《漢丞相諸葛忠武侯集》Vol. 2

This passage records the historical context surrounding the birth of Zhuge Liang (courtesy name Kongming, posthumous title Marquis Zhongwu) during the late Eastern Han dynasty. Compiled by Zhuge Xiji, the 36th-generation descendant of Zhuge Liang, based on chronological records edited by scholar Yang, it primarily supplements major events related to Zhuge Liang's life.

The text states: In the fourth year of Emperor Ling's Guanghe era (Xinyou year, 181 CE), Zhuge Liang was born. Calculating backward from his death at age 54 in the twelfth year of Jianxing (234 CE) confirms this birth year. Notably, Emperor Xian of Han, Liu Xie, was also born this same year.

Subsequent entries depict the turmoil of the late Eastern Han: In 182 CE, natural disasters struck, and Court Counselor Cao Cao submitted blunt memorials of admonishment. In 183 CE, Julu native Zhang Jiao gathered followers through heretical practices, establishing thirty-six military divisions (large units of 10,000+, smaller units 6-7,000) and proclaiming "The Azure Heaven has perished, the Yellow Heaven shall rise," secretly planning rebellion for the following year.

The Yellow Turban Rebellion erupted in 184 CE under Zhang Jiao's leadership, marked by rebels wearing yellow headscarves. The court was forced to pardon the Partisan Prohibitions scholars (literati persecuted by eunuch factions) to address the crisis. In 185 CE, Cui Lie attained the position of Minister Over the Masses (one of the Three Excellencies) through bribery, earning contemporary ridicule as "the stench of copper." In 186 CE, Imperial Counselor Liu Tao was framed and executed after denouncing eunuch dominance. In 187 CE, rebel leader Ou Xing caused disturbances in Changsha, suppressed by Sun Jian (father of Sun Quan) dispatched by the court.

These records outline the Eastern Han's decline into eunuch domination and widespread revolts during Zhuge Liang's infancy, providing crucial context for understanding his later ambition to "restore Han's glory." The editor specifically notes: Events involving Wei and Wu receive detailed coverage as these rival states were intrinsically linked to Shu Han's historical trajectory.

This historical account chronicles the chaotic fragmentation of power during the late Eastern Han dynasty:

In 188 CE (the fifth year of Zhongping era), Liu Yan, the Grand Minister of Ceremonies (one of the Nine Ministers), proposed reforming the local governance system to the imperial court. Arguing that regional inspectors held insufficient authority, he advocated establishing provincial governors (the highest local administrators). Palace Attendant Dong Fu privately informed Liu Yan that Yi Province harbored "imperial qi (vital energy)." Seizing this opportunity, Liu Yan petitioned to become Governor of Yi Province, initiating an era of increasingly powerful regional warlords.

The following year (189 CE), Emperor Ling died and was succeeded by his son Liu Bian. When Yuan Shao's attempt to persuade General-in-Chief He Jin to eliminate the eunuchs backfired—resulting in He Jin's assassination—Yuan Shao led troops to massacre all eunuchs indiscriminately. Subsequently summoning Dong Zhuo's forces to the capital, Yuan Shao witnessed Dong Zhuo depose the emperor in favor of Prince Liu Xie (Emperor Xian), prompting his flight to Ji Province.

By 190 CE (the first year of Chuping era), eastern provinces united against Dong Zhuo under Yuan Shao's leadership as coalition leader. Dong Zhuo responded by forcibly relocating the capital to Chang'an with the emperor. That same year, Liu Bei (posthumously known as Emperor Zhaolie) became Chancellor of Pingyuan, appointing Guan Yu and Zhang Fei as subordinate commanders.

In 191 CE, Yuan Shao pressured Han Fu into surrendering his governorship of Ji Province. Meanwhile, Yuan Shu dispatched Sun Jian to attack Liu Biao, leading to Sun Jian's death by Huang Zu's arrow. His seventeen-year-old son Sun Ce, vowing vengeance, directly petitioned Yuan Shu at Shouchun. Yuan Shu returned Sun Jian's former troops and appointed Sun Ce Commandant of Huaiyi.

The pivotal year 192 CE saw Wang Yun orchestrate Dong Zhuo's assassination by Lü Bu. When Dong Zhuo's followers were denied amnesty, Jia Xu advised Li Jue to avenge his master, triggering fierce battles in Chang'an that claimed Wang Yun's life.

In 193 CE, Cao Cao launched a brutal campaign against Tao Qian after the latter's subordinates murdered Cao Cao's father Cao Song during his refuge in Langya. The offensive slaughtered hundreds of thousands across three counties, leaving no living creature behind.

Following Tao Qian's death in 194 CE, regional leaders appointed Liu Bei as the new Governor of Xu Province. The next year witnessed Li Jue and Guo Si's infighting, culminating in the emperor and ministers being taken hostage while palaces burned. Emperor Xian fled to Hongnong, leaving Chang'an deserted for over forty days. According to Records of the Three Kingdoms, the fifteen-year-old Zhuge Liang (later known as the Martial Marquis), having lost his father, followed his uncle Zhuge Xuan to seek refuge with Liu Biao in Jing Province.

The year 196 CE (first year of Jian'an era) marked a crucial turning point toward the Three Kingdoms period. Through detailed chronological events, this narrative reveals the power struggles during the Han dynasty's collapse, setting the stage for the tripartite division of the realm.

This historical account describes the chaotic period of warlordism during the late Eastern Han dynasty. When Yuan Shu attacked Liu Bei for control of Xuzhou, Lü Bu seized the opportunity to raid Xiapi. In the seventh month of the first year of the Jian'an era (196 CE), Emperor Xian of Han arrived in Luoyang, where Cao Cao welcomed the emperor before relocating the capital to Xuchang. Meanwhile, Sun Ce captured Kuaiji Commandery, forcing Administrator Wang Lang to surrender, after which Sun Ce appointed himself as Kuaiji's governor.

Lü Bu later attacked Liu Bei, who after being defeated sought refuge with Cao Cao. Cao Cao petitioned the imperial court to appoint Liu Bei as Governor of Yuzhou and dispatched him eastward to attack Lü Bu. In the second year of Jian'an (197 CE), Han Xian and Yang Feng rebelled in the Xuzhou-Yangzhou region, whereupon Liu Bei intercepted and executed them.

In the third year of Jian'an (198 CE), Cao Cao captured Lü Bu, and Liu Bei accompanied him back to Xuchang, where he was recommended for the position of General of the Left. The following year, Sun Ce seized Yuzhang Commandery, prompting Administrator Hua Xin to surrender. Around this time, General of Chariots and Cavalry Dong Cheng claimed to have received a secret edict from Emperor Xian (hidden in a girdle) and conspired with Liu Bei to assassinate Cao Cao. Coincidentally, Cao Cao had just dispatched Liu Bei to attack Yuan Shu, during which Liu Bei took the opportunity to kill Che Zhou, the Inspector of Xuzhou, causing counties across Donghai Commandery to defect from Cao Cao and join Liu Bei.

In the fifth year of Jian'an (200 CE), Dong Cheng's plot was exposed, leading Cao Cao to execute Dong and his associates before personally leading troops against Liu Bei. Cao's forces captured Xiapi and seized Guan Yu, while Liu Bei fled to Yuan Shao. That same year, Sun Ce was assassinated by retainers of Xu Gong, Governor of Wu Commandery, and on his deathbed entrusted his official seal to his younger brother Sun Quan. During this period, Guan Yu slew Yuan Shao's general Yan Liang for Cao Cao before taking Cao's rewards and rejoining Liu Bei in Yuan Shao's camp.

In the sixth year of Jian'an (201 CE), Cao Cao attacked Liu Bei, who then sought refuge with Liu Biao and was stationed at Xinye. The following year, Yuan Shao died from illness exacerbated by shame and rage after his defeat at Guandu. When Cao Cao demanded Sun Quan send a son as hostage, Sun Quan—initially hesitant along with advisors like Zhang Zhao—ultimately followed Zhou Yu's advice and refused.

In the eighth year of Jian'an (203 CE), Sun Quan campaigned westward against Huang Zu while suppressing Shanyue rebellions. Over subsequent years, Cao Cao systematically eliminated remnants of the Yuan clan's forces. Beginning in the eleventh year of Jian'an (206 CE), Jing Province's local elites increasingly defected to Liu Bei, arousing Liu Biao's suspicion. Liu Biao secretly took defensive measures, dispatching Liu Bei to Bowang Slope to resist Xiahou Dun, Yu Jin, and others. There, Liu Bei feigned retreat to lure the enemy into an ambush, ultimately crushing Cao Cao's forces.

In this year (the 12th year of the Jian'an era), Liu Bei visited Zhuge Liang in Longzhong. At the time, Zhuge Liang was twenty-seven years old. That same year, Liu Shan, the later emperor, was born in Jingzhou.

Based on calculations from the year Guimao (223 CE, the 3rd year of the Zhangwu era) when Liu Shan ascended the throne at seventeen, we can deduce that he was born in the year Dinghai (207 CE)—the very year Zhuge Liang left his seclusion to assist Liu Bei.

13th Year of Jian'an (Wuzi, 208 CE):

The imperial court abolished the Three Excellencies, and Cao Cao appointed himself as Chancellor. Cao Cao executed Kong Rong, the Grand Master of Splendid Happiness. Liu Biao passed away, and his son Liu Cong surrendered to Cao Cao. Liu Bei suffered defeat at Dangyang, while Zhuge Liang was sent as an envoy to Eastern Wu, where he allied with Zhou Yu, Lu Su, and others to defeat Cao Cao decisively at the Battle of Chibi. After the battle, Zhuge Liang was appointed General of the Household and Central Army Commander.

14th Year of Jian'an (Jichou, 209 CE):

Sun Quan ceded parts of the southern Yangtze region to Liu Bei.

15th Year of Jian'an (Gengyin, 210 CE):

Liu Bei personally traveled to Eastern Wu to request governorship over Jingzhou. Zhuge Liang had advised against it, warning, "My lord must not go alone." Pang Tong was appointed as Chief Clerk, serving alongside Zhuge Liang as a military strategist. That same year, Zhou Yu passed away.

16th Year of Jian'an (Xinmao, 211 CE):

Cao Cao appointed his son Cao Pi as Vice Chancellor. Zhang Song, the Inspector of Yi Province, persuaded Liu Zhang to invite Liu Bei into Shu. Liu Bei led his forces westward, while Zhuge Liang and Guan Yu remained to guard Jingzhou.

17th Year of Jian'an (Renchen, 212 CE):

Sun Quan moved his capital to Moling (later renamed Jianye) and constructed the Stone City fortress. Liu Zhang executed Zhang Song and ordered the sealing of mountain passes. Enraged, Liu Bei killed Liu Zhang’s generals Yang Huai and Gao Pei and advanced to attack Fucheng.

18th Year of Jian'an (Guisi, 213 CE):

Cao Cao attacked Sun Quan, but after a month-long stalemate, he withdrew. Cao Cao declared himself King of Wei and was granted the Nine Distinctions. Meanwhile, Liu Bei advanced to Luocheng, where Liu Zhang’s generals suffered successive defeats and surrendered. From the 13th to the 18th year of Jian'an, Zhuge Liang remained stationed in Jingzhou.

19th Year of Jian'an (Jiawu, 214 CE):

Pang Tong passed away. Zhuge Liang left Guan Yu to defend Jingzhou and personally led Zhang Fei, Zhao Yun, and others to pacify the surrounding commanderies. After the pacification of Chengdu, Liu Bei assumed the governorship of Yi Province and appointed Zhuge Liang as Administrator of Yi Province. That same year, Cao Cao sent Hua Xin and others to seize the empress’s seal and poisoned two imperial princes.

20th Year of Jian'an (Yiwei, 215 CE):

Cao Cao’s daughter was installed as empress. Upon hearing that Cao Cao intended to attack Hanzhong, Liu Bei negotiated peace with Sun Quan, redividing Jingzhou with the Xiang River as the new boundary.

21st Year of Jian'an (Bingshen, 216 CE):

Cao Cao was promoted to King of Wei.

22nd Year of Jian'an (Dingyou, 217 CE):

(No specific events recorded in the original text.)

This passage primarily documents historical events during the period when Zhuge Liang, Chancellor of Shu Han during the Three Kingdoms era (posthumously titled Marquis Zhongwu), assisted Liu Bei and his son Liu Shan. Below is a chronological summary of key events:

In the 23rd year of the Jian'an era (218 AD), Ji Miao and others conspired to kidnap Emperor Xian of Han to resist Cao Cao but failed and were executed. Liu Bei (posthumously titled Emperor Zhaolie) confronted Cao Cao at Yangping Pass.

The following year (219 AD), Liu Bei crossed the Mian River southward, where Huang Zhong killed Cao's general Xiahou Yuan. After capturing Hanzhong, Liu Bei declared himself King of Hanzhong. That same year, Guan Yu launched a northern campaign, flooding Yu Jin's seven armies, but was defeated when Eastern Wu's Lü Meng and Lu Xun attacked Jing Province. The Cao faction began plotting to usurp the Han dynasty.

In 220 AD (the first year of Huangchu in Wei), Cao Cao died, and his son Cao Pi usurped the Han throne, declaring himself emperor while granting Emperor Xian the title Duke of Shanyang. The next year (221 AD), upon hearing rumors of Emperor Xian's death, Liu Bei proclaimed himself emperor in Chengdu, appointing Zhuge Liang as Chancellor.

In 222 AD, Liu Bei launched an eastern campaign against Sun Quan to avenge Guan Yu, suffering a devastating defeat by Lu Xun's fire attack and retreating to Baidi City (renamed Yong'an). Sun Quan sent envoys to sue for peace, restoring diplomatic relations between Shu and Wu, though Sun Quan simultaneously accepted Cao Pi's enfeoffment as King of Wu. That same year, Zhang Fei died, and Zhuge Liang assumed the additional post of Colonel-Director of Retainers.

In April 223 AD, Liu Bei died of illness at Yong'an, entrusting his heir to Zhuge Liang on his deathbed. In May, Liu Shan (later known as the Later Sovereign) succeeded to the throne, enfeoffing Zhuge Liang as Marquis of Wuxiang and Governor of Yi Province, with all military and administrative authority over Shu Han concentrated in Zhuge Liang's hands. Zhuge Liang dispatched Deng Zhi as envoy to Wu to reaffirm their alliance while suppressing rebellions led by Zhu Bao and others. Faced with surrender letters from Wei officials like Hua Xin, Zhuge Liang composed the "Zheng Yi" treatise to clarify his stance and reject submission.

(Note: "Marquis" in the text refers to Zhuge Liang; "Zhaolie" is Liu Bei's posthumous title; "Later Sovereign" refers to Liu Shan; "Colonel-Director of Retainers" was an office overseeing the capital region; "Governor of Yi Province" was the highest administrative position in the Shu region.)

This historical account documents the military and administrative activities of Zhuge Liang (posthumously titled Marquis Zhongwu), the Chancellor of Shu Han, between 224 and 231 CE. The events are recorded chronologically as follows:

In 224 CE (5th year of Huangchu in Wei, 3rd year of Huangwu in Wu), Wu envoy Zhang Wen visited Shu Han, which reciprocated by sending Deng Zhi to Wu. That year, Zhuge Liang implemented policies for recuperation, encouraging agriculture and closing borders to allow civilians to rest.

In 225 CE, Zhuge Liang led a southern expedition, suppressing the Nanzhong rebellion. He executed rebel commander Yong Kai and famously captured then released the Nanman chieftain Meng Huo seven times until his submission.

In May 226 CE, Wei Emperor Cao Pi died and was succeeded by his son Cao Rui.

In March 227 CE, Zhuge Liang submitted the famous "Memorial on the Expedition" and launched the northern campaign against Wei. That same year, his son Zhuge Zhan was born (calculated from later records showing Zhuge Liang mentioning his eight-year-old son in correspondence, and Zhuge Zhan dying at 37 in 263 CE).

In spring 228 CE, Zhuge Liang launched another northern campaign, during which the renowned "Memorial on the Expedition" was composed. The Wei capital region was shaken, but vanguard Ma Su's disobedience led to the loss of Jieting. Zhuge Liang demoted himself to General of the Right while retaining his chancellor duties, relocating over a thousand households from Xixian to Hanzhong. That November, he besieged Chencang but withdrew due to supply shortages, killing pursuing Wei general Wang Shuang during retreat.

In 229 CE, Zhuge Liang captured Wudu and Yinping commanderies, defeating Wei general Guo Huai. In summer's fourth month, Sun Quan declared himself emperor, prompting Shu Han to send Chen Zhen to congratulate Wu and reaffirm their alliance.

In 230 CE, Wei generals Cao Zhen and Sima Yi invaded. Zhuge Liang defended at Chenggu while Wei Yan defeated Guo Huai at Yangxi.

In 231 CE, Zhuge Liang besieged Qishan in his northern campaign, first employing "wooden oxen" (munic) transport vehicles. He decisively defeated Sima Yi, capturing substantial military equipment (including armor, crossbows etc.). After withdrawing due to exhausted supplies, his forces killed the pursuing Wei general Zhang He during retreat.

Note: The "wooden oxen" (munic) were Zhuge Liang's invented transport devices resembling wheelbarrows; "armor with heads" (jiashou) referred to captured armor with enemy heads, "black armor" (xuankai) denoted iron armor, and "horn crossbows" (jiaonu) were powerful bows decorated with animal horns. These campaigns exemplified Zhuge Liang's strategic principle of "using offense as defense."

In the year 232 (the sixth year of the Taihe era in Wei, first year of the Jiahe era in Wu), Zhuge Liang ordered his troops to rest, encouraged agricultural production, and simultaneously trained the army, instructing them in martial skills.

The following year (233), the Shu Han forces transported grain supplies to the mouth of the Xie Valley, constructing granaries for storage. This allowed both civilians and soldiers to recuperate, with plans to utilize these stockpiled resources after three years of preparation.

By 234 (the second year of the Qinglong era in Wei, third year of Jiahe in Wu), Zhuge Liang dispatched envoys to coordinate a simultaneous northern expedition with Wu. The Shu army marched from Xie Valley, employing for the first time the "flowing horses" (an improved version of the wooden oxen transport system) to deliver provisions. Soldiers were assigned to reclaim wasteland for military farming, preparing for long-term encampment. Zhuge Liang faced off against Wei's general Sima Yi for over a hundred days, repeatedly challenging him to battle, but Sima Yi consistently avoided engagement. Zhuge Liang eventually sent women's headscarves and garments to humiliate Sima Yi. In the eighth month of that same year, Prime Minister Zhuge Liang passed away in camp at age fifty-four. His final orders commanded troop withdrawal, and though Sima Yi pursued, the Shu forces repelled him.

Historians note a remarkable coincidence: Emperor Xian of Han also died in Wei that same year. Both Zhuge Liang and Emperor Xian had been born in the Xinyou year (181) and died in the Jiayin year (234). Even more strikingly, Emperor Xian was buried in August, the very month Zhuge Liang died. The chronicler reflects: had the Han dynasty not fallen, Zhuge Liang would not have died; with Zhuge Liang's passing, the Han truly met its end.

Regarding the historiographical approach in the Comprehensive Mirror: special attention is given to Liu Bei's visit to Zhuge Liang at Longzhong—the only instance in the entire chronicle where "visiting a worthy man" is recorded with such emphasis, marking the foundation of Liu Bei's enterprise. When recording Liu Bei's imperial accession, the text deliberately states "ascended the imperial throne" to affirm legitimacy, whereas Sun Quan and Cao Cao are referred to by name only. The appointments of empresses and crown princes omit the honorific "imperial" character, distinguishing orthodox from non-orthodox succession.

After Liu Bei's death at Yong'an Palace, Prime Minister Zhuge Liang received the posthumous edict to assist Crown Prince Liu Shan's accession, being enfeoffed as Marquis of Wuxiang and Governor of Yizhou. The explicit recording of "receiving the posthumous edict" is the first such notation since Emperor Xuan of Han, highlighting Zhuge Liang's exceptional status. In contrast, Sima Yi's record states merely "received posthumous [instructions]" without the imperial edict character, reflecting the historian's evaluative brushwork.

Subsequent records detail Zhuge Liang's southern campaign suppressing Yong Kai's rebellion and reclaiming four southern commanderies, followed by his garrison at Hanzhong to plan the northern expedition. Phrases like "restoring the imperial house" and "strategizing for the Central Plains" embody his lifelong dedication to reviving the Han dynasty.

This passage primarily documents Zhuge Liang's northern expeditions against the Wei Kingdom and discusses the issue of historiographical bias in official records.

Regarding the Battle of Jieting: During Zhuge Liang's northern campaign, the defeat at Jieting occurred when Ma Su disobeyed military orders. Yet historical records still state that "Prime Minister Zhuge Liang was defeated," because commanding officers bore ultimate responsibility. Zhuge Liang voluntarily requested demotion by three ranks, and the imperial court decreed his reduction to General of the Right (a senior military title), while still allowing him to perform prime ministerial duties. This reflects the power-responsibility relationship between ruler and minister.

Subsequent military records: Continuing his northern expeditions as General of the Right, Zhuge Liang unsuccessfully besieged Chencang but achieved victory by killing Wei general Wang Shuang. After capturing Wudu and Yinping commanderies, he was restored to the position of Prime Minister. When Wei forces attacked Hanzhong, Zhuge Liang stationed troops at Chenggu, prompting the Wei army's retreat. Historical texts deliberately used the term "invade" (kou) to describe Wei's military actions, revealing their pro-Shu and anti-Wei stance.

Discussion of historiographical methods: Orthodox historical records consistently use "kou" to describe vassal states attacking the royal house, foreign invasions of the Central Plains, or usurping regimes assaulting legitimate dynasties. Chen Shou's Records of the Three Kingdoms, which recognized Wei as legitimate, paradoxically labeled Zhuge Liang's northern campaigns as "invasion," effectively portraying the punisher of rebels as rebels themselves. Zhu Xi's Outline and Details of the Comprehensive Mirror, recognizing Liu Bei as inheriting Han legitimacy, properly recorded Wei's attacks as "invasion," thereby clarifying the distinction between legitimate rule and illegitimate pretenders.

Other notable events: Zhuge Liang appointed Jiang Wan as his Chief Clerk (chief secretary); defeated Sima Yi at Lucheng, killing Wei general Zhang He. Though Sima Yi was renowned for military genius, he suffered repeated defeats against Zhuge Liang, leading Wei troops to say they "feared Shu like tigers." The author criticizes Chen Shou's Records of the Three Kingdoms for unfairly diminishing Zhuge Liang's military capabilities in its evaluation.

(Note: "Zhaolie" refers to Liu Bei's posthumous temple name Emperor Zhaolie; "Chen Shou" authored Records of the Three Kingdoms; "Outline and Details" refers to Zhu Xi's Outline and Details of the Comprehensive Mirror)

This passage primarily discusses Zhuge Liang's Northern Expeditions and their historical assessments. The text notes that when recording Zhuge Liang's five northern campaigns, the Zizhi Tongjian Gangmu (Outline and Details of the Comprehensive Mirror to Aid in Government) deliberately emphasizes that he defeated formidable opponents like Sima Yi rather than ordinary generals, thereby proving his exceptional military prowess. The author refutes Chen Shou's criticism of Zhuge Liang in the Records of the Three Kingdoms (Sanguozhi), arguing that one cannot judge a hero solely by success or failure.

The text meticulously enumerates Zhuge Liang's military campaigns: the Battle of Jieting, the Siege of Chenggu, the Battles of Chencang and Qishan, the capture of Wudu and Yinping, the execution of Wang Shuang, and the defeats of Sima Yi and Zhang He. It particularly highlights Zhuge Liang's final northern expedition, during which—despite gaining an advantage by stationing troops in Weinan for farming, forcing Sima Yi to endure humiliation (such as accepting women's garments)—he unfortunately fell ill and died in camp, leaving his mission to restore the Han dynasty unfulfilled.

The author highly praises Zhuge Liang's spirit of "devoting every ounce of his strength until his dying day," believing that he remained faithful to his promise to Liu Bei and fought against traitors until the end. In contrast, figures like Cao Cao and Sima Yi, who oppressed orphans and widows to usurp power, were "worse than pigs and dogs." The text concludes by emphasizing that historical judgment should not be based solely on outcomes but on moral integrity and steadfastness.

The passage briefly records Zhuge Liang's family background: his courtesy name was Kongming, and he hailed from Yangdu in Langya. His ancestor was Zhuge Feng, who served as the Director of the Capital during the Han dynasty. His father, Zhuge Gui, held the post of Assistant Administrator of Taishan Commandery but died young, after which Zhuge Liang was raised by his uncle, Zhuge Xuan. Zhuge Xuan was appointed by Yuan Shu as the Grand Administrator of Yuzhang and took Zhuge Liang and his brothers to his post. However, he later lost his position when the court reassigned Zhu Hao to replace him.

(Note: The "Gangmu" refers to Zhu Xi's Zizhi Tongjian Gangmu; "Shou" refers to Chen Shou, author of the Records of the Three Kingdoms; and "Cao-Ma" refers to the Cao and Sima families, i.e., Cao Cao and Sima Yi's lineages.)

This passage primarily documents Zhuge Liang's early life experiences and aspirations.

Liu Biao, Governor of Jing Province, had longstanding ties with Zhuge Liang's family, which led Zhuge Liang to seek refuge with him. At the time, Zhou Shu, the Grand Administrator of Yuzhang, had passed away, and Liu Biao recommended Zhuge Xuan (Zhuge Liang's uncle) to succeed him as Grand Administrator of Yuzhang, stationed in Nanchang. However, the Han court appointed Zhou Hao instead, who led troops to attack Zhuge Xuan, forcing him to retreat to Xicheng. In the first month of the second year of the Jian'an era (197 CE), the people of Xicheng rebelled, killed Zhuge Xuan, and sent his head to Liu Yao. This account differs from other historical biographies.

At the time, Zhuge Liang was farming in Nanyang's Deng County, a place twenty li west of Xiangyang City known as Longzhong. He stood eight chi tall (approximately 1.84 meters) and often compared himself to Guan Zhong (a renowned statesman of the Spring and Autumn period) and Yue Yi (a famed general of the Warring States period). However, most people did not acknowledge his claims—only his close friends Cui Zhouping from Boling and Xu Shu (styled Yuanzhi) from Yingchuan believed in his true talent.

In the early Jian'an era, Zhuge Liang studied alongside Shi Guangyuan, Xu Shu, and Meng Gongwei. While the other three pursued deep scholarly refinement, Zhuge Liang focused only on grasping the essential principles. He would often sit with his knees hugged, sighing deeply, and once told the three of them, "You all could attain positions like provincial governor or commandery administrator." When asked about his own ambitions, he merely smiled without answering. Later, when Meng Gongwei expressed a desire to return to his northern homeland, Zhuge Liang advised him, "The Central Plains are full of talented individuals—why must you return to your hometown?"

Pei Songzhi, the historian who annotated the Records of the Three Kingdoms, believed that Zhuge Liang's advice to Meng Gongwei was simply out of consideration for his friend. Given Zhuge Liang's insight, he clearly understood his own path. His usual words and actions reveal that his ambitions had long been settled. Had he served Cao Wei, his abilities would undoubtedly have surpassed those of Chen Qun (styled Changwen) and Sima Yi (styled Zhongda). Yet he ultimately chose not to pledge allegiance to the northern regime of Cao Wei, a decision informed by his assessment of the political landscape of the time.

This passage recounts the story of how Liu Bei visited Zhuge Liang's thatched cottage three times during the Three Kingdoms period to seek his counsel, along with Zhuge Liang's analysis of the political landscape.

At that time, the Han dynasty's fortunes were in decline, and Zhuge Liang harbored aspirations to restore the Han imperial house. When Liu Bei was stationed at Xinye, Xu Shu recommended Zhuge Liang to him, calling him the "Crouching Dragon" and advising Liu Bei to personally visit him. Liu Bei consulted Sima Decao about the situation of the realm, to which Sima replied that only exceptional talents like Zhuge Liang (the "Crouching Dragon") and Pang Tong (the "Young Phoenix") could truly discern the times.

Xu Shu told Liu Bei: "For a man like Zhuge Liang, you must visit him personally—you cannot simply summon him." Thus Liu Bei made three trips before finally meeting Zhuge Liang. During their meeting, Liu Bei poured out his heart, expressing his desire to restore the Han dynasty despite his limited resources, and sought Zhuge Liang's advice.

Zhuge Liang analyzed the situation thus: Since Dong Zhuo's tyrannical rule, powerful warlords had risen everywhere. Although Cao Cao initially had fewer resources than Yuan Shao, he ultimately triumphed against the odds and now commanded a million troops, controlling the emperor to order the feudal lords—making direct confrontation impossible for the time being. Sun Quan had held Jiangdong for three generations; its terrain was strategically secure, and the people were loyal—he could be an ally but not a target for conquest.

Jing Province occupied a supremely strategic location: bordered by the Han and Mian rivers to the north, connected to Wu and Kuaiji commanderies to the east, and leading to Ba-Shu (Sichuan) to the west—making it vital for military operations. Yet its current ruler could not defend it; this might be Heaven's gift to you, General. Yi Province (modern Sichuan) had impregnable terrain and fertile land—it was from here that Emperor Gaozu of Han had established his imperial rule. Now its governor, Liu Zhang, was incompetent, with Zhang Lu threatening from the north, while local talents yearned for a wise ruler.

Zhuge Liang advised Liu Bei to first secure Jing and Yi Provinces as bases, form an alliance with Sun Quan, and await the right moment to march north against the Central Plains. This analysis became the famous "Longzhong Plan," formulating Liu Bei's strategy of "dividing the realm into three."

Zhuge Liang (courtesy name Kongming, posthumous title Marquis Zhongwu) was a descendant of the Han imperial clan, renowned throughout the land for his integrity and righteousness. He excelled at attracting heroes and talents, thirsting for worthy individuals like a parched man seeks water. If we could simultaneously hold Jingzhou and Yizhou, secure strategic passes, maintain peaceful relations with western tribes, pacify southern minorities, ally externally with Sun Quan, and cultivate enlightened governance internally—then when the empire's situation changes, we could dispatch a great general leading Jingzhou's forces to attack Wancheng and Luoyang, while you personally command Yizhou's main army through the Qin River region. The common people would surely welcome you with food and wine. Thus could we achieve hegemonic enterprise and restore the Han dynasty." After hearing this, Liu Bei exclaimed, "Excellent!" From then on, his relationship with Zhuge Liang grew increasingly close. Guan Yu, Zhang Fei and others expressed displeasure, to which Liu Bei explained, "Having Kongming is like a fish finding water. I beg you to speak no more of this." Only then did Guan and Zhang desist.

The Weilue records: At that time, Liu Bei was garrisoned at Fancheng when Cao Cao had just pacified Hebei. Zhuge Liang foresaw that Jingzhou would soon face threats, while Liu Biao's indecisive nature left him incompetent in military affairs. Thus Zhuge Liang traveled north to meet Liu Bei. Being unacquainted with Zhuge Liang and considering him merely a young scholar, Liu Bei received him as an ordinary literatus. After the banquet concluded and other guests departed, Zhuge Liang alone remained. Liu Bei didn't inquire about his purpose. Noticing Liu Bei plaiting yak-tail ornaments, Zhuge Liang approached saying, "Does the general aspire only to such handicrafts?" Only then did Liu Bei realize this was no ordinary man. Setting aside his work, he replied, "This merely distracts me from sorrow." Zhuge Liang continued, "How would you compare Liu Biao (General Who Guards the South) to Cao Cao?" Liu Bei answered, "He falls short." "And yourself?" Zhuge Liang pressed. Liu Bei frankly admitted, "I too am inferior." Zhuge Liang pointed out, "Presently all aspects fall short of Cao Cao, yet your troops number merely several thousand—how will you oppose the enemy?" Liu Bei sought counsel, whereupon Zhuge Liang advised: "Jingzhou's population is substantial but household registers incomplete. Propose that Liu Biao investigate transient people and register them to expand military resources." Liu Bei adopted this strategy, greatly increasing his forces thereafter, and treated Zhuge Liang as an honored guest. The Jiuzhou Chunqiu records identically.

Pei Songzhi (the historian who annotated Records of the Three Kingdoms) observes that when Zhuge Liang wrote in his Memorial on Launching a Campaign—"The Late Emperor did not disdain my humble origins, thrice visiting my thatched cottage"—he referred precisely to these events.

In his thatched cottage, Liu Bei sought Zhuge Liang's counsel on matters of state—clearly it was not Zhuge Liang who took the initiative to join Liu Bei. Though various accounts differ in their details, the discrepancies are surprisingly vast.

Liu Biao's eldest son, Liu Qi, also held Zhuge Liang in high esteem. However, Liu Biao, swayed by his second wife, favored his younger son Liu Cong and disliked Liu Qi. Liu Qi repeatedly tried to consult Zhuge Liang on how to secure his own safety, but Zhuge Liang always declined to involve himself in such schemes. Later, Liu Qi took Zhuge Liang to the rear garden for a stroll, and together they ascended a high tower. While drinking, Liu Qi had the ladder removed and said to Zhuge Liang, "Now we are neither connected to heaven nor earth—what comes from your lips enters only my ears. Can you speak now?" Zhuge Liang replied, "Have you not heard the story of Shen Sheng, who remained in court and met disaster, while Chong Er fled into exile and found safety?" Liu Qi suddenly understood and secretly planned to leave. Coinciding with the death of Huang Zu, Liu Qi was able to take up the post of Governor of Jiangxia. Soon after, Liu Biao passed away, and when Liu Cong heard that Cao Cao was advancing, he sent envoys to surrender.

At the time, Liu Bei was in Fancheng. Upon receiving the news, he led his troops southward, with Zhuge Liang and Xu Shu accompanying him. When Cao Cao's forces caught up with them, Xu Shu was captured. As Xu Shu bid farewell to Liu Bei, he pointed to his chest and said, "I had wished to join you, General, in building a great enterprise, relying solely on this sincere heart. But now that my aged mother has been taken, my mind is in turmoil, and I can no longer serve you. I must take my leave." With that, he went over to Cao Cao.

According to the Weilüe, Xu Shu was originally named Xu Fu and came from a humble background. In his youth, he was fond of chivalrous deeds and swordsmanship. Toward the end of the Zhongping era, he once avenged someone by smearing his face with white powder and fleeing with disheveled hair, only to be captured by officials. When questioned for his name, he remained silent, so they tied him to a cart and paraded him through the streets, beating drums to summon onlookers who might identify him—yet no one dared to point him out. Later, his companions banded together to rescue him. Deeply affected by this experience, Xu Fu abandoned martial pursuits for scholarly ones, donning Confucian robes and devoting himself to study. When he first arrived at the academy, his fellow students, hearing of his past as a bandit, refused to share lodgings with him. Xu Fu humbled himself, rising early each day to sweep the grounds alone, observing others' expressions while focusing on his studies, until he mastered the classics and befriended Shi Tao from his commandery. During the turbulent years of the Chuping era, the two traveled south to Jing Province together, where they became especially close with Zhuge Liang. Later, when Jing Province submitted to Cao Cao, Zhuge Liang followed Liu Bei away, while Xu Fu and Shi Tao went north. By the Huangchu era, Shi Tao had risen to the rank of commandery governor and Commandant of Agriculture, while Xu Fu became a Right Palace Attendant and Imperial Censor.

When Zhuge Liang was in Longyou, he heard of the exceptional talents of Xu Shu (styled Yuanzhi) and Pang Tong (styled Shiyuan), and sighed: "The Wei state abounds with capable men—why are these two worthies not employed?" Later, Xu Shu passed away from illness, and his memorial stele still stands in Pengcheng to this day.

As Liu Bei's forces retreated to Xiakou, Zhuge Liang, recognizing the dire situation, volunteered to seek aid from Sun Quan. At that time, Sun Quan was stationed at Chaisang, observing the unfolding events. Zhuge Liang advised him:

"The realm is in chaos. You, General Sun, hold the lands east of the Yangtze, while Imperial Uncle Liu (Liu Bei) has gathered the talents of Jing and Xiang—together, you could contend with Cao Cao. Yet Cao Cao has already pacified the north, conquered Jingzhou, and now his might shakes the realm. With no ground for heroes to act, Liu Bei has retreated here. You must weigh your strength: if you can oppose Cao Cao with the forces of Jiangdong, then sever ties at once. If not, why not submit early? To feign obedience while hesitating inwardly invites calamity."

Sun Quan retorted: "If that is so, why does Imperial Uncle Liu not surrender?"

Zhuge Liang replied: "Tian Heng was merely a stalwart of Qi, yet he held fast to his principles. How much more so Liu Bei, a scion of the Han imperial house, whose brilliance overshadows the age and whom the people revere as rivers flow to the sea? If his cause fails, it is Heaven’s will—how could he bow to another?"

Sun Quan’s expression darkened: "How could I surrender all of Wu and a hundred thousand troops to another’s control? My mind is made—none but Liu Bei can oppose Cao Cao. Yet he has just suffered defeat—how can he resist?"

Zhuge Liang analyzed the situation: "Though defeated at Changban, Guan Yu’s fleet of ten thousand elite marines remains intact, and Liu Qi’s Jiangxia forces also number ten thousand. Cao’s army, exhausted from their long march, has pursued us over three hundred li in a day—their strength is spent, like an arrow at the end of its flight. Northern soldiers are unaccustomed to naval warfare, and the people of Jingzhou submit to Cao Cao only under duress. If you, General Sun, dispatch a fierce commander with tens of thousands of troops to join forces with Liu Bei, Cao Cao will surely be defeated."

(Note: This historical account records Zhuge Liang’s critical diplomatic mission to Eastern Wu before the Battle of Red Cliffs, where his masterful rhetoric forged the Sun-Liu alliance. Phrases like "an arrow at the end of its flight" (彊弩之末) became enduring idioms, showcasing his keen military insight and diplomatic brilliance.)

This passage recounts Zhuge Liang's significant deeds during the Three Kingdoms period:

When Sun Quan allied with Liu Bei to resist Cao Cao, Zhou Yu, Cheng Pu, and Lu Su led thirty thousand naval troops to assist Liu Bei alongside Zhuge Liang. When asked why he didn't remain to serve Sun Quan instead, Zhuge Liang remarked that while Sun Quan could employ worthy talents, he couldn't fully utilize his capabilities ("He can honor my worth but cannot exhaust my potential"). Later generations observed that the bond between Zhuge Liang and Liu Bei was a rare meeting of minds—one that precluded any shift in allegiance.

After the Battle of Red Cliffs, as Cao Cao retreated in defeat and Liu Bei secured control south of the Yangtze, Zhuge Liang was appointed General of the Household and Central Army Advisor, overseeing taxation in Lingling, Guiyang, and Changsha commanderies to bolster military supplies. In the 16th year of the Jian'an era (211 CE), when Liu Zhang, Governor of Yi Province, sent Fa Zheng to invite Liu Bei into Shu to attack Zhang Lu, Zhuge Liang remained in Jing Province with Guan Yu. Later, when Liu Bei turned from Jiameng to attack Liu Zhang, Zhuge Liang joined Zhang Fei, Zhao Yun, and others in leading troops upriver, pacifying various commanderies and counties before converging with Liu Bei to besiege Chengdu.

Following Chengdu's pacification, Zhuge Liang was appointed General of the Army and put in charge of the Left General's headquarters. During Liu Bei's campaigns, Zhuge Liang routinely garrisoned Chengdu, ensuring grain supplies and troop reinforcements. In the 26th year of Jian'an (221 CE), when court officials urged Liu Bei to proclaim himself emperor, he initially declined. Quoting Geng Chun's historical persuasion of Emperor Guangwu of Han to ascend the throne ("All heroes under heaven await their enlightened sovereign—if you refuse, they will seek another"), Zhuge Liang ultimately convinced Liu Bei to assume imperial authority.

This narrative highlights Zhuge Liang's exceptional political acumen and military prowess, as well as the profound ruler-minister bond he shared with Liu Bei.

This passage primarily discusses Zhuge Liang's governance philosophy and related controversies during his tenure as Chancellor of Shu Han in the Three Kingdoms period.

After Liu Bei ascended the throne, he appointed Zhuge Liang as Chancellor. In the imperial edict, Liu Bei expressed his diligent and cautious mindset upon inheriting the imperial mandate, hoping Zhuge Liang would assist him in governing the realm. Zhuge Liang not only served as Chancellor but also held the concurrent position of Imperial Secretary (responsible for court documents). Following Zhang Fei's death, he additionally assumed the role of Colonel-Director of Retainers (overseeing capital security).

Later, during the Western Jin dynasty, when Sima Jun, Prince of Fufeng, was stationed in Guanzhong, officials debated Zhuge Liang's legacy. Many at the time criticized him, arguing that aligning with Shu Han was a misguided choice and that his policies exhausted the people and resources without achieving great success. However, Guo Chong defended Zhuge Liang, presenting five overlooked examples to demonstrate that his abilities surpassed even those of Guan Zhong and Yan Ying. Pei Songzhi (the historian who annotated Records of the Three Kingdoms), while appreciating these discussions, raised doubts about Guo Chong's claims.

The most contentious issue was Zhuge Liang's strict legal code. Fa Zheng (a Shu Han strategist) once advised him, citing how Liu Bang won popular support by simplifying laws to three articles upon entering the Qin capital, and suggested Zhuge Liang mitigate punishments. Zhuge Liang replied: The Qin dynasty lost the empire due to tyranny, so Liu Bang could govern leniently. But Liu Zhang (the former Governor of Yi Province) ruled weakly, allowing local magnates to dominate Shu—thus, strict laws were necessary to establish authority. He advocated "governing through awe-inspiring laws" (wei zhi yi fa) alongside "restricting through noble ranks" (xian zhi yi jue), arguing that rigorous legalism would teach people gratitude, while measured enfeoffments would help them understand honor. Only through this balance, he believed, could proper governance be established.

This passage recounts several key historical episodes involving Zhuge Liang (courtesy name Kongming, posthumously titled Marquis Zhongwu), the chancellor of Shu Han.

There appears to be chronological inconsistency regarding records of Fa Zheng (Liu Bei's chief strategist). Fa Zheng passed away while Liu Bei was still alive, and Zhuge Liang, as a subordinate, did not yet wield complete authority over rewards and punishments in Yi Province. Given Zhuge Liang's character—marked by humility and caution—it's unlikely he would act unilaterally in such matters. Some critiques accusing him of harsh legal enforcement and exploiting the people contradict his reputation for "benevolent governance."

A particularly intriguing anecdote involves an assassin: Cao Cao dispatched an assassin to approach Liu Bei. The two conversed harmoniously, with the assassin's analysis of the campaign against Wei greatly impressing Liu Bei. Just as the assassin was about to strike, Zhuge Liang suddenly entered and noticed the man's nervous demeanor. When the assassin excused himself to the restroom, Liu Bei enthusiastically praised having found an extraordinary talent. But Zhuge Liang astutely observed: "This man's shifty eyes and fearful expression mark him as an assassin." By the time they gave chase, the assassin had already scaled the wall and escaped. This account warrants scrutiny: genuine assassins are typically desperate outlaws, yet one capable of deceiving Liu Bei must have been exceptionally capable. A strategist of Zhuge Liang's caliber would hardly resort to assassination, and Liu Bei would surely have employed such talent.

In the spring of the third year of the Zhangwu era, Liu Bei lay critically ill at Yong'an and urgently summoned Zhuge Liang from Chengdu to entrust him with state affairs. Liu Bei declared: "Your abilities surpass Cao Pi's tenfold—you will surely stabilize our kingdom. If my son Liu Shan proves worthy, assist him; if not, you may assume the throne yourself." With tears, Zhuge Liang vowed to exhaust every effort. Liu Bei further commanded Liu Shan in an edict: "Serve the chancellor as you would your father."

Historian Sun Sheng remarked: Only those who uphold righteousness and maintain integrity can truly assist rulers in achieving great deeds. These accounts reveal Zhuge Liang's loyalty as a minister and the profound trust between ruler and subject during Liu Bei's deathbed entrustment of his heir.

This passage recounts several significant events and statements from the life of Zhuge Liang (styled Kongming, posthumously titled Marquis Zhongwu) during the Three Kingdoms period.

Regarding Liu Bei's entrusting of his orphaned heir to Zhuge Liang, contemporary critics remarked: "Even in chess, hesitation leads to defeat—how much more so when vacillating in selecting a ruler's talent? How could one conquer powerful enemies and unify the realm this way?" Liu Bei's deathbed bequest of the Shu Han legacy to Zhuge Liang was indeed a momentous decision. Some suggested Liu Bei acted thus to win popular support and secure the allegiance of Shu's people. But true gentlemen would never think this way—if entrusting affairs to loyal and worthy men, such stratagems become unnecessary; if given to unreliable persons, it would only pave the road to usurpation. Ancient rulers leaving orphaned heirs always provided final instructions, but never employed deceitful rhetoric. Fortunately, Liu Shan (Liu Bei's son) possessed a docile nature free of suspicion, while Zhuge Liang's prestige and strategic brilliance sufficed to deter dissent—thus no discord arose. Otherwise, suspicion and calamity might have followed, and calling this political maneuvering would be sheer folly.

In the first year of Jianxing (223 CE), Liu Shan enfeoffed Zhuge Liang as Marquis of Wuxiang, granting him authority to establish an administrative office. Later he additionally served as Governor of Yizhou (equivalent to provincial governor), deciding all governmental affairs great and small. Though southern commanderies were in rebellion, Zhuge Liang refrained from immediate military action due to Liu Bei's recent death, first dispatching envoys to reconcile with Eastern Wu and establish their alliance.

The Collected Works of Zhuge Liang records: That year, Wei officials including Minister Over the Masses Hua Xin, Minister of Works Wang Lang, Imperial Secretary Chen Qun, Grand Historian Xu Zhi, and Chief Palace Attendant Zhuge Zhang all wrote to Zhuge Liang, urging Shu's surrender to Wei using arguments about heavenly mandate and human affairs. Zhuge Liang declined to reply individually, instead composing Righteous Argument as his response: "Though Xiang Yu once dominated the Central Plains and proclaimed himself emperor, his failure to cultivate virtuous governance brought personal destruction and state collapse—a warning for later generations. Now Wei repeats these errors; preserving their lives would be fortunate enough, as calamity must extend to their descendants. Yet you veteran ministers obediently write surrender exhortations following false decrees, resembling those who flattered Wang Mang during his usurpation—how could you escape disaster? Emperor Guangwu of Han with mere thousands of exhausted troops crushed Wang Mang's 400,000 at Kunyang, proving that punishing the unprincipled requires no numerical superiority. Consider how Cao Cao (styled Mengde), employing deceitful tactics with hundreds of thousands of troops, came to rescue Zhang He at Yangping Pass only to suffer heavy losses and forfeit Hanzhong—then realizing heaven's mandate cannot be seized by force, he died poisoned during retreat. His son Cao Pi (styled Zihuan) succeeded him only to wallow in greater debauchery."

This passage records Zhuge Liang's southern expedition and northern campaigns. At the time, some used sophistry (like the deceptive rhetoric of Su Qin and Zhang Yi) to slander ancient sage rulers Yao and Shun, as well as virtuous ministers Yu and Ji. Zhuge Liang considered such behavior beneath men of virtue (De). Quoting military strategy, he stated: "When ten thousand men unite in purpose, they become invincible under heaven. The Yellow Emperor once pacified the four directions with merely tens of thousands of troops—how much more can be accomplished now with several hundred thousand soldiers fighting for justice?"

In spring of the third year of Jianxing era, Zhuge Liang led the southern expedition. The imperial court bestowed upon him the golden battle-axe (symbolizing military command authority), a ceremonial canopy, an honor guard with feather decorations and musicians, plus sixty elite bodyguards. By autumn that year, he had pacified the Nanzhong region, acquiring substantial military supplies that enriched the state.

The Chronicles of Han and Jin records: After achieving repeated victories in Nanzhong, Zhuge Liang learned that local chieftain Meng Huo enjoyed deep popular support and ordered his capture alive. When brought before him, Meng Huo was shown around the military camp and remarked: "My earlier defeat came from not understanding your actual strength. Having seen your camp's condition now, I could surely win next time if it remains like this." Zhuge Liang laughed and released him to fight again. After seven captures and releases, Meng Huo finally submitted wholeheartedly, declaring: "The Chancellor's heavenly might makes us southerners dare not rebel again."

When advisors suggested leaving Han officials to govern Nanzhong, Zhuge Liang raised "Three Difficulties": stationed officials would require garrison troops, yet grain supplies were problematic; the war-torn region might breed chaos if officials stayed without military support; local chieftains, conscious of their grave offenses, would distrust outside administrators. Thus he adopted the strategy of "no garrisoned troops, no transported provisions," appointing native leaders to maintain order.

Before the northern expedition in Jianxing's fifth year, Zhuge Liang submitted the Memorial on the Expedition: "Our late emperor's unfinished enterprise ended at mid-course. Now with the realm divided in three and Shu-Han weakened, we stand at survival's critical juncture. Yet ministers remain loyal inside and out, all moved by the late emperor's kindness. Your Majesty should broaden channels for counsel and uphold his virtuous legacy."

(Note: "Huan Dou" refers to a wicked minister under Emperor Yao; "Yu and Ji" denote flood-controlling Great Yu and crop-teaching Lord Ji; "Dian Lake" lies in present-day Kunming, Yunnan)

This passage comes from Zhuge Liang's Memorial on the Campaign, a petition written to Shu Han's later ruler Liu Shan before the Northern Expeditions. Its main content advises Liu Shan to govern diligently, drawing close to virtuous ministers while distancing from petty men, while also recounting Zhuge Liang's own journey following Liu Bei.

First, Zhuge Liang admonishes Liu Shan: As a ruler, he should inspire the morale of his subjects and not underestimate himself. The imperial palace and the chancellor's office are one entity, and the standards for rewards and punishments should be uniform. Those who commit crimes or demonstrate loyalty and good deeds should all be handed over to the relevant authorities for appropriate rewards or punishments according to the law—only then can the Dao of fair and just governance be upheld.

He particularly recommends several virtuous ministers: Court officials like Guo Youzhi, Fei Yi, and Dong Yun are all loyal and reliable, and all palace affairs, whether major or minor, may be consulted with them. General Xiang Chong is well-versed in military affairs, and camp matters may be entrusted to him. Zhuge Liang uses historical lessons to warn: Drawing close to virtuous ministers and distancing from petty men was the reason for the Western Han's prosperity; conversely, favoring petty men while alienating virtuous ministers led to the Eastern Han's decline. When the late Emperor Liu Bei was alive, he often spoke of the lessons from Emperor Huan and Emperor Ling of the Eastern Han with deep sorrow.

Next, Zhuge Liang recounts his own experience: Originally a commoner tilling the fields in Nanyang, he merely sought survival in chaotic times. The late Emperor Liu Bei, not disdaining his humble origins, visited his thatched cottage three times to consult on the affairs of the realm, deeply moving him into pledging allegiance. From the 13th year of Jian'an (208 CE), when Liu Bei, after suffering defeat, sent him as an envoy to Eastern Wu, to the 5th year of Jianxing (227 CE) when this memorial was submitted before the Northern Expeditions, a full twenty years had passed. On his deathbed, Liu Bei entrusted him with the affairs of state, and he has since been consumed with anxiety day and night, fearing he might fail in this heavy responsibility. Thus, in the 3rd year of Jianxing (225 CE), in the fifth month, he risked crossing the Lu River, venturing deep into the barren southern lands to suppress rebellions.

(Note: "Jian'an" was the era name of Emperor Xian of Han, while "Jianxing" was the era name of Shu Han's later ruler Liu Shan. The "Lu River" refers to the modern Jinsha River, and the "barren lands" indicate the southern region of Nanzhong at the time.)

The Book of Han: Treatise on Geography records that the Lu River originates from Juting County in Zangke Commandery (present-day Guizhou region).

Now that the southern regions have been pacified and military supplies are abundant, it is time to rally the three armies to march north and stabilize the Central Plains. I shall exhaust my humble abilities to eradicate traitors, restore the Han dynasty, and return the imperial court to its former capital. This is my duty—to repay the late Emperor (Liu Bei) and serve Your Majesty (Liu Shan) with unwavering loyalty. As for weighing advantages and disadvantages or offering loyal counsel, that responsibility falls to Guo Youzhi, Fei Yi, Dong Yun, and others. I implore Your Majesty to entrust me with the task of quelling the rebels and reviving the Han dynasty. Should I fail, punish me for my crimes to appease the spirit of the late Emperor; at the same time, hold Guo Youzhi, Fei Yi, and Dong Yun accountable for their negligence to expose their shortcomings. Your Majesty must also deliberate carefully, seek wise counsel, and heed sound advice, earnestly adhering to the late Emperor’s final edict. Deeply moved by Your Majesty’s grace, I am overwhelmed with gratitude. Now, as I prepare to embark on this distant campaign, I face this memorial with tears streaming down my face, unable to find the right words.

Subsequently, Zhuge Liang led his troops to station at Mianyang (present-day Mian County, Shaanxi).

Guo Chong’s Three Accounts records: Zhuge Liang was stationed at Yangping Pass (west of present-day Mian County, Shaanxi) and dispatched generals such as Wei Yan to lead troops eastward, leaving only ten thousand soldiers to guard the city. Sima Yi (later known as Emperor Xuan of Jin) led an army of two hundred thousand to resist Zhuge Liang but, missing Wei Yan’s forces, advanced directly toward Zhuge Liang’s position, coming within sixty li. Scouts reported that Zhuge Liang’s city was weakly defended, and Zhuge Liang himself learned of Sima Yi’s imminent arrival—the situation was dire. By then, it was too late to regroup with Wei Yan, and the officers and soldiers were panicked, unsure of how to respond. Yet Zhuge Liang remained calm and composed. He ordered all banners lowered and drums silenced, forbidding any unauthorized movement, and commanded the city gates to be opened wide while the streets were swept and watered. Sima Yi, who had always regarded Zhuge Liang as cautious, now saw him feigning weakness and suspected an ambush. He thus withdrew his forces northward into the mountains. The next day, during a meal, Zhuge Liang clapped his hands and laughed, saying to his subordinates, “Sima Yi must have thought I was timid and had laid an ambush, which is why he retreated along the mountains.” Scouts later confirmed this exactly as Zhuge Liang had predicted. When Sima Yi later learned the truth, he deeply regretted his decision.

However, historical records show that Yangping Pass was located in Hanzhong. When Zhuge Liang first garrisoned Yangping, Sima Yi was still the Governor of Jingzhou, stationed in Wancheng (present-day Nanyang, Henan). It was only after Cao Zhen’s death that Sima Yi confronted Zhuge Liang in the Guanzhong region. The Wei state once ordered Sima Yi to attack Shu-Han from Wancheng via Xicheng (present-day Ankang, Shaanxi), but heavy rains prevented the campaign. Before this, the two sides had never clashed at Yangping Pass. Even if Guo Chong’s account were true, why would Sima Yi, leading a massive army, retreat so easily merely out of suspicion of an ambush? This clearly defies reason.

This passage primarily recounts several historical records and related controversies regarding Zhuge Liang's Northern Expeditions during the Three Kingdoms period.

Regarding the account of Wei Yan (a renowned Shu Han general): Whenever Wei Yan accompanied Zhuge Liang on campaigns, he frequently requested permission to lead ten thousand troops on a separate route to rendezvous with the main force at Tong Pass, but Zhuge Liang consistently refused. Wei Yan often believed Zhuge Liang was overly cautious and lamented that his talents remained underutilized. If Zhuge Liang wouldn't even permit Wei Yan to independently command ten thousand troops, how could he possibly have acted as Guo Chong (a Jin dynasty figure) described—placing the main force in front while personally leading weaker troops? Moreover, Guo Chong's remarks to Prince Fufeng (Sima Jun, son of Sima Yi) clearly disparaged Sima Yi (Emperor Xuan). For a son to listen to outsiders slandering his father violates ethical principles, making this account unreliable.

In the spring of the sixth year of Jianxing (228 AD), Zhuge Liang spread news of attacking Mei County via the Xie Valley route while sending Zhao Yun and Deng Zhi as decoy forces to occupy Ji Valley. The Wei general Cao Zhen led troops to block them. Meanwhile, Zhuge Liang personally commanded the main force to attack Qishan, maintaining strict military discipline. Three commanderies—Nan'an, Tianshui, and Anding—rebelled against Wei and responded to Shu, causing upheaval in the Guanzhong region. Wei records state that initially, the court considered only Liu Bei a threat to Shu Han. After Liu Bei's death, with Shu remaining inactive for years, Wei had let down its guard. The sudden news of Zhuge Liang's offensive caused panic throughout the court, particularly in the Longyou and Qishan regions, hence the simultaneous rebellion of the three commanderies.

Emperor Ming of Wei personally took command at Chang'an, dispatching Zhang He to resist Zhuge Liang. Zhuge Liang appointed Ma Su (styled Youchang) as vanguard to engage Zhang He at Jieting. However, Ma Su disregarded Zhuge Liang's battle plan, suffered defeat at Zhang He's hands, and was routed. Consequently, Zhuge Liang had to relocate over a thousand households from Xi County and retreat to Hanzhong.

Guo Chong's fourth account states: When Zhuge Liang marched on Qishan, the two commanderies of Longxi and Nan'an immediately surrendered. While besieging Tianshui, he recruited Jiang Wei (who later became a prominent Shu Han general) and brought back several thousand civilians. When Shu officials came to congratulate him, Zhuge Liang appeared troubled and said: "All people under heaven are subjects of Han. When the court's power proves insufficient, causing the people to suffer—every single death becomes my sin. Your congratulations only deepen my shame." Thereupon, the Shu officials realized Zhuge Liang's ambition was to conquer Wei, not merely expand territory. However, skeptics argue: Zhuge Liang's ambition to annex Wei was longstanding, not suddenly revealed then. Moreover, the expedition ultimately failed, resulting in lost troops and commanders before withdrawal.

This passage primarily documents Zhuge Liang's self-reflection and subsequent actions following the defeat at Jieting.

Although the Shu Han kingdom had successfully incorporated three commanderies, they only gained an average talent like Jiang Wei, which did little to substantially weaken Wei's strength. While Zhuge Liang relocated over a thousand households from Xi County, it could not compensate for the losses suffered at Jieting. To quell public discontent, he executed Ma Su and submitted a memorial condemning himself: admitting that his inadequate abilities had led to his unsuitability for high office, that his leadership of the three armies had failed to enforce strict discipline, and that these shortcomings had resulted in the violations of orders at Jieting and the collapse at Jigu. He attributed all failures to his poor judgment in personnel and decision-making and, in accordance with the Spring and Autumn Annals principle that "the commander bears responsibility," requested a demotion of three ranks. Consequently, the court reduced him to General of the Right while still allowing him to act as chancellor.

Some advised Zhuge Liang to reinforce the army and resume the campaign. He analyzed the situation: at both Qishan and Jigu, their forces had outnumbered the enemy yet were defeated—proving the issue lay not in troop numbers but in command. What they needed now was to streamline the military, enforce clear rewards and punishments, reflect on mistakes, and study adaptive strategies. He publicly pledged that henceforth, all loyal subjects of the state could openly criticize his faults. He then commended meritorious officers, openly acknowledged his errors, and reorganized the army, gradually lifting the people’s spirits from the shadow of defeat.

When news arrived that Sun Quan had defeated Cao Xiu and Wei’s eastern redeployment left Guanzhong vulnerable, Zhuge Liang submitted a memorial in the eleventh month justifying another northern expedition: the late emperor had been acutely aware that Shu Han and Cao Wei could not coexist—rather than passively awaiting destruction, they must take the initiative to attack. Since inheriting this mandate, he had labored day and night, even risking the southern campaign to fulfill the late emperor’s will. Now, those opposing the expedition argued the timing was unfavorable, but with the enemy exhausted by Eastern Wu, this was precisely the opportune moment to strike.

This passage presents Zhuge Liang (posthumously titled Marquis Zhongwu) analyzing the contemporary political landscape, articulating six perplexities regarding the Shu Han dynasty's current predicament.

First, Zhuge Liang observes that even Emperor Gaozu of Han, Liu Bang—whose brilliance shone like the sun and moon—relied on advisors of profound wisdom yet still endured hardships before stabilizing the realm. Yet the present emperor (Liu Shan) lacks Gaozu’s capabilities, and his counselors fall short of strategists like Zhang Liang and Chen Ping. To pursue victory through prolonged defensive tactics despite these shortcomings is his first perplexity.

Next, he cites the examples of Liu Yao and Wang Lang, who controlled provinces but indulged in empty discussions of sagehood while vacillating in action, allowing Sun Ce to grow powerful and annex Jiangdong. Failing to take the initiative now risks repeating their mistakes—his second perplexity.

Third, he notes that even Cao Cao, whose military genius seemed divine, repeatedly found himself in peril. Acknowledging his own inferiority to Cao Cao, Zhuge Liang questions how he could pacify the realm without taking risks—his third perplexity.

Fourth, he continues with Cao Cao’s example, pointing out five failed campaigns against Chang Ba and four fruitless crossings of Lake Chao, alongside frequent misjudgments in appointments. The late Emperor Liu Bei often praised Cao Cao’s abilities, yet even he suffered these defeats. How then, with his own mediocrity, could Zhuge Liang guarantee victory? This is his fourth perplexity.

Fifth, he grieves over the losses sustained since arriving in Hanzhong over a year prior: more than seventy commanders, including Zhao Yun, and over a thousand elite cavalry—veterans accumulated over decades. If this continues, two-thirds will be lost within years, leaving them even weaker against the enemy.

Finally, he highlights the present hardships: the people impoverished, the army exhausted, yet warfare cannot cease. Rather than delay, it would be better to act now, as maintaining the status quo consumes resources comparable to launching an offensive. To imagine sustaining prolonged resistance against the enemy with a single province is his sixth perplexity.

Zhuge Liang concludes: The ways of the world are unpredictable. When the late emperor suffered defeat in Chu, Cao Cao assumed the realm was settled—yet later, the emperor allied with Wu, secured Bashu, and saw Xiahou Yuan fall during the northern campaign. Tragically, Wu later betrayed the alliance, Guan Yu was defeated, and Cao Pi declared himself emperor. All this demonstrates the inconstancy of the world’s tides.

This passage records significant achievements of Zhuge Liang (posthumously titled Marquis Zhongwu), the Chancellor of Shu Han during the Three Kingdoms period, along with the imperial court's evaluation of him.

Regarding military campaigns: During the Battle of San Pass, Zhuge Liang retreated due to depleted supplies, but when the Wei general Wang Shuang led cavalry in pursuit, Zhuge Liang defeated and killed him. In the seventh year of Jianxing, Zhuge Liang dispatched Chen Shi to attack the two commanderies of Wudu and Yinping. Guo Huai, the Governor of Yong Province under Wei, led troops to counter, but Zhuge Liang personally advanced to Jianwei, forcing Guo Huai to withdraw. Shu Han successfully reclaimed these two commanderies.

When Emperor Liu Shan reinstated Zhuge Liang as Chancellor, his edict praised: "After the defeat at Jieting, you took responsibility and demoted yourself. Last year, you led troops to slay Wang Shuang; this year, you campaigned to repel Guo Huai, subdued the Di and Qiang tribes, and recovered two commanderies—your might shook the enemy, and your merits are profound. Now, the realm remains in turmoil, and Cao Wei remains unvanquished. Though you bear a heavy responsibility, you have long humbled yourself, which does not serve the grand legacy of the late Emperor. We hereby restore you as Chancellor—do not decline."

The Han Jin Chunqiu records: When Sun Quan declared himself emperor, many Shu Han officials advocated severing the Shu-Wu alliance. Zhuge Liang analyzed: "Sun Quan has long harbored ambitions to usurp the imperial title. Our forbearance aims to secure an ally against Wei. An open rift would force us to divide our forces, benefiting Wei instead." Citing precedents—Emperor Wen of Han's conciliatory stance toward the Xiongnu and the late Emperor’s (Liu Bei's) alliance with Wu—he argued this was strategic necessity. "Some claim Sun Quan is content with a tripartite division, but this view is misleading. Sun Quan only defends the Yangtze because his strength is insufficient, just as Wei cannot cross the Han River—not for lack of ambition."

This historical account documents the military standoff between Zhuge Liang during his Northern Expeditions and the Cao Wei general Sima Yi (Sima Xuanwang). At the time, Zhuge Liang led his troops to besiege Mount Qi, coordinating with the Xianbei tribal leader Kebineng for joint operations. Emperor Ming of Wei, facing urgent military threats in the west, dispatched Sima Yi to Chang'an to oversee the campaign.

Sima Yi deployed part of his forces to hold Shanggui (present-day Tianshui, Gansu) while leading the main army westward to relieve Mount Qi. General Zhang He suggested dividing their troops to defend Yongmei, but Sima Yi argued that dispersing their forces would make them vulnerable to piecemeal defeat, much like how Xiang Yu's army had been overcome by Qing Bu. When Zhuge Liang saw Wei reinforcements approaching, he split his own forces to contain them while leading the main army to establish defensive positions east of Shanggui, harvesting local wheat to replenish supplies. Both armies maintained their positions cautiously, neither side initiating battle easily.

Zhang He analyzed that the Shu forces, operating far from home with limited provisions, would be best countered through defensive tactics, yet Sima Yi insisted on pursuit. Later during the standoff at Lucheng, Wei generals Jia Xu and Wei Ping repeatedly petitioned to attack, taunting Sima Yi for "fearing Shu like tigers," ultimately forcing him to order Zhang He to assault the Shu southern encirclement. This record reveals the intricate strategic interplay between Zhuge Liang's northern campaigns and Wei's countermeasures, particularly highlighting Sima Yi's decision-making process under pressure from his subordinates.

This passage documents several pivotal campaigns during Zhuge Liang's Northern Expeditions in the Three Kingdoms period, showcasing the military operations of the Shu Han forces and Zhuge Liang's philosophy of army management.

Generals Wei Yan, Gao Xiang, and Wu Ban led their troops to engage the enemy, decisively defeating the Wei army and capturing 3,000 sets of armor, 5,000 iron breastplates, and 3,100 powerful crossbows. The Wei commander Sima Yi (Xuanwang) was forced to retreat to his fortified camp. Later, when the Shu army withdrew due to exhausted provisions, they clashed with Wei general Zhang He and killed him with arrows.

The fifth account recorded by Guo Chong mentions: Emperor Ming of Wei personally led an expedition against Shu Han, establishing his command at Chang'an while appointing Sima Yi to lead generals including Zhang He, mustering over 300,000 elite troops from Yong and Liang provinces to secretly advance toward Jiange. At that time, Zhuge Liang was garrisoned at Qishan, deploying defenses using the treacherous terrain, with 80,000 soldiers remaining on rotational duty. Facing the overwhelming Wei forces, subordinate officers suggested postponing the troop rotation to project greater strength. However, Zhuge Liang insisted on the principle that "army discipline must be rooted in trustworthiness," maintaining that promised rotation dates couldn't be dishonored. Deeply moved, the soldiers scheduled to return home voluntarily requested to stay and fight, while the remaining garrison troops also had their morale boosted, pledging absolute loyalty. Ultimately in battle, every soldier fought courageously against the odds, defeating Sima Yi and killing Zhang He.

However, Pei Songzhi (styled Chen) verified through textual research: While Emperor Ming of Wei did indeed visit Chang'an during Zhuge Liang's earlier Qishan campaign, he didn't personally lead this expedition. Moreover, with Shu's main forces deployed in the Guanzhong-Longyou region, the Wei army couldn't possibly bypass Zhuge Liang to attack Jiange directly. Historical records by Sun Sheng and Xi Zuochi didn't adopt Guo Chong's version, indicating clear problems with his account.

In spring of the 12th year of Jianxing reign, Zhuge Liang again led a major army through the Xie Valley route, using improved "flowing horse" transport vehicles (modified wooden oxen) for supplies, encamping at Wuzhangyuan in Wugong County. Facing Sima Yi across the Wei River's southern bank, Zhuge Liang implemented military farming along the river to solve supply issues, maintaining harmonious relations with local civilians through strict discipline. According to Han-Jin Annals, despite Zhuge Liang's repeated challenges, Sima Yi refused to engage. When Wei's Emperor dispatched Palace Guard Xin Pi bearing the imperial scepter (representing the emperor) to supervise the army, Jiang Wei told Zhuge Liang: "With Xin Pi carrying the ceremonial staff, the Wei army will be even less likely to give battle."

This historical account records the final years of Zhuge Liang (courtesy name Kongming, posthumously titled Marquis Zhongwu) during his Northern Expeditions. At that time, Zhuge Liang faced off against Sima Yi (courtesy name Zhongda, later posthumously honored as King Xuan of Jin) across the Wei River, with Sima Yi steadfastly refusing battle. When Zhuge Liang sent an envoy to the Wei camp, the messenger was only questioned about trivial matters like Zhuge's daily routine and diet, with no discussion of military affairs. Upon hearing that Zhuge Liang personally attended to every matter and ate very little, Sima Yi predicted his rival wouldn't live much longer.

After over a hundred days of stalemate, Zhuge Liang indeed passed away in camp at age 54. Wei's official histories claimed he died vomiting blood from distress over exhausted supplies and military defeat, but historian Pei Songzhi (who annotated Records of the Three Kingdoms) considered this Wei propaganda. Contemporary celestial phenomena showed an unusual red meteor streaking toward the Shu camp shortly before Zhuge Liang's death.

Following Zhuge Liang's demise, subordinates Yang Yi and Jiang Wei (his designated military successor) led the retreat. When Sima Yi pursued, the Shu troops suddenly reversed their banners in feigned counterattack, frightening Sima Yi into withdrawal—giving rise to the folk saying "Dead Zhuge scares away living Zhongda." Later inspecting Zhuge Liang's camp fortifications, Sima Yi marveled at him as "a rare genius under heaven."

Zhuge Liang's final instructions requested burial at Dingjun Mountain in Hanzhong, with a hillside grave just large enough for his coffin. He specified burial in ordinary clothes without funerary objects. The imperial edict praised his unparalleled civil-martial talents, diligent loyalty in assisting the young ruler, and determination to pacify the chaotic age—lauding how his years of campaigns awed the realm, and how his great undertaking was cut short at its peak.

(Note: "King Xuan" refers to Sima Yi, posthumously honored by his grandson Sima Yan; "Zhongda" was Sima Yi's courtesy name; "Liang" denotes Zhuge Liang; "Jiang Wei" was Zhuge's chosen military successor; "Yang Yi" was a Shu Han official)

Zhuge Liang (courtesy name Kongming, posthumous title Marquis Zhongwu) rendered outstanding service to the Shu Han dynasty, comparable to virtuous ministers like Yi Yin of the Shang dynasty and the Duke of Zhou in the Zhou dynasty. It is profoundly regrettable that he succumbed to illness at the threshold of completing his life's work, leaving me (Emperor Liu Shan) utterly grief-stricken. To honor his virtue and achievements, I have dispatched Left General of the Household Du Qiong to posthumously confer the Prime Minister's seal and ribbons, bestowing the posthumous title "Marquis Zhongwu." May his heroic spirit receive this honor.

During his lifetime, Zhuge Liang memorialized to me: "In Chengdu, I possess only eight hundred mulberry trees and fifteen qing of marginal farmland—sufficient to keep my descendants clothed and fed. While serving abroad, all expenses were covered by my official salary without any private enterprises. At my death, my household shall hold no surplus wealth, proving myself worthy of Your Majesty's trust." Events later unfolded exactly as he predicted.

His inventive genius manifested in multiple domains: he enhanced the repeating crossbow (a rapid-fire archery weapon), designed the "wooden ox and flowing horse" transport devices, and developed the Eight Formation Diagrams military tactics through strategic deduction. According to the Wei Shi Chunqiu chronicles, he also established administrative regulations including the "Eight Duties, Seven Admonitions, Six Cautions and Five Vigilances" to instruct officials.

Technical details of his inventions: His improved repeating crossbow, called the "Yuanrong Crossbow," fired ten iron-tipped bolts per volley. The wooden ox featured ingenious craftsmanship—a square belly with curved head and four articulated legs, capable of transporting heavy loads steadily over dozens of li daily. The flowing horse's specifications were meticulously documented: ribs measuring three chi five cun, precisely positioned front/rear axle holes, and scientifically optimized structure. These innovations dramatically reduced logistical burdens, enabling twenty-li daily marches without exhausting the troops.

(Note: The term "fenmo" refers to ancient carpentry measurement units marked by ink lines.)

This passage documents the historical process of establishing a temple and conducting sacrifices for Zhuge Liang, the chancellor of Shu Han during the Three Kingdoms period, after his death.

During his lifetime, Zhuge Liang's edicts, official documents, and memorials were exceptionally well-written and were compiled into a separate collection. In the spring of the sixth year of the Jingyao era (263 CE), the imperial court issued an edict to establish a temple for Zhuge Liang in Mianyang (present-day Mian County, Shaanxi).

According to Records of Xiangyang: Shortly after Zhuge Liang's death, people from various regions petitioned to build a temple in his honor, but the court deemed it inappropriate according to ritual regulations. As a result, the common people spontaneously held sacrifices for him by the roadside. Later, some proposed establishing a temple in Chengdu, but Emperor Liu Shan did not approve. Infantry Commandant Xi Long and Court Secretary Xiang Chong, among others, jointly submitted a memorial stating:

"We have heard that the people of the Zhou dynasty cherished the virtue of Duke Shao so deeply that they could not bear to cut down the sweet pear tree under which he once rested. King Goujian of Yue, grateful for Fan Li's contributions, cast a bronze statue to commemorate him. Since the founding of the Han dynasty, many individuals of even minor virtue have had portraits and temples erected in their honor—how much more so for Zhuge Liang, whose moral influence was renowned far and wide, whose achievements surpassed his era, and who was the pivotal figure in sustaining the imperial house. Yet now, sacrifices to him are held only in private homes, with no official temple or statue, while commoners offer worship in the streets and border residents conduct rites in the wilderness. This does not align with the tradition of honoring merit and remembering sages.

"To fully indulge popular sentiment might violate ritual propriety, yet constructing a temple in the capital would place it too close to the imperial ancestral shrines. We propose establishing a temple near his burial site (Mount Dingjun) in Mianyang, allowing his relatives to conduct seasonal sacrifices there. His former subordinates who wish to pay respects should do so at the temple, while private sacrifices should be prohibited to uphold proper ceremonial decorum." In the end, the court adopted this suggestion.

(Note: The first half of the passage, which mentions mechanical components such as "lever holes," appears to be an unrelated fragment of ancient technical instructions that may have been mistakenly inserted, as it has no connection to the main subject of Zhuge Liang's temple.)

This passage records the deeds of Zhuge Liang, Chancellor of the Shu Han during the Three Kingdoms period, along with a catalog of his collected works.

When Zhong Hui, General Who Guards the West of the Wei state, launched an attack on Shu Han, he passed through the Hanzhong region and made a special visit to Zhuge Liang’s shrine to pay homage. He also ordered his soldiers not to graze livestock or gather firewood near Zhuge Liang’s tomb. Zhuge Liang’s younger brother, Zhuge Jun, held the position of Colonel of Changshui, while his son, Zhuge Zhan, inherited his noble title.

The Xiangyang Ji recounts an amusing anecdote: Huang Chengyan, a renowned scholar from the Miannan region, once said to Zhuge Liang, "I hear you are seeking a wife. I have an unattractive daughter—yellow-haired and dark-skinned—but her talents match yours." Zhuge Liang agreed to the proposal and promptly married her. At the time, people found this amusing, and a local saying emerged: "Don’t follow Zhuge Liang’s example in choosing a wife, ending up with the ugly Huang girl."

The text then lists the twenty-four chapters of The Collected Works of the Zhuge Clan, including Establishing the Government and Governing the People, Temporary Regulations, Southern Campaign, Northern Expedition, and other military and administrative writings, totaling 104,112 characters.

Finally, the compilers—Chen Shou and others—note that they were commissioned by Xun Xu and He Qiao, high-ranking officials of the Jin dynasty, to compile and edit the works of the late Shu Han Chancellor Zhuge Liang. Although Zhuge Liang had served Shu Han, a rival state to Jin, the Jin court preserved his writings as a testament to the dynasty’s magnanimous virtue. The editors removed redundant material and organized the texts into twenty-four categorized chapters. They also praised Zhuge Liang for his extraordinary talent even in his youth, standing eight chi tall (approximately 1.84 meters) and possessing a dignified appearance.

In his youth, Zhuge Liang displayed extraordinary talent. During the turmoil of the late Eastern Han dynasty, he followed his uncle Zhuge Xuan to seek refuge in Jing Province, living in seclusion and farming without pursuing fame. At that time, Liu Bei (General of the Left) recognized his exceptional abilities and visited his thatched cottage three times. Deeply moved by Liu Bei's heroic bearing, Zhuge Liang responded with sincere devotion, and the two became close confidants.

Later, when Cao Cao (Emperor Wu of Wei) launched a southern campaign against Jing Province and Liu Cong surrendered, Liu Bei found himself in dire straits. The 27-year-old Zhuge Liang proposed the ingenious strategy of allying with Wu to resist Cao Cao, personally traveling to Eastern Wu to persuade Sun Quan. Sun Quan, who already respected Liu Bei, was further impressed by Zhuge Liang's remarkable presence and immediately dispatched 30,000 troops to assist them. With this support, Liu Bei dealt a crushing defeat to Cao Cao's forces and reclaimed the southern territories. Subsequently, Liu Bei conquered Yi Province (modern Sichuan) and appointed Zhuge Liang as General of the Army. After Liu Bei declared himself emperor, Zhuge Liang rose to the position of Chancellor, overseeing all state affairs.

Following Liu Bei's death, the young ruler Liu Shan ascended the throne, and Zhuge Liang personally attended to every matter, great and small. Externally, he maintained the alliance with Eastern Wu; internally, he pacified Nanzhong (modern Yunnan region), established legal systems, reorganized the military, and advanced military technology, bringing about clean governance in Shu Han. Officials dared not commit wrongdoing, the people cultivated virtue, lost items went unclaimed on the roads, the strong refrained from oppressing the weak—such was the exemplary social atmosphere of the time.

Throughout his life, Zhuge Liang harbored grand ambitions: to unify the realm and awe the four directions. Aware that Shu Han could hardly rival Wei without seizing the Central Plains during his lifetime, he continually launched military campaigns. However, while excelling in statecraft, he was somewhat less adept in military strategy. Facing formidable opponents like Sima Yi and overwhelming numerical disadvantages, his repeated campaigns yielded little breakthrough. Just as Xiao He recommended Han Xin and Guan Zhong promoted Prince Chengfu, each person has their strengths. Zhuge Liang's administrative prowess matched that of Guan Zhong and Xiao He, yet Shu Han lacked a general of Han Xin's caliber, leaving his grand mission unfulfilled. Perhaps this was the will of heaven, beyond mortal striving.

In the spring of 234 (the second year of the Qinglong era), Zhuge Liang led his troops through Wugong, dividing his forces for garrison farming...

This passage records the deeds of Zhuge Liang (courtesy name Kongming, posthumous title Marquis Zhongwu), the chancellor of Shu Han during the Three Kingdoms period, and his family. It mentions that when Zhuge Liang implemented garrison farming in Hanzhong, the local people toiled diligently without complaint, embodying Mencius' saying: "When the people are employed in ways that bring them ease, they may be worked hard without resentment. When criminals are executed in accordance with life-preserving principles, they may be put to death without anger."

Regarding Zhuge Liang's literary style, some critics argued his writings lacked ornamentation yet were overly meticulous. The author counters this by noting: The ancient sage-minister Gao Yao (a virtuous official during the reigns of Shun and Yu) wrote with concise elegance, while the Duke of Zhou (founding statesman of the Zhou dynasty) employed exhaustive thoroughness—their styles differed according to their audiences. As Zhuge Liang primarily addressed ordinary scholars, his prose naturally remained plain. Yet his words consistently addressed practical matters, infused with sincere devotion to public service, making them profoundly valuable for governance.

The text also documents Zhuge Liang's family circumstances: His nephew Zhuge Qiao (courtesy name initially Zhongshen, later changed to Bosong) was the second son of his elder brother Zhuge Jin. Since Zhuge Liang then had no heir, he adopted Zhuge Qiao as his son and altered his courtesy name. Zhuge Qiao accompanied the army to Hanzhong to supervise grain transport, but unfortunately died at twenty-five. Later, Zhuge Liang's biological son Zhuge Zhan inherited the family legacy, while Zhuge Qiao's son Zhuge Pan—after the execution of Zhuge Ke's (Zhuge Jin's eldest son) family in Wu—returned to Eastern Wu to continue Zhuge Jin's lineage.

A notable observation emphasizes how deeply the people cherished Zhuge Liang's governance, likening their devotion to ancient praises of the Duke of Shao (Western Zhou's virtuous minister) and Zichan (renowned Zheng statesman). The author asserts that even slander from rival states should be faithfully recorded, for only through such impartiality can the comprehensive principles of enlightened governance be truly illuminated.

This passage recounts the life of Zhuge Zhan, the son of Zhuge Liang. When Zhuge Zhan (courtesy name Siyuan) was eight years old, Zhuge Liang mentioned in a letter to his elder brother Zhuge Jin that the boy was intelligent and lovable, but expressed concern that his premature display of talent might hinder his future achievements.

At seventeen, Zhuge Zhan married a princess and was appointed Cavalry Commandant. He later held various positions including Imperial Guard General, Archery Commandant, Palace Attendant, and Assistant Director of the Secretariat, eventually being promoted to Army Advisor General. Skilled in calligraphy and painting with an exceptional memory, he was beloved by the people of Shu, who cherished him for his father's legacy. Whenever beneficial policies were implemented, even if not proposed by Zhuge Zhan, commoners would credit "Lord Zhuge," thus his reputation exceeded his actual abilities.

In the fourth year of Jingyao (261 CE), Zhuge Zhan became Acting Capital Guardian General, jointly administering secretariat affairs with Grand General Dong Jue. In winter 263, when Wei's Conquering West General Deng Ai invaded Shu via a surprise attack through Jinggu Valley from Yinping, Zhuge Zhan led troops to Fucheng. After his vanguard's defeat, he retreated to Mianzhu. Deng Ai's surrender offer promising enfeoffment as Prince of Langye provoked Zhuge Zhan to execute the messenger in anger. He ultimately fell in battle at thirty-seven, alongside his eldest son Zhuge Shang.

Historian Yu Bao remarked: Though Zhuge Zhan's wisdom couldn't avert crisis nor his valor repel strong enemies, he upheld loyalty to his state externally and his father's aspirations internally, fulfilling both virtues.

Zhuge Shang's dying words lamented: "Our family enjoyed imperial favor yet failed to eliminate the eunuch Huang Hao earlier, causing the kingdom's fall. What purpose remains in living?" before charging into enemy lines.

Zhuge Zhan's younger son Zhuge Jing (courtesy name Xingzong) and Zhuge Pan's son Zhuge Xian were relocated to Hedong in 264. During the Jin Dynasty's Taishi era, an imperial edict honored the Zhuge family, praising Zhuge Liang's Shu service, Zhuge Zhan's sacrificial death, and Zhuge Jing's subsequent magistracy in Mei County. Secretariat Director Shan Tao recommended Zhuge Jing as Eastern Palace Attendant, arguing this would demonstrate proper service to rulers while comforting Liang-Yi region commoners. Zhuge Jing ultimately rose to Guangzhou Governor.

Dong Jue served as the Chief Clerk (a document officer in the chancellor's office) under Zhuge Liang during his tenure as Chancellor. Zhuge Liang once praised him, saying: "Chief Clerk Dong is a man of virtue and talent. Every time I converse with him, I find his considerations thorough and his words and actions appropriate." Later, Dong Jue was transferred to the position of Registrar. After Zhuge Liang's death, he gradually rose through the ranks, eventually becoming Vice Director of the Imperial Secretariat, succeeding Chen Zhi as Director of the Imperial Secretariat, and later promoted to Grand General. Subsequently, Fan Jian of Yiyang succeeded him in this position.

According to the Official Roster of the Jin dynasty, Dong Jue's courtesy name was Gongxi, and he was also from Yiyang; Fan Jian's courtesy name was Changyuan. In the 24th year of the Yanxi era (261), Fan Jian was sent as an envoy to Eastern Wu in the capacity of a Commandant. At that time, Sun Quan was seriously ill and unable to receive him. Sun Quan asked Zhuge Ke, "How does Fan Jian compare to Zong Yu?" Zhuge Ke replied, "His talent and insight are inferior to Zong Yu's, but his character is more refined." Later, Fan Jian served as Palace Attendant and concurrently as Director of the Imperial Secretariat.

During the period when Zhuge Zhan, Dong Jue, and Fan Jian jointly governed state affairs, Jiang Wei was frequently away on military campaigns, allowing the eunuch Huang Hao to monopolize power. They merely went with the flow and failed to rectify the political corruption. Sun Sheng recorded in Records of Differences and Similarities that Zhuge Zhan and others believed Jiang Wei was overly fond of war, achieving little while exhausting the state's resources. They proposed submitting a memorial to the Later Ruler to recall Jiang Wei, replacing him as Inspector of Yi Province and stripping him of military authority. Elders in Shu also passed down accounts that Zhuge Zhan had once suggested replacing Jiang Wei with Yan Yu.

In the third year of the Yonghe era (347) of the Jin dynasty, the Shu historian Chang Qu mentioned that Chen Shou had once served as a subordinate official under Zhuge Zhan. Having been humiliated by him, Chen Shou attributed the faults of the time to Huang Hao in his historical writings and criticized Zhuge Zhan for failing to correct the court's misrule. However, Fan Jian consistently refused to associate with or befriend Huang Hao. In the spring following the fall of Shu-Han, Dong Jue and Fan Jian traveled together to Luoyang, where both were appointed as Military Advisors to the Imperial Chancellor. That autumn, they were additionally given the concurrent position of Cavalier Attendants-in-Ordinary and were sent on a mission to Shu to console the people.

The Chronicle of Han and Jin records that when Fan Jian served as a Palace Attendant, Emperor Wu of Jin, Sima Yan, asked him about Zhuge Liang's methods of governance. Fan Jian replied, "Zhuge Liang corrected his mistakes upon learning of them without boasting, and his rewards and punishments were so just that they could move the spirits." The emperor sighed and said, "If I had such a man to assist me, how could I be so weary as I am now?" Fan Jian kowtowed and said, "The common people all believe that Deng Ai died unjustly, yet Your Majesty, though aware of this, has not exonerated him. Is this not like what Feng Tang said—'Even if you had Lian Po and Li Mu, you could not employ them properly'?" The emperor laughed and said, "I was just about to clarify this matter, and you have reminded me." He then issued an edict to rehabilitate Deng Ai.

Historians commented: When Zhuge Liang served as Chancellor, he comforted the people, established laws and regulations, standardized official duties in accordance with the times, and governed with openness and sincerity, treating others with wholehearted trust.

This passage records the governance and military strategies of Zhuge Liang (styled Kongming, posthumously titled Marquis Zhongwu), the chancellor of Shu Han during the Three Kingdoms period. Through a dialogue between Yuanzi (likely Yuan Zhun) and others, the text reveals Zhuge Liang’s political acumen and military style.

In governing the state, Zhuge Liang adhered to principles of impartiality: those loyal to the nation were rewarded, even if they were former enemies, while those who violated laws or neglected duties were punished severely, even if they were close associates. He placed great emphasis on factual accuracy—leniency was granted to those who sincerely repented, but harsh penalties were imposed on those who used deceit to cover their faults. No merit, however small, went unrewarded, and no transgression, however minor, escaped censure. He mastered the essence of governance, insisting that names match reality and eliminating hypocrisy. As a result, the people of Shu both revered and loved him. Though his laws were strict, none complained, precisely because he acted with fairness and clarity in admonishment.

In military affairs, Zhuge Liang enforced strict discipline: his troops moved without disturbing civilians, treating the people as honored guests. During marches, there was no plundering, and even woodcutters went unharassed. His army stood firm as a mountain when stationary and moved swiftly as a gale when in action, shaking the realm with every campaign. Decades after his death, the people of Shu still sang his praises and remembered him fondly, much like the Zhou people cherished the memory of Duke Shao.

The text particularly examines Zhuge Liang’s cautious strategy during his first northern expedition. At the time, three commanderies in Longyou (Nan’an, Tianshui, and Anding) had responded to the Shu forces, yet Zhuge Liang did not advance immediately. Yuanzi analyzes this decision: though the Shu army was elite, it lacked seasoned generals, and Zhuge Liang, on his first campaign, needed to test the strength of the Wei forces. Moreover, those with grand vision do not chase petty gains—thus, he chose a steady, measured approach. His initial tight encampments and gradual advances reveal his characteristic prudence in probing the enemy’s defenses.

This passage records a dialogue between Yuan Zhun (also known as Yuanzi), a minister of the Wu Kingdom during the Three Kingdoms period, and others discussing Zhuge Liang's military and administrative talents, as well as Zhang Yan's comparative evaluation of Zhuge Liang and Sima Yi in Silent Records.

Regarding Zhuge Liang's military prowess, Yuan Zhun cited the Battle of Jieting as an example: when the vanguard forces suffered a crushing defeat at Jieting, Zhuge Liang, stationed just a few miles away, did not rush to their aid. Even when engaging the enemy, he remained composed—a testament to his courage. His military discipline was strict: his troops marched quietly and steadily, orders were clear, rewards and punishments were fair, and soldiers willingly risked their lives for him, making his army exceptionally formidable.

Some questioned whether Zhuge Liang’s meticulous approach—deploying tens of thousands of troops to achieve the logistical efficiency of hundreds of thousands—was worth the effort. Wherever he camped, he standardized the construction of fortifications, wells, stoves, latrines, and fences, so that even a month after departure, the site remained as orderly as when they first arrived. Critics argued this was wasteful, but Yuan Zhun explained that the Shu people were inherently impulsive, and Zhuge Liang deliberately imposed strict discipline to restrain them.

As for Zhuge Liang’s focus on seemingly non-urgent tasks—building government offices, guesthouses, bridges, and roads—Yuan Zhun reasoned that small states like Shu lacked talent, so solemn rituals and institutions were necessary to establish authority. In reality, Zhuge Liang’s governance yielded remarkable results: farmland was cultivated, granaries were full, equipment was refined, reserves were ample, court assemblies were orderly, and drunkenness was never seen on the streets. He prioritized the fundamentals of governance and only attended to minor matters when he had surplus capacity.

When asked why Zhuge Liang, despite his extraordinary talent, achieved limited success, Yuan Zhun pointed out that while he excelled at grasping the essentials, improvisation was not his strength—so he wisely avoided situations that played to his weaknesses. This was the foresight of a wise man: recognizing and circumventing one’s shortcomings is itself great wisdom. That Zhuge Liang refused to employ those who indulged in empty talk without practical ability was precisely what made him praiseworthy.

Finally, the passage mentions Silent Records: On Assistants by Zhang Yan, Grand Herald of Wu: After the fall of the Han Dynasty, the realm fell into chaos as warlords vied for the throne. The Wei Kingdom dominated the Central Plains, while Liu Bei held Yizhou (modern Sichuan), both contending for supremacy. Zhuge Liang and Sima Yi, the two chancellors, each bore heavy responsibilities in this extraordinary historical period.

This passage compares the achievements and abilities of two pivotal figures from the Three Kingdoms period: Zhuge Liang (style name Kongming) and Sima Yi (style name Zhongda).

Though Zhuge Liang governed only a single province in Shu Han (one of the Three Kingdoms), with a population and military strength merely one-ninth that of Wei, he was able to discipline his troops, establish laws, and lead tens of thousands of infantrymen in northern campaigns against Wei, even harboring ambitions to seize the Central Plains at one point. In contrast, Sima Yi, despite commanding resources ten times greater than Shu Han and possessing elite forces, sought only self-preservation, allowing Zhuge Liang to maneuver freely. The author suggests that had Zhuge Liang not died prematurely, his strategic persistence in offensive campaigns might well have altered the balance of power in the realm. The text likens Zhuge Liang to Zichan, a statesman of the Spring and Autumn period renowned for his governance, asserting his superiority over Sima Yi.

Some critics argue that war exhausts the people and drains resources, pointing out that Zhuge Liang, with fewer than fifty thousand troops, should have fortified his borders rather than waging continuous campaigns. They contend that his relentless warfare neither expanded Shu’s territory nor strengthened its position, instead leaving the state weakened. Moreover, given Sima Yi’s overwhelming military advantage, reckless offensives would have been unwise.

The respondent counters with historical precedents: Kings Tang of Shang and Wen of Zhou both secured the realm through conquest, while only Shun and Yu ascended through abdication. Given the irreconcilable enmity between Wei and Shu, and despite the disparity in strength, Liu Bei (style name Xuande) had persisted in military action even when at a disadvantage. This implies that Zhuge Liang’s northern campaigns were an extension of Shu Han’s founding spirit of determined ambition.

This passage primarily discusses Zhuge Liang's Northern Expedition military strategies and their historical assessment. By comparing the situations during Zhuge Liang's era with those of Cao Cao and Liu Bei's periods, it argues that although Shu Han's military strength was inferior to Cao Wei's, Zhuge Liang's strict discipline and exceptional strategic acumen fully qualified him to launch the Northern Expeditions.

The author cites several historical precedents: Liu Bei had achieved temporary victories despite being vastly outnumbered by Cao Cao; during the Warring States period, Yue Yi led the weak state of Yan in alliance with five other states to decisively defeat the powerful Qi. Now, Shu Han had Eastern Wu as a strategic ally ("lips and teeth supporting each other"), creating an east-west pincer movement—a more favorable situation than the five-state alliance of old. The essence of military strategy lies in achieving victory through surprise, not merely comparing territorial size or troop numbers.

The text particularly praises Zhuge Liang's governance, noting that his laws were rigorous, his teachings profound, and his expansion strategies marked by loyalty and integrity—qualities that even surpassed ancient renowned ministers like Guan Zhong and Yan Ying.

The latter part quotes the Records of Shu: during the Yongxing era (304–306 CE) of the Western Jin dynasty, General Liu Hong of Zhennan visited Zhuge Liang's former residence in Longzhong, erecting a stele in commemoration and commissioning Li Xing to compose its inscription. The inscription lavishly extols Zhuge Liang through metaphors: like a valley breeze awakening divine beasts, or thunderclouds stirring a dormant dragon; like Yi Yin being summoned to serve, or Guan Zhong meeting a wise ruler to unleash his talents. It concludes by emphasizing that only under Liu Bei—a ruler who recognized true worth—could Zhuge Liang, the "Crouching Dragon," devote his utmost loyalty and achieve greatness.

(Note: "Mengde" was Cao Cao's courtesy name, "Kongming" Zhuge Liang's, and "Zhongda" Sima Yi's; "Guan-Yan" refers to the Spring and Autumn period statesmen Guan Zhong and Yan Ying; "Crouching Dragon" was Zhuge Liang's epithet before his rise to prominence.)

This passage is a later eulogy praising Zhuge Liang (courtesy name Kongming, posthumous title Marquis Zhongwu). The general meaning is:

From the small territory of Shu Han, Zhuge Liang established a tripartite balance of power against Cao Wei in the Central Plains and Sun Wu in Jiangdong. He alone embodied the spiritual energy of heaven and earth, combining divine genius with the most refined human wisdom—his thoughts far-reaching, his virtue sublime. Even across different eras, people commune with him in dreams, lamenting they couldn't share his era.

His creation of the Eight Formation Diagram surpassed the military strategies of ancient masters Sun Wu and Wu Qi; his invention of the "wooden ox and gliding horse" (ancient mechanical transports) rivaled the ingenuity of Lu Ban; his improved repeating crossbow (Zhuge crossbow) was exquisitely ingenious; the thousand wells he dug brought prosperity to the people. Compared to ancient sages who had fame without substance, Zhuge Liang was a true marvel who transformed brilliant strategies into practice.

Unlike Guan Zhong (Yiwu) who compromised his integrity late in life or Yue Yi who left his ambitions unfulfilled, Zhuge Liang maintained wisdom that preserved his clarity till the end. Entrusted with the heavy responsibility of a dying ruler's orphan, his humility surpassed the ancient recluse Xu You; when governing, the people bore no resentment—his justice in punishment matched Zheng's Zichan, his civilizing influence equaled Lu's Confucius. The people of Shu understood honor, and the Wei River region flourished in peace. Such achievements rival sages like Gao Yao and Yi Yin—how could Guan Zhong or Yan Ying compare?

In your earlier days of seclusion at Longzhong, you chose this land of benevolence and wisdom. The sun and moon revolve, all lives must end, yet precious is the immortal legacy you left. Your meritorious deeds transformed customs; your poetry passed to later generations, inspiring even cowards. Your plans were profound and grand—such talent as yours is rare in any age. Once we were separated by ten thousand miles; now I come seeking traces of you. Like Emperor Gaozu's spirit returning to Feng and Pei, or Jiang Taigong's descendants restoring Zhou after five generations, I long to sense your lingering presence. If spirits retain awareness, perhaps you may understand this devotion of mine.