become his disciple. He studied with him for a long time without attaining understanding. Qiao Ding said, "When the mind is disturbed by external things, one cannot see clearly; only through study can one understand." Hu Xian realized, "What is called study is precisely the effort of overcoming private desire?" From then on he devoted himself to learning from the fundamentals and did not seek to be known by others. After returning to Chong'an, he worked diligently at farming to support his parents, and gradually more people came to study under him. Every day, he with those who sought to learn…

訓接以爲己之學問者始而笑中而疑久而 觀其所以脩身事親接人者無一不如所言 遂翕然悅服晦菴嘗言事籍溪最久得其學 爲多 白水先生劉勉之從譙定劉安世楊 時受學卒業乃還崇安即近郊結草爲堂讀 書其中力耕自給澹然無求於世學者踵至 隨其材品爲說聖賢之道晦菴得道統之正 自三先生始  録曰觀韋齋臨終所托以其子不惟傳道  受業之功而實兼宗主依歸之意盖晦翁  本新安人始也寓居崇安終也徙居考亭  皆依子羽以爲之所後遂爲堂堂闕里與  東魯並稱可以見古人恩義之重師資之  情視今以爲何如哉 晦庵先生門人甚多最著者黄𠏉李燔劉爚 劉炳張冶陳淳李方子黄灝蔡沈輔廣 𠏉 夜不設榻不解帶志堅思苦晦庵妻以女及 病革以深衣並所著書授之訣曰吾道之託 死無憾矣遂没𠏉弟子日盛編禮著書講論 經理朝夕不倦 燔初告以曾子之㫖致遠 固以毅而任重貴乎弘也燔因以弘名其齋 凡諸生未達者先令訪燔俟有所發從而折 衷之諸生畏服故曰燔進學可畏䖏事不苟 他日任斯道者必子也燔又言凡人不必待 仕宦有職事方爲功業但隨力到䖏有以及 物即功業也居家講道學者宗之 爚發明 淵源道學以倡諸儒著禮記周易觧說雲莊
Interpretation

He taught by his words and deeds to those who took cultivating themselves and pursuing learning as their own responsibility. At first people laughed when they heard him, and later they grew doubtful. As time passed, however, they saw that his self-cultivation, his service to his parents, and his conduct toward others all accorded with the principles he taught, and they were won over and sincerely submitted. Huian (Zhu Xi) once said that he had studied under Master Jixi for the longest time and had gained the greatest benefit from him.

Master Baishui, Liu Mianzhi, had studied under Qiao Ding, Liu Anshi, and Yang Shi. After completing his studies, he returned to Chongan, built a thatched hall on the outskirts of town, read there, farmed with his own hands to support himself, and lived in quiet detachment, seeking neither worldly fame nor profit. Students came in an unbroken stream, and he discoursed on the Way of the sages according to each person's talents and character. The orthodox lineage of the Dao (Daotong) that Huian inherited begins with these three masters.

The Hongdao lu says that Weizhai's final instructions show that his arrangements for his son were not merely a matter of having Liu Mianzhi transmit the Way and teach. He was entrusting his son to Liu as a patriarch and a source of support. Huian was originally from Xin'an. He first lodged in Chongan and later moved to Kaoting, and on both occasions he relied on Ziyu (Liu Mianzhi's courtesy name) to arrange his dwellings. Kaoting then became a dignified place for lecture and study, and it came to be named alongside Queli in Qufu, Shandong. This shows how the ancients valued the obligations of kindness and the deep affection between teacher and student. How should we regard these things in comparison with today?

Huian had many disciples, the most famous of whom were Huang Gan, Li Fan, Liu Yue, Liu Bing, Zhang Ye, Chen Chun, Li Fangzi, Huang Hao, Cai Shen, and Fu Guang.

Huang Gan did not set up a bed at night, and he would not loosen his sash. His resolve was firm and his thinking diligent. Huian gave him his daughter in marriage. When Huang Gan lay gravely ill and near death, Huian gave him his shenyi (a formal robe commonly worn by scholars of Daoxue, the Learning of the Way) and his written works, entrusting him with final affairs. He said, "I entrust the orthodox transmission of the Way to you, and in death I shall have no regrets." Having said this, he passed away. Afterward, Huang Gan's disciples steadily increased in number. He compiled ritual texts, wrote treatises, expounded the classics, and managed affairs, working from morning to night without slackening.

When Li Fan first began to study, Huian admonished him with a principle from Master Zeng: to go far, one must be resolute, and to bear a heavy burden, breadth of mind is essential. Li Fan therefore named his study "Hong" (Broad). Whenever students had doubts, Huian first had them consult Li Fan, and only after they had gained some understanding did Huian himself weigh in and judge. The students revered and trusted him. Huian said, "Li Fan's progress in learning is admirable, and his conduct of affairs is rigorous and scrupulous. The one who will bear the orthodox transmission in the future will surely be you." Li Fan also said, "A person need not wait for an official post or a position before accomplishing something. As long as one uses one's strength to do things that benefit others, that is achievement." At home he lectured on Daoxue, and scholars all honored him.

Liu Yue clarified the origins and development of Daoxue and used it to promote Confucianism. He wrote commentaries on the Book of Rites and the Book of Changes, as well as the Yunzhuang...

外藁續藁行世 炳從學一以講道明理爲 心晦庵釋四書及傳易詩通鑑綱目太極圖 皆與炳徃復論辯參訂其間多所是正著四 書問目綱目要畧終謚文安學者稱陸堂先 生 洽自六經傳註而下皆究其指歸至於 諸子百家山經地志無所不讀朱子嘉其篤 志謂黄榦曰所望以永斯道之傳者二三君 子也自少尤用力於敬平居不異常人至義 所當爲則勇不可奪著春秋集註地理沿革 表行于世 淳少習舉業林宗臣見而奇之 曰此非聖人事業因授以近思録淳盡棄其 業而學焉及晦庵至漳淳請受教爲學益力 晦庵曰吾南來喜得淳後没尤追思之爲人 痛自裁抑無書不讀無物不格日積月累義 理貫通洞見條緒恬退自守名播天下 方 羊之裘其宰曰車新則安馬肥則疾狐裘則 温君宜改也簡子曰君子服善則益恭小人 服善則益踞子貢謂子石曰何不學詩子石 曰父母求吾孝兄弟求吾悌朋友求吾信何 暇學哉子貢曰損吾詩學于詩○河平四年 都水使者諫議大夫劉向上言曲彌高者和 彌寡水所以載舟亦能以覆舟○楚丘先生 年七十披裘見孟嘗君君曰先生老矣何以 教寡人先生曰欲使追車趂馬逐鹿搏虎吾 即死矣何暇老耶若使法嫌疑定猶豫吾即 少也何老之有孟嘗乃有愧色○魏王欲築
Interpretation

His Waigao and Xugao have both been published. Bing followed him in study, with a single-minded aim of clarifying the principles of the Way. Huian (Zhu Xi's sobriquet) lectured on the Four Books, and also taught the Book of Changes, the Book of Odes, the Comprehensive Mirror Outline and Digest, the Taiji Diagram, and other works. On each of these, Bing discussed, debated, and revised repeatedly with him, and many points were corrected as a result. He wrote the Questions on the Four Books and the Essentials of the Outline and Digest. After his death he was posthumously given the title Wen'an, and scholars called him Master Lu Tang.

Qia studied the commentaries on the Six Classics and all other categories of texts in depth, probing their essential purposes. As for the works of the Masters of the Hundred Schools, the Classic of Mountains, and the geographical treatises, he read them all as well. Master Zhu admired his dedication to learning and said to Huang Gan: "I hope to keep the lineage of the Way passed down for a long time, and what we rely on for this is these two or three gentlemen." From a young age Qia cultivated, above all, the virtue of reverence and caution, and in his everyday conduct he did not differ from ordinary people. Yet when faced with something that righteousness required, he acted with courage and resolve and could not be shaken. He wrote the Collected Commentary on the Spring and Autumn Annals and the Table of Geographical Changes, which circulated widely.

Chun studied the examination curriculum in his youth. Lin Zongchen met him, judged him to be out of the ordinary, and said: "This is not the enterprise of the sages." He then gave him the Reflections on Things at Hand. Chun immediately set aside his former studies and turned to reading this book. Later, when Huian went to Zhangzhou, Chun asked to receive instruction from him, and from then on he applied himself even more diligently. Huian said: "When I came south, I was delighted to obtain a student like Chun." After Chun died, Huian still often thought of him. Chun held himself to strict self-discipline. There was no book he did not read and no matter he did not investigate. Accumulating these efforts over time, he gradually penetrated the principles and saw their threads clearly. He lived in quiet self-possession, did not seek office, and his reputation spread throughout the realm.

Fangyang wore a fur robe. His chief minister said: "A new carriage makes for a steady ride, and a well-fed horse runs swiftly. A fox-fur robe is warm, but you should change into another." Jianzi said: "When a gentleman wears fitting clothing, he becomes more reverent; when a petty person wears fitting clothing, he becomes all the more arrogant."

Zigong said to Zishi: "Why do you not study the Odes?" Zishi replied: "My parents require me to be filial, my brothers require me to be affectionate, and my friends require me to be trustworthy. How could I have the leisure to study?" Zigong said: "Subtract the time I spend studying the Odes and give it to you."

In the fourth year of the Heping era, Liu Xiang, Commissioner of Waterways and Remonstrating Counselor, submitted a memorial saying: "The higher the melody, the fewer people can harmonize with it. Water can carry a boat, and it can also capsize one."

When Master Qiuqiu was seventy, he went to see Lord Mengchang wearing a fur robe. Lord Mengchang said: "Sir, you are advanced in years. What could you teach me?" The Master replied: "If you ask me to drive a chariot after horses, chase deer, or wrestle tigers, I would die at once, and how would I have leisure to speak of old age? If you ask me to draft laws, judge difficult cases, and resolve matters of hesitation, then I am still a young man. How could I be called old?" Lord Mengchang, upon hearing this, showed a look of shame.

The Lord of Wei wanted to build...

中天之臺曰敢有諫者死許綰財蔂操畚入 曰聞王欲爲中天之臺願效力焉臣聞天去 地一萬五千里今王因而半之應高七千五 百里基廣八千里盡王之地不足以成臺址 王宜起兵伐諸侯盡有其地猶不足也又伐 西夷乃足之矣須具材木人徒稱此然可作 也魏王默然後乃罷築○有遺鄭相魚不受 人曰子嗜魚何故不受對曰謂嗜魚故不受 受魚失禄無以食魚不受魚得禄終身食魚 ○以老者智少者决必能治阿子奇年十六 齊君使治阿既而君悔之遣使追追者及國 子奇必能治阿共載皆白首也子奇至阿鑄 庫兵以作耕器魏曰聞童子治邑庫無兵倉 無粟乃起兵擊之阿人父率子兄率弟以私 兵戰遂敗魏師    法言十五卷(揚雄撰李/軌弘範注) 務學不如務求師師者人之模範睎顔之人 亦顔之徒睎驥之馬亦驥之乘○詩人之賦 麗以則辭人之賦麗以婬若孔氏之門而用 賦則賈誼升堂相如入室矣○四重何謂四 重言重則有法行重則有德貌重則有威好 重則有觀○四輕何謂四輕言輕則招憂行 輕則招辜貌輕則招辱好輕則招婬○刀不 利筆不銛宜加𥐺削○天可度則覆物淺矣 地可測則載物薄矣○說天者莫辯乎易說 地者莫辯乎書說體者莫辯乎詩說理者莫 辯乎春秋○孔子東國之逐臣夷齊西山之
Interpretation

King Wei issued a decree: "Anyone who dares to remonstrate with me shall be put to death." Xu Wan, bearing his belongings on his back and carrying a winnowing basket and a dustpan, came to see him and said, "I have heard that Your Majesty wishes to build the Terrace of the Middle Heaven, and I am willing to lend my strength to the work. I have heard that the distance between heaven and earth is fifteen thousand li. If Your Majesty builds this terrace, its height should be seven thousand five hundred li, and its base should be eight thousand li wide. Even if all of Your Majesty's lands were used for the construction, they would not be enough to lay its foundation. Your Majesty would have to send armies to attack the various feudal states and seize all their lands, and even then it would not suffice; you would also have to attack the Western Yi before there was enough land. Once timber and laborers are fully gathered, work at this scale could begin." The King of Wei was silent for a while, and then he halted the construction of the terrace.

Someone sent a fish to the chief minister of the state of Zheng, but the minister refused it. Someone asked him, "You are fond of fish, so why not accept it?" He replied, "Precisely because I am fond of fish, I do not accept it. If I accept the fish, I may lose my salary, and then I would have no money to buy fish. If I do not accept the fish and keep my position, I can eat fish all my life."

The old have experience, and the young have decisiveness; one who combines both can govern Ae well. When Zi Qi was sixteen, the ruler of Qi sent him to govern Ae. Soon the ruler regretted it and sent an envoy to recall him. When the pursuers reached Ae, they happened to see Zi Qi riding in a carriage with several white-haired elders, and they said, "Zi Qi will certainly govern Ae well." After taking office, Zi Qi melted down the weapons in the arsenal and cast them into farming tools. When the state of Wei heard of this, they said, "A youth is governing the town, the arsenal has no weapons, and the granaries have no grain." So they sent troops to attack Ae. Among the people of Ae, fathers led their sons and elder brothers led their younger brothers; they met the enemy with their own weapons and in the end defeated the army of Wei.

The Fayan (Model Sayings) comprises fifteen fascicles, written by Yang Xiong, with commentary by Li Gui.

Devoting oneself to study is not as good as devoting oneself to seeking instruction from a teacher, for a teacher is the model for people. One who admires Yan Hui will also become a person of Yan Hui's kind; one who wishes his horse to be like a fine steed must likewise ride a fine steed.

The fu of the poets are ornate yet governed by standards; the fu of the rhapsodists are ornate but tend to slide into excess. If any of Confucius's disciples had studied fu, Jia Yi would have already ascended the hall, and Sima Xiangru would have entered the inner chamber, attaining a high level of mastery.

What are the "four weighties"? Weighty speech accords with proper standards; weighty conduct possesses virtue; a weighty bearing carries authority; weighty tastes are worthy of admiration.

What are the "four lightnesses"? Careless speech invites calamity; careless conduct invites blame; a frivolous bearing invites disgrace; flippant tastes invite dissolute affairs.

When a blade is not sharp or a brush is not keen, one should sharpen the blade and trim the brush.

If heaven could be measured, its covering of the myriad things would be shallow; if earth could be measured, its bearing of the myriad things would be thin.

In discussing heaven, none surpasses the Yi in thoroughness; in discussing earth, none surpasses the Documents; in discussing the states of human feeling, none surpasses the Odes; in discussing principle and affairs, none surpasses the Spring and Autumn Annals.

Confucius was a minister who fled from his eastern ancestral state; Bo Yi and Shu Qi were recluses of the Western Mountain…

餓夫不屈其志不辱其身不夷不惠可否乏 間○仲尼之道猶四瀆經營中國終入大海    太玄經十卷(揚雄撰/虞翻注) 鷹萃于林獺入干泉○鳴鳩在林笑彼衆禽 ○淮南王安多華少實○齊桓晉文之霸如 曰繼月孔予文足老君玄足山川藪澤萬物 歸焉○君子得位則昌失位則良小人得位 則橫失位則喪    新論十七卷(桓譚) 三皇以道治五帝以德化三王白仁義五霸 用權智無制令刑罰謂之皇有制令無刑罰 謂之帝賞善誅惡諸侯
Interpretation

A person of resolve does not abandon their integrity for the sake of hunger. They neither harm their aspirations nor sully themselves. They are neither as aloof as Bo Yi nor as accommodating as Liuxia Hui, dwelling between what is feasible and what is not. (The original text may contain a corruption here, and its meaning is not fully complete.)

The Dao (the Way) of Confucius is like four great rivers that traverse the Central Plains and finally flow into the sea.

The Taixuan Jing (Canon of the Supreme Mystery) comprises ten juan, composed by Yang Xiong and annotated by Yu Fan.

Hawks gather in the forest, and otters enter the springs. Turtle-doves call out in the woods, as though mocking the assembled birds.

Liu An, Prince of Huainan, had brilliant literary talent but little practical effect. The deeds by which Duke Huan of Qi and Duke Wen of Jin became hegemons, as in..." (The text here appears to be damaged, and its meaning cannot be fully determined.)

The teachings of Confucius excel in literary refinement; the teachings of Lord Lao (Laojun) excel in profundity. Mountains, rivers, lakes, and all things are gathered back into one place through them.

When a junzi (gentleman) attains their aims and holds office, they flourish, and when they lose office, they still preserve their goodness. When a petty person attains aims and office, they become arrogant, and once they fall from favor, they meet with disaster.

The Xinlun (New Discourses) comprises seventeen juan, composed by Huan Tan.

The Three Sovereigns governed the realm through the Dao, the Five Thearchs taught the common people through De (Virtue/Power), the Three Kings esteemed benevolence and righteousness, and the Five Hegemons relied on stratagem and expediency. Where there were neither laws nor punishments, it was called huang (sovereign). Where there were laws but no punishments, it was called di (thearch). Where good people were rewarded, evil people were punished, and the feudal lords came to court, it was called wang (king). Raising armies in great numbers…

朝事謂之王興兵衆

Source text: Kanripo 漢籍リポジトリ(KR5h0033); Licence: CC BY-SA 4.0 · Report an error / feedback

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