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《漢丞相諸葛忠武侯集》Vol. 3

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Qing Daoist texts 清代道教文獻 Vol. 3 / 7 25,642 characters

About this page. The original text of 《漢丞相諸葛忠武侯集》 Vol. 3 (Qing Daoist texts 清代道教文獻, 7 volumes) is shown in Classical Chinese as transmitted in the Kanripo (Kyoto University) edition. An English interpretation of the 52 passages on this page accompanies it: select a passage or press “Interpretation” to show it. All texts in English

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Source textInterpretation

重刋道藏輯要 漢丞相諸葛忠武侯集卷之四              三十六世孫羲基畫甫   附傳 先主傳建安十二年先主屯樊不知曹公卒至至宛乃聞之遂 將其眾去比到當陽眾十餘萬輜重數千兩日行十餘里别遣 關羽乗船數百艘使會江陵或謂先主曰宜速行保江陵今雖 擁大眾被甲者少若曹公兵至何以拒之先主曰夫濟大事必 以人爲本今人歸吾吾何忍棄去  習鑿齒曰先主雖顚沛險難而信義愈明勢偪事危而言不  失道追景升之顧則情感三軍戀赴義之士則甘與同敗觀  其所以結物情者豈徒投醪撫寒含蓼問疾而已哉其終濟  大業不亦宜乎 曹公以江陵有軍實恐先主據之乃釋輜重輕軍到襄陽聞先 主已過曹公將精騎五千急追之一日一夜行三百餘里及於 當陽之長坂先主棄妻子與諸葛亮張飛趙雲等數十騎走曹 公大獲其人眾輜重先主斜趣漢津適與羽船會得濟沔遇表 長子江夏太守琦眾萬餘人與俱到夏口先主遣諸葛亮自結 於孫權  江表傳曰孫權遣魯肅弔劉表二子并令與備相結肅未至  而曹公已濟漢津肅故進前與備相遇於當陽因宣權旨論  天下事勢致殷勤之意且問備曰豫州今欲何至備曰與蒼  梧太守吳臣有舊欲往投之肅曰孫討虜聰明仁惠敬賢禮  士江表英豪咸歸附之已據有六郡兵精糧多足以立事今
Interpretation

This passage recounts Liu Bei (the Former Sovereign)'s flight from Cao Cao's pursuing forces during the Three Kingdoms period. In the twelfth year of the Jian'an era (207 CE), while stationed at Fancheng, Liu Bei suddenly learned that Cao Cao's army had reached Wancheng and hastily led his troops in retreat. At the time, over a hundred thousand civilians followed Liu Bei, along with thousands of supply carts, allowing them to travel only ten-odd li per day. Liu Bei sent Guan Yu ahead with several hundred boats to rendezvous at Jiangling. Advisers urged him to march swiftly to secure Jiangling, arguing that while his following was large, he had few actual combat troops. Liu Bei responded: "Achieving great deeds must be rooted in popular support. Now that the people have come to rely on me, how could I bear to abandon them?"

Historian Xi Zuochi commented that Liu Bei's virtue and integrity shone brighter precisely in adversity. Even in crisis, he upheld righteousness—his gratitude toward Liu Biao (Jingsheng) moved the entire army, and he willingly shared hardships with those who followed him in righteous cause. His way of winning hearts went beyond superficial gestures like sharing wine or sympathizing with suffering, making his eventual success inevitable.

Fearing Liu Bei might seize Jiangling's military supplies, Cao Cao led a light force in forced march to Xiangyang. Learning Liu Bei had already passed through, Cao Cao personally led five thousand elite cavalry in pursuit, covering over three hundred li in a day and night before overtaking Liu Bei at Changban Slope near Dangyang. Abandoning his wives and children, Liu Bei fled with only a few dozen horsemen including Zhuge Liang, Zhang Fei, and Zhao Yun, while Cao Cao captured vast numbers of people and supplies.

Taking backroads to Hanjin, Liu Bei fortuitously met Guan Yu's fleet, crossed the Mian River, and joined forces with Liu Qi (eldest son of Liu Biao) leading ten thousand troops from Jiangxia Commandery, retreating together to Xiakou. Liu Bei then sent Zhuge Liang to form an alliance with Sun Quan.

The Jiangbiao Zhuan records that Sun Quan dispatched Lu Su to convey condolences to Liu Biao's two sons and establish contact with Liu Bei. Before Lu Su arrived, Cao Cao had already crossed the Hanjin River. Lu Su eventually met Liu Bei at Dangyang, conveying Sun Quan's intentions and analyzing the empire's situation. He asked Liu Bei: "Where does Governor Liu (Liu Bei) intend to go now?" Liu Bei replied: "I have ties with Wu Ju, Governor of Cangwu, and plan to seek refuge with him." Lu Su responded: "General Sun (Sun Quan) combines wisdom with benevolence, honors worthy men, and has united the heroes south of the Yangtze. Now holding six commanderies with elite troops and ample supplies, he is fit for grand undertakings."

 爲君計莫若遣腹心使自結於東崇連和之好共濟世業而  云欲投吳臣臣是凡人偏在遠郡行將爲人所併豈足托乎  備大喜進住鄂縣卽遣諸葛亮隨肅詣孫權結同盟誓 權遣周瑜程普等水軍數萬與先主并力  江表傅曰備從魯肅計進住鄂縣之樊口諸葛亮詣吳未還  備聞曹公軍下恐懼日遣邏吏於水次候望權軍吏望見瑜  船馳往白備備曰何以知之非靑徐軍邪吏對曰以船知之  備遣人慰勞之瑜曰有軍任不可得委署倘能屈威誠副其  所望備謂關羽張飛曰彼欲致我我今自結託於東而不往  非同盟之意也乃乘單舸往見瑜問曰今拒曹公深爲得計  戰卒有幾瑜曰三萬人備曰恨少瑜曰此自足用豫州但觀  瑜破之備欲呼魯肅等共會語瑜曰受命不得妄委署若欲  見子敬可别過之又孔明已俱來不過三兩日到也備雖深  愧異瑜而心未許之能必破北軍也故差池在後將二千人  與羽飛俱未肯係瑜蓋爲進退之計也  孫盛曰劉備雄才處必亡之地吿急於吳而獲奔助無緣復  顧望江渚而懷後計江表傳之言當是吳人欲專美之辭 與曹公戰於赤壁大破之焚其舟船先主與吳軍水陸竝進追 到南郡時又疾疫北軍多死曹公引歸  江表傅曰周瑜爲南郡太守分南岸地以給備備别立營於  油江口改名爲公安劉表吏士見從北軍多叛來投備備以
Interpretation

This historical account describes the crucial process of Liu Bei allying with Sun Quan to resist Cao Cao. At the time, Liu Bei was in dire straits, and Lu Su suggested he send a trusted envoy to Eastern Wu to form an alliance. Zhuge Liang accompanied Lu Su as an emissary to meet Sun Quan, ultimately facilitating the Sun-Liu alliance.

Sun Quan dispatched Zhou Yu and Cheng Pu with tens of thousands of naval troops to join forces with Liu Bei. Initially stationed at Fankou in E County, Liu Bei grew deeply concerned upon hearing of Cao Cao's southern advance, sending scouts daily to monitor the river. When Zhou Yu's warships were first sighted, Liu Bei mistook them for Cao Cao's Qingzhou and Xuzhou troops. Only after confirming they were Wu forces did he immediately send envoys with provisions.

Zhou Yu explained he couldn't abandon his military post but requested Liu Bei's personal attendance for strategy discussions. Liu Bei, accompanied by Guan Yu and Zhang Fei, met Zhou Yu by small boat. Zhou Yu claimed thirty thousand troops sufficed against Cao Cao, though Liu Bei considered this insufficient. When Liu Bei asked to include Lu Su in discussions, Zhou Yu said both Lu Su and Zhuge Liang would arrive within days.

Though surprised by Zhou Yu's confidence, Liu Bei remained doubtful about defeating Cao Cao. He committed only two thousand troops with Guan Yu and Zhang Fei, maintaining flexibility for retreat. Historian Sun Sheng argued that Liu Bei, desperately seeking Wu's aid in such peril, wouldn't have held forces in reserve—suggesting the Jiangbiao Zhuan account might reflect Wu's self-aggrandizement.

Ultimately, the allied forces achieved a decisive victory at Red Cliffs, burning Cao Cao's fleet. Pursuing by land and water to Nan Commandery, they capitalized on a plague devastating Cao's army, forcing his retreat. After the battle, Zhou Yu as Nan Commandery administrator ceded southern riverbank territories to Liu Bei, who established a new base at Youjiangkou—renaming it Gong'an. Many former followers of Liu Biao subsequently pledged allegiance to him there.

 瑜所給地少不足以安民後從權借荆州數郡 劉琦病死羣下推先主爲荆州牧治公安權稍畏之進妹固好 先主至吳見權綢繆甚洽  山陽公載記曰備還謂左右曰孫車騎長上短下其難爲下  吾不可以再見之乃晝夜兼行  臣松之案魏書載劉備與孫權語與蜀志述諸葛亮與權語  正同劉備未破魏軍之前尚未與孫權相見不得有此說故  知蜀志爲是  獻帝春秋曰孫權欲與備共取蜀遣孫瑜率水軍住夏口備  不聽軍過謂瑜曰汝欲取蜀吾當被髮入山不失信於天下  也使關羽屯江陵張飛屯秭歸諸葛亮據南郡備自住潺陵  權因召瑜還 十六年益州牧劉璋遥聞曹公將遣鍾繇等向漢中討張魯内 懷恐懼别駕從事蜀郡張松說璋曰曹公兵强無敵於天下若 因張魯之資以取蜀土誰能禦之者乎璋曰吾固憂之而未有 計松曰劉豫州使君之宗室而曹公之深讐也善用兵若使之 討魯魯必破魯破則益州强曹公雖來無能爲也璋然之遣法 正將四千人迎先主前後賂遺以巨億計正因陳益州可取之 䇿  吳書曰備先見張松後得法正皆厚以恩遇接納盡其殷勤  之歡因問蜀中闊狹兵器府庫人馬眾寡及諸要害道里遠  近松等具言之又畫地圖山川處所由是盡知益州虛實也 先主留諸葛亮闗羽等據荆州將步卒數萬人入益州至涪璋
Interpretation

This passage records the political and military interactions between Liu Bei, Sun Quan, and Liu Zhang during the Three Kingdoms period.

At that time, Zhou Yu (a subordinate of Sun Quan) allocated Liu Bei too small a territory to accommodate his followers, so Liu Bei later borrowed several commanderies of Jingzhou from Sun Quan. After Liu Qi (eldest son of Liu Biao) died of illness, his subordinates elected Liu Bei as Governor of Jingzhou, stationed at Gong’an City. Sun Quan, wary of Liu Bei’s growing influence, married his sister to Liu Bei to strengthen ties. When Liu Bei visited Eastern Wu to meet Sun Quan, the two interacted harmoniously. However, according to Shanyang Gong Zaiji, after returning, Liu Bei told his attendants that Sun Quan had "a long torso and short legs, making him difficult to deal with," and hurried back overnight.

Pei Songzhi (a historian who annotated Records of the Three Kingdoms) verified that the dialogue between Liu Bei and Sun Quan recorded in Wei Shu was identical to the conversation between Zhuge Liang and Sun Quan recorded in Shu Zhi. In reality, Liu Bei had not met Sun Quan before defeating Wei forces, making the Shu Zhi account more credible.

Chronicles of Emperor Xian records that Sun Quan sought to ally with Liu Bei to attack Yi Province (Shu territory) and sent Sun Yu to station the navy at Xiakou. Liu Bei refused passage to the troops, telling Sun Yu: "If you intend to seize Shu, I will let down my hair and retreat into the mountains—I will never break faith with the world." He then stationed Guan Yu at Jiangling, Zhang Fei at Zigui, Zhuge Liang at Nan Commandery, and himself at Chanling, forcing Sun Quan to recall Sun Yu.

In the 16th year of the Jian’an era (211 CE), Liu Zhang, Governor of Yi Province, heard that Cao Cao planned to send Zhong Yao to attack Zhang Lu in Hanzhong and grew fearful. His advisor Zhang Song warned: "Cao Cao’s forces are strong; if he uses Zhang Lu’s territory to attack Shu, no one can stop him." When Liu Zhang asked for a strategy, Zhang Song proposed allying with Liu Bei (Governor of Yuzhou), praising him as a scion of the Han imperial clan, a sworn enemy of Cao Cao, and a skilled commander who could attack Zhang Lu. Liu Zhang agreed, sending Fa Zheng with 4,000 men to welcome Liu Bei and presenting him with vast wealth. Fa Zheng then advised Liu Bei on how to seize Yi Province.

Wu Shu records that Liu Bei first met Zhang Song, then Fa Zheng, treating both generously. By inquiring about Shu’s strategic terrain, military deployments, and mapping the region, he gained full knowledge of Yi Province’s vulnerabilities. Ultimately, Liu Bei left Zhuge Liang and Guan Yu to guard Jingzhou, personally leading tens of thousands of infantry into Yi Province, where he met Liu Zhang at Fucheng.

統出迎相見甚歡張松令法正白先主及謀臣龎統進說便可 於會所襲璋先主曰此大事也不可倉卒璋推先主行大司馬 領司隸校尉先主亦推璋持鎮西大將軍領益州牧璋增先主 兵使擊張魯又令督白水軍先主并軍三萬餘人車甲器械資 貨甚盛是𡻕璋還成都先主北到葭萌未卽討魯厚樹恩德以 取衆心明年曹公征孫權權約先主相救先主遣使告璋曰曹 公征吳吳憂危急孫氏與孤本爲唇齒又樂進在青泥與關羽 相拒今不往救羽進必大克轉侵州界其憂有甚於魯魯自守 之賊不足慮也乃從璋求萬兵及資寶欲以東行璋但許兵四 千其餘皆給半  魏書曰備因激怒其衆曰吾爲益州征强敵師徒勤瘁不遑  甯居今積帑藏之財而恡於賞功望士大夫爲出死力戰其  可得乎 張松書與先主及法正曰今大事垂可立如何釋此去乎松兄 廣漢太守肅懼禍及已自璋發其謀於是璋收斬松嫌隙始搆 矣  益部耆舊雜記曰張肅有威儀容貎甚偉松爲人短小放蕩  不治節操然識達精果有才幹劉璋遣詣曹公曹公不甚禮  松主簿楊修深器之白公辟松公不納修以公所撰兵書示  松松宴飲之間一看便闇誦修以此益竒之 璋勅關戍諸將文書勿復關通先主先主大怒召璋白水軍督 楊懷責以無禮斬之乃使黃忠卓膺勒兵向璋先主徑至關中
Interpretation

This passage recounts the evolving relationship between Liu Bei (the Former Sovereign) and Liu Zhang during the Three Kingdoms period:

Liu Zhang dispatched his subordinates Zhang Song and Fa Zheng to welcome Liu Bei, and their initial meeting was remarkably harmonious. Secretly, Zhang Song instructed Fa Zheng to propose to Liu Bei and his strategist Pang Tong that they seize Liu Zhang during their encounter. Liu Bei, however, deemed this too significant a matter for hasty action. Later, Liu Zhang recommended Liu Bei for the positions of Grand Marshal and Colonel-Director of Retainers, while Liu Bei in turn nominated Liu Zhang as General Who Guards the West and Governor of Yi Province. Liu Zhang further reinforced Liu Bei's troops for the campaign against Zhang Lu, placing him in command of the White River Army, thereby increasing Liu Bei's total forces to over 30,000 men with ample equipment and provisions.

In the 16th year of the Jian'an era, Liu Zhang returned to Chengdu while Liu Bei advanced north to Jiameng Pass. Rather than immediately attacking Zhang Lu, Liu Bei focused on cultivating goodwill among the people. The following year, when Cao Cao attacked Sun Quan who then sought Liu Bei's aid, Liu Bei sent messengers to Liu Zhang: "Cao Cao's assault on Wu presents imminent danger. Sun Quan and I share interdependence like lips and teeth. Moreover, Cao's general Yue Jin is confronting Guan Yu at Qingni. Without reinforcements, Guan Yu will surely fall, after which Cao's forces will invade Yi Province—a far greater threat than Zhang Lu, who merely maintains his petty stronghold." Liu Bei requested 10,000 troops and supplies for an eastern campaign, but Liu Zhang provided only 4,000 soldiers and half the requested materiel.

The Wei Shu records Liu Bei inciting his officers: "We campaign against formidable enemies for Yi Province's sake, with soldiers toiling without respite. Yet the granaries overflow while rewards are withheld—how can we expect men to fight desperately?" Meanwhile, Zhang Song wrote to Liu Bei and Fa Zheng: "Why abandon our near-successful enterprise?" Zhang Song's elder brother Zhang Su, Governor of Guanghan, fearing implication, exposed the conspiracy to Liu Zhang, who executed Zhang Song—marking the rift between the two factions.

The Miscellaneous Records of Yi Province's Elders supplements: Zhang Su was imposing in stature, while Zhang Song appeared diminutive and unrestrained, yet possessed extraordinary insight and capability. Earlier, when Liu Zhang sent Zhang Song as envoy to Cao Cao, he received scant courtesy—though Cao's Registrar Yang Xiu recognized his talent, unsuccessfully recommending his employment. When Yang Xiu showed Zhang Song Cao Cao's military texts during a banquet, Zhang Song memorized them instantly upon reading, astonishing Yang Xiu further.

Subsequently, Liu Zhang forbade frontier commanders from further contact with Liu Bei. Enraged, Liu Bei summoned Yang Huai, commander of the White River Army, and beheaded him for discourtesy. He then dispatched Huang Zhong and Zhuo Ying to attack Liu Zhang while personally leading troops against the frontier strongholds.

質諸將并士卒妻子引兵與忠膺等進到涪據其城璋遣劉璝 冷苞張任鄧賢等拒先主於涪皆破敗退保綿竹璋復遣李嚴 督綿竹諸軍嚴率眾降先主先主軍益强分遣諸將平下屬縣 諸葛亮張飛趙雲等將兵泝流定白帝江州江陽惟關羽留鎭 荆州先主進軍圍⬤時璋子循守城被攻且一年十九年夏⬤ 城破  益部耆舊雜記曰劉璋遣張任劉璝等率精兵拒捍先主於  涪爲先主所破退與璋子循守⬤城任勒兵出於雁橋戰復  敗禽任先主聞任之忠勇令軍降之任厲聲曰老臣終不復  事二主矣乃殺之先主歎息焉 進圍成都數十日璋出降  傅子曰初劉備襲蜀丞相掾趙戩曰劉備其不濟乎拙於用  兵每戰必敗奔亡不暇何以圖人蜀雖小區險固四塞獨守  之國難卒并也徵士傅幹曰劉備寛仁有度能得人死力諸  葛亮達治知變正而有謀而爲之相張飛關羽勇而有義皆  萬人之敵而爲之將此三人者皆人傑也以備之畧三傑佐  之何爲不濟也 章武元年夏四月大赦改年以諸葛亮爲丞相許靖爲司徒置 百官立宗廟祫祭高皇帝以下 三年春二月丞相亮自成都到永安三月黃元進兵攻臨卭縣 遣將軍陳䀜討元元軍敗順流下江爲其親兵所縳生致成都 斬之先主病篤託孤於丞相亮尙書令李嚴爲副夏四月癸已 先主殂于永安宫時年六十三
Interpretation

This historical account records the pivotal campaign where Liu Bei seized control of Yizhou (present-day Sichuan region). Leading his army against Liu Zhang, Liu Bei dispatched generals like Zhuge Liang, Zhang Fei, and Zhao Yun to capture strategic riverine cities including Baidicheng, Jiangzhou, and Jiangyang, while leaving Guan Yu to guard Jingzhou. Liu Zhang sent commanders Zhang Ren and Liu Gui with elite troops to resist at Fucheng, but they were defeated and forced to retreat to Mianzhu. When Liu Zhang later appointed Li Yan to oversee defenses, Li Yan instead surrendered with his forces to Liu Bei, significantly bolstering Liu Bei's military strength.

During the siege of Chengdu, Liu Zhang's general Zhang Ren was captured. Though Liu Bei admired his loyalty and valor and urged him to surrender, Zhang Ren refused, declaring, "This old servant will never serve two masters," and was ultimately executed—an outcome Liu Bei lamented deeply. After weeks of siege warfare, Liu Zhang finally surrendered the city.

The text also documents contemporary perspectives on Liu Bei's faction. Some critics argued Liu Bei lacked military acumen and couldn't conquer Yizhou, but Fu Gan countered that Liu Bei's magnanimity and virtue won popular support. Coupled with having a statesman as adaptable as Zhuge Liang for administration and fiercely loyal generals like Zhang Fei and Guan Yu—all exceptional men of their generation—their assistance guaranteed Liu Bei's success.

In April 221 CE (the first year of Zhangwu era), after proclaiming himself emperor, Liu Bei issued a general amnesty. He appointed Zhuge Liang as Chancellor, Xu Jing as Minister over the Masses, established a bureaucratic system, and instituted ancestral temples honoring Han dynasty founders like Emperor Gaozu. Three years later, gravely ill at Yong'an Palace, Liu Bei entrusted his heir to Zhuge Liang's care with Li Yan as secondary regent. He passed away in April at sixty-three. During this period, the rebel general Huang Yuan was suppressed by Chen Dao.

 諸葛集載先主遺詔勅後主曰朕初疾但下痢耳後轉雜他  病殆不自濟人五十不稱夭年已六十有餘何所復恨不復  自傷但以卿兄弟爲念謝君到說丞相歎卿智量甚大增修  過於所望審能如此吾復何憂勉之勉之勿以惡小而爲之  勿以善小而不爲惟賢惟德能服於人汝父德薄勿效之可  讀漢書禮記閑暇厯觀諸子及六韜商君書益人意智聞丞  相爲冩申韓管子六韜一通已畢未送道亡可自更求聞達  臨終時呼魯王與語吾亡之後汝兄弟父事丞相令卿與丞  相共事而已 亮上言於後主曰伏惟大行皇帝邁仁樹德覆幬無疆昊天不 弔寢疾彌留今月二十四日奄忽升遐臣妾號咷若喪考妣乃 顧遺詔事惟太宗動容損益百寮發哀滿三日除服到葬期復 如禮其郡國太守相都尉縣令長三日便除服臣亮親受勅戒 震畏神靈不敢有違臣請宣下奉行五月梓宫自永安還成都 諡曰昭烈皇帝秋八月葬惠陵 評曰先主之弘毅寛厚知人待士蓋有高祖之風英雄之器焉 及其舉國託孤於諸葛亮而心神無貮誠君臣之至公古今之 盛軌也機權幹畧不逮魏武是以基宇亦狹然折而不撓終不 爲下者抑揆彼之量必不容已非唯競利且以避害云爾 後主傳章武三年夏五月後主襲位于成都時年十七尊皇后 曰皇太后大赦改元
Interpretation

The Collected Works of Zhuge Liang, the Loyal and Martial Marquis of Han records Liu Bei's final instructions to his son Liu Shan on his deathbed. Liu Bei recounted that his illness began as minor diarrhea but gradually worsened, and he knew recovery was unlikely. He expressed contentment with having lived past sixty years without regrets, his sole concern being for Liu Shan and his brothers. He particularly noted how Zhuge Liang had praised Liu Shan's intelligence as exceeding expectations—if this progress continued, he could die in peace.

Liu Bei admonished his son: "Never commit evil because the deed seems small, nor neglect good because the act appears minor. Only virtue (De) inspires true allegiance." He cautioned Liu Shan not to emulate his own imperfect moral character. He urged his heir to study the Book of Han, Book of Rites, and other classics in leisure hours, especially statecraft texts like Master Shen, Han Feizi, Guanzi, and Six Secret Teachings—all transcribed by Zhuge Liang. To Prince Liu Yong of Lu, he stressed serving Zhuge Liang with filial reverence.

In his memorial to the later ruler Liu Shan, Zhuge Liang wrote: "The Late Emperor's boundless benevolence now meets with tragic demise, leaving officials and myself in profound grief. Per his decree, court mourning lasts three days, as does observance by regional officers." He petitioned for proper funerary rites: the coffin's May procession from Yong'an to Chengdu, posthumous honors naming Liu Bei "Emperor Zhaolie," and August interment at Huiling Mausoleum.

Historians praised Liu Bei for resolute yet magnanimous leadership and discernment of talent, likening him to Emperor Gaozu of Han. His unreserved entrustment of state and heir to Zhuge Liang set an exemplary ruler-minister dynamic. Though strategically outmatched by Cao Cao—resulting in a smaller realm—his tenacity never wavered. Liu Shan ascended at seventeen in May 223 (Zhangwu 3rd Year), honored Empress Wu as dowager, proclaimed amnesties, and inaugurated a new era name.

(Note: Daoist technical terms from the glossary were not directly applicable to this historical account. The translation maintains classical Chinese historiography's cadence while ensuring readability.)

 魏畧曰初備在小沛不意曹公卒至遑遽棄家屬後奔荆州  禪時年數𡻕竄匿隨人西入漢中爲人所賣及建安十六年  關中破亂扶風人劉括避亂入漢中買得禪問知其良家子  遂養爲子與娶婦生一子初禪與備相失時識其父字玄德  比舍人有姓簡者及備得益州而簡爲將軍備遣簡到漢中  舍都邸禪乃詣簡簡相檢訉事皆符驗簡喜以語張魯魯乃  洗沐送詣益州備乃立以爲太子初備以諸葛亮爲太子太  傅及禪立以亮爲丞相委以諸事謂亮曰政由葛氏祭則寡  人亮亦以禪未閑於政遂總内外  臣松之案二主𡚱子傳曰後主生于荆州後主傳云初卽帝  位年十七則建安十二年生也十三年敗於長阪備棄妻子  走趙雲傳曰雲身抱弱子以免卽後主也如此備與禪未嘗  相失也又諸葛亮以禪立之明年領益州牧其年與主簿杜  微書曰朝廷今年十八與禪傳相應理當非虛而魚豢云備  敗於小沛禪是年始生及奔荆州能識其父字玄德計當五  六𡻕備則敗於小沛時建安五年也至禪初立首尾二十四  年禪應過三十矣以事相驗理不得然此則魏錄之妄說乃  至二百餘言異也又案諸書記及諸葛亮集亮亦不爲太子  太傳 建興元年夏牂牁太守朱褒擁郡反  魏氏春秋曰初益州從事常房行部聞褒將有異志收其主
Interpretation

According to the Weilue, when Liu Bei was stationed in Xiaopei during his early years, Cao Cao suddenly launched a surprise attack. In the chaos of retreat, Liu Bei had no time to secure his family and fled to Jingzhou. At the time, Liu Shan (Liu Bei's son) was only a few years old and was abducted during the escape, eventually being sold in Hanzhong. It wasn't until the 16th year of the Jian'an era (211 AD), during the turmoil in the Guanzhong region, that a man named Liu Kuo from Fufeng, seeking refuge in Hanzhong, purchased Liu Shan. Later, realizing the boy's noble origins, Liu Kuo adopted him as his foster son and even arranged a marriage for him, through which Liu Shan had children.

Though separated from his father, Liu Shan remembered that his father's courtesy name was Xuande. Later, after Liu Bei seized control of Yizhou (modern-day Sichuan), he sent a general surnamed Jian on official business to Hanzhong. Upon hearing this, Liu Shan sought out General Jian on his own initiative. After a detailed interrogation and verification of his identity, General Jian confirmed Liu Shan's lineage and reported the matter to Zhang Lu, the governor of Hanzhong. Zhang Lu then arranged for Liu Shan to be escorted back to Yizhou, where Liu Bei immediately designated him as crown prince.

Initially, Liu Bei appointed Zhuge Liang as the Taizi Taifu (Grand Tutor to the Crown Prince). Upon ascending the throne, Liu Shan appointed Zhuge Liang as chancellor and entrusted him with full authority over state affairs, saying: "You shall handle governance, while I oversee the sacrificial rites." Since Liu Shan was unfamiliar with administration, Zhuge Liang took charge of all internal and external affairs.

(Note: Pei Songzhi, in his critical examination, points out that the Biographies of the Consorts and Sons of the Two Sovereigns states that the Later Sovereign Liu Shan was born in Jingzhou, while the Biography of the Later Sovereign records that he was seventeen at the time of his accession, meaning he should have been born in the 12th year of Jian'an. Additionally, the Biography of Zhao Yun records that the "young child" rescued by Zhao Yun during the Battle of Changban was none other than Liu Shan, proving that Liu Bei and his son were never truly separated. These accounts contradict the Weilue, suggesting that Yu Huan's record may be erroneous. Furthermore, an examination of various historical texts and the Collected Works of Zhuge Liang reveals that Zhuge Liang never held the position of Taizi Taifu.)

In the summer of the 1st year of the Jianxing era (223 AD), Zhu Bao, the governor of Zangke Commandery, rebelled and seized control of the region.

The Weishi Chunqiu adds that prior to this, Chang Fang, an official of Yizhou, had uncovered signs of Zhu Bao's rebellion during an inspection and arrested his chief administrator.

 簿案問殺之褒怒攻殺房誣以謀反諸葛亮誅房諸子徙其  四弟於越嶲欲以安之褒猶不悛改遂以郡叛應雍闓臣松  之案以爲房爲褒所誣執政所宜澄察安有妄殺不辜以悅  奸慝斯殆妄矣 先是益州郡有大姓雍闓反流太守張裔於吳據郡不賓越嶲 蠻王高定亦背叛是𡻕立皇后張氏遣尙書郞鄧芝固好於吳 吳王孫權與蜀和親使聘是𡻕通好 二年務農殖穀閉關息民 三年春三月丞相亮南征四郡四郡皆平改益州郡爲建甯郡 分建甯永昌郡爲雲南郡又分建甯牂牁爲興古郡十二月亮 還成都 四年春都護李嚴自永安還住江州築大城 五年春丞相亮出屯漢中營沔北陽平石馬  諸葛集載禪三月下詔曰朕聞天地之道福仁而禍滛善積  者昌惡積者喪古今常數也是以湯武修德而王桀紂極暴  而亡曩者漢祚中微網漏凶慝董卓造難震蕩京畿曹操階  禍竊執天衡殘剝海内懷無君之心子丕孤𥪡敢尋亂階盗  據神器更姓改物世濟其凶當此之時皇極幽昧天下無主  則我帝命隕越于下昭烈皇帝體明睿之德光演文武應乾  坤之運出身平難經營四方人鬼同謀百姓與能兆民欣戴  奉順符䜟建位易號丕丞天序補弊興衰存復祖業誕膺皇  綱不墜於地萬國未靜早世遐殂朕以幼冲繼統鴻基未習
Interpretation

According to the Collected Works of Zhuge Liang, Marquis of Zhongwu of Han, during this period Yong Kai, a powerful local magnate from Yizhou Commandery (present-day Yunnan region), rebelled by capturing Grand Administrator Zhang Yi and sending him to Eastern Wu, occupying the commandery and refusing to submit to Shu Han's authority. Simultaneously, Gao Ding, a tribal chieftain from the Yuexi region (modern-day Xichang, Sichuan), also raised troops in revolt. That same year, Shu Han established Lady Zhang as empress and sent Court Secretary Deng Zhi as envoy to Eastern Wu to strengthen diplomatic ties. Sun Quan entered into a marriage alliance with Shu Han, restoring friendly relations between the two states.

In the second year of Jianxing era (224 CE), Zhuge Liang implemented policies for recuperation and rehabilitation, encouraging agricultural production and closing border passes to allow the people to rest. By spring of Jianxing 3 (225 CE), Zhuge Liang personally led a southern expedition to suppress rebellions across four southern commanderies. After the campaign, he reorganized the administrative divisions: Yizhou Commandery was renamed Jianning Commandery; Yunnan Commandery was carved out from Jianning and Yongchang commanderies; while Xinggu Commandery was created from parts of Jianning and Zangke commanderies. In the twelfth month of that year, Zhuge Liang returned victorious to Chengdu.

In Jianxing 4 (226 CE), Protector-General Li Yan relocated from Yong'an to Jiangzhou and began constructing major fortifications. The following spring, Zhuge Liang led troops northward to station in Hanzhong, establishing camps in the Yangping and Shima areas north of the Mian River.

The Collected Works of Zhuge Liang preserves an imperial edict issued by Liu Shan in the third month of Jianxing 5 (227 CE), which states: "I have learned that the Dao of Heaven and Earth blesses benevolent virtue while punishing tyranny - prosperity follows accumulated goodness, and ruin attends persistent wickedness. This is an eternal principle unchanged since antiquity, as evidenced by Tang of Shang and Wu of Zhou who ruled through cultivated virtue, while Jie of Xia and Zhou of Shang perished through cruelty. When the Han dynasty declined with lax governance, Dong Zhuo's rebellion shook the capital, and Cao Cao seized the opportunity to usurp power, brutalizing the realm with traitorous ambition. His son Cao Pi openly usurped the throne, changing the imperial mandate. At that time, imperial authority waned with no true ruler in the land, and the Han's heavenly mandate nearly expired. The Late Emperor Liu Bei, with sagely wisdom, inherited the ways of ancient sage-kings, raised armies against rebellion in accordance with Heaven's will, and won support from heroes and commoners alike. He rightfully ascended the throne as prophesied, reviving the Han foundation. Yet before unifying the realm, he passed prematurely in his prime. I inherited the throne in youth, still unfamiliar with statecraft..." (The latter portion of the edict is missing).

 保傅之訓而膺祖宗之重六合壅否社稷不建永惟所以念  在匡救光載前緒未有攸濟朕甚懼焉是以夙興夜寐不敢  自逸每從菲薄以益國用勸分務穯以阜民財授方任能以  參其聽斷私降意以養將士欲奮劔長驅指討凶逆朱旗未  舉而丕復隕喪斯所謂不然我薪而自焚也殘類餘醜又支  天禍恣雎河洛阻兵未弭諸葛丞相弘毅忠壯忘身憂國先  帝託以天下以勗朕躬今授之以旄鉞之重付之以專命之  權統領步騎二十萬衆董督元戎恭行天伐除患甯亂克復  舊都在此行也昔項籍總一彊衆跨州兼土所務者大然卒  敗垓下死於東城宗族如焚爲笑千載皆以不義陵上虐下  故也今賊傚尤天人所怨奉時宜速庶憑炎精祖宗威靈相  助之福所向必克吳王孫權同恤災患潛軍合謀𢰤角其後  涼州諸國王各遣月支康居胡侯支富康植等二十餘人詣  受節度大軍北出便欲率將兵馬奮戈先驅天命旣集人事  又至師貞勢并必無敵矣夫王者之兵有征無戰尊而且義  莫敢抗也故鳴條之役軍不血刃牧野之師商人倒戈今旍  麾首路其所經至亦不欲窮兵極武有能棄邪從正簞食壺  漿以迎王師者國有常典封寵大小各有品限及魏之宗族  支葉中外有能規利害審逆順之數來詣降者皆原除之昔  輔果絶親於智氏而䝉全宗之福微子去殷項伯歸漢皆受
Interpretation

This passage is the edict issued by Liu Shan, the Later Ruler of Shu Han, prior to Zhuge Liang's Northern Expeditions. Its core purpose was to authorize Zhuge Liang with full military authority to campaign against Cao Wei. Here's a modern interpretation:

Since childhood, I have been instructed by my Grand Tutor and bear the heavy responsibility bequeathed by our ancestors. Now the realm is in chaos, and the Han dynasty declines daily. Night and day, I ponder how to salvage this crisis, my heart filled with deep concern. Thus, I rise early and retire late without respite, reduce expenditures to enrich the state treasury, encourage farming to increase wealth, select the worthy to participate in governance, and humble myself to comfort our soldiers—all in hopes that one day we may raise an army for the Northern Expedition to punish the rebels. Alas, the late Emperor passed before fulfilling his great ambition, like firewood that extinguishes before igniting. Now the remaining rebels exploit natural disasters to continue their rebellion, amassing troops in the Henei-Luoyang region.

Chancellor Zhuge Liang (Zhuge Kongming) is loyal, resolute, and selflessly devoted to the state. The late Emperor entrusted him with the realm to assist me. Now I grant him full authority to command the armies, ordering him to lead 200,000 troops to execute Heaven’s punishment, eradicate chaos, and restore the old capital. In the past, Xiang Yu possessed overwhelming military might yet met his downfall due to his tyrannical ways. Today, Cao Wei emulates Xiang Yu’s wickedness, incurring Heaven’s wrath and the people’s resentment—precisely the opportune moment for our campaign. King Sun Quan of Wu has already allied with us, and the Liangzhou kingdoms have dispatched Yuezhi and Kangju tribal generals with their forces to assist. With Heaven’s timing, Earth’s advantages, and human unity aligned, our victory is assured.

A kingly army values intimidation over slaughter, just as Tang of Shang conquered Xia without battle, and King Wu of Zhou defeated Zhou when Shang’s own troops defected. Wherever our Northern Expedition reaches, we will not wield force indiscriminately. Those who forsake darkness for light and welcome the royal army with food and wine shall be rewarded according to state protocol. Even Cao Wei’s own clansmen, should they recognize the situation and surrender, will be pardoned. Like Fuguo leaving the Zhi clan to preserve his family in the Spring and Autumn era, or Weizi abandoning Shang and Xiang Bo submitting to Han—all found favorable ends.

 茅土之慶此前世之明驗也若其迷沉不反將助亂人不式  王命戮及妻孥罔有攸赦廣宣恩威貸其元帥弔其殘民他  如詔書律令丞相其露布天下使稱朕意焉 六年春亮出攻祁山不克冬復出㪚關圍陳倉糧盡退魏將王 雙率軍追亮亮與戰破之斬雙還漢中 七年春亮遣陳式攻武都陰平遂克定二郡冬亮徙府營於南 山下原上築漢樂二城是𡻕孫權稱帝與蜀約盟共交分天下 八年秋魏使司馬懿由西城張郃由子午曹眞由斜谷欲攻漢 中丞相亮待之於城固赤阪大雨道絕眞等皆還是𡻕魏延破 魏雍州剌史郭淮于陽谿徙魯王永爲甘陵王梁王理爲安平 王皆以魯梁在吳分界故也 九年春二月亮復出軍圍祁山始以木牛運魏司馬懿張郃救 祁山夏六月亮糧盡退軍郃追至青封與亮交戰被箭死秋八 月都護李平廢徙梓潼郡  漢晉春秋曰冬十月江陽至江州有鳥從江南飛渡江北不  能達墮水死者以千數 十年亮休士勸農於黃沙作流馬木牛畢教兵講武 十一年冬亮使諸軍運米集於斜谷口治斜谷邸閤是𡻕南蠻 劉胄反將軍馬忠破平之 十二年春二月亮由斜谷出始以流馬運秋八月亮卒于渭濱 征西大將軍魏延與丞相長史楊儀爭權不和舉兵相攻延敗 走斬延首儀率諸軍還成都大赦以左將軍吳壹爲車騎將軍
Interpretation

This passage records key events during the Northern Expeditions of Zhuge Liang (courtesy name Kongming, posthumous title Marquis Zhongwu), Chancellor of Shu Han:

Regarding rewards and punishments, these manifest the clear evidence of past virtuous deeds (De). Should anyone persist in delusion and continue rebellion, disobeying imperial commands, they shall face severe punishment without mercy—even their wives and children will be implicated. However, surrendered enemy commanders should be treated leniently, and war-afflicted civilians comforted. Implementation shall follow the imperial edicts and statutes. The Chancellor is to proclaim this widely, conveying the Emperor's will.

In spring of the 6th year of Jianxing era (228 CE), Zhuge Liang launched an attack on Qishan but failed to achieve victory. That winter, he marched again through San Pass and besieged Chencang, withdrawing when provisions were exhausted. Wei general Wang Shuang pursued but was defeated and killed by Zhuge Liang, after which the Shu forces returned to Hanzhong.

In spring of the 7th year (229), Zhuge Liang dispatched Chen Shi to capture the two commanderies of Wudu and Yinping. That winter, he relocated his headquarters to Nanshan, constructing the twin fortress cities of Han and Le. In the same year, Sun Quan declared himself Emperor, forming an alliance with Shu Han to divide the realm.

Autumn of the 8th year (230) saw Wei launch a three-pronged attack on Hanzhong: Sima Yi advanced from Xicheng, Zhang He from Ziwu Valley, and Cao Zhen from Xie Valley. Zhuge Liang established defenses at Chiban near Chenggu. Torrential rains severed transportation routes, forcing Wei's retreat. That year, Wei Yan defeated Wei's Yong Province Inspector Guo Huai at Yangxi, while Shu adjusted the fiefdoms of two imperial princes.

Spring of the 9th year (231) witnessed Zhuge Liang besieging Qishan again, employing wooden oxen and gliding horses (early mechanical transport devices) for grain logistics for the first time. By June, provisions were exhausted and the army withdrew. Zhang He pursued to Qingfeng where he was shot dead. In August, Protector Li Yan was dismissed and exiled.

The Han-Jin Chronicles record: In October of the 10th year (232), strange phenomena occurred between Jiangyang and Jiangzhou—thousands of birds flying from south to north of the Yangtze dropped exhausted into the river and died.

During the 10th year (232), Zhuge Liang allowed troops to recuperate while improving the wooden oxen and gliding horses at Huangsha, drilling the army. Winter of the 11th year (233) saw grain stockpiling at Xie Valley's entrance with granary construction. That year also quelled the southern barbarian rebellion of Liu Zhou.

Spring of the 12th year (234) marked Zhuge Liang's final northern campaign, employing gliding horses for transport. He passed away by the Wei River in August. The power struggle between Wei Yan and Yang Yi culminated in Wei Yan's defeat and death, with Yang Yi leading the army back to Chengdu. The court granted general amnesty and appointed Wu Yi as Chariot and Cavalry General.

假節督漢中以丞相留府長史蔣琬爲尙書令總統國事 陳夀後主評曰任賢相則爲循理之君惑閹豎則爲昏闇之后 傳曰素⬤無常唯所染之信矣哉禮國君繼體踰年改元而章 武之三年則革稱建興考之古義體理爲違又國不置史注記 無官是以行事多遺災異靡書諸葛亮雖達於爲政凡此之類 猶有未周焉然經載十二而年名不易軍旅屢興而赦不妄下 不亦卓乎自亮没後兹制漸虧優劣著矣  華陽國志曰丞相亮時有言公惜赦者亮答曰治世以大德  不以小惠故匡衡吳漢不願爲赦先帝亦言吾周旋陳元方  鄭康成間每見啟告治亂之道悉矣曾不語赦也若劉景升  季玉父子𡻕𡻕赦宥何益於治 臣松之以爲赦不妄下誠  爲可稱至於年名不易猶所未達案建武建安之號皆久而  不改未聞前史以爲美談經載十二蓋何足云豈别有他意  求之未至乎亮殁後延熙之號數盈二十兹制漸虧事又不  然也 先主甘皇后沛人也先主臨豫州住小沛納以爲妾先主數喪 嫡室常攝内事隨先主於荆州産後主值曹公軍至追及先主 於當陽長阪于時困偪棄后及後主賴趙雲保護得免於難后 卒葬于南郡章武二年追諡皇思夫人遷葬於蜀未至而先主 殂隕丞相亮上言皇思夫人履行修仁淑慎其身大行皇帝昔
Interpretation

This passage primarily records several significant events concerning Zhuge Liang, the Chancellor of Shu Han during the Three Kingdoms period, and related figures.

Regarding Zhuge Liang's governance: After Liu Bei's death, Zhuge Liang established his administrative office as Chancellor, appointing Jiang Wan as Imperial Secretary to oversee state affairs. Historian Chen Shou commented on Liu Shan that employing virtuous chancellors made him a wise ruler, while trusting eunuchs made him a foolish one. At that time, Shu Han lacked official historians, resulting in many governmental affairs and natural anomalies going unrecorded. Although Zhuge Liang excelled in statecraft, this remained a shortcoming. Remarkably, Zhuge Liang maintained the same reign era name for twelve years despite multiple military campaigns and rarely granted general amnesties. These practices gradually declined after his death.

When someone criticized Zhuge Liang for being too sparing with amnesties, he responded: "Governing a state requires great virtue (De), not petty favors." Quoting earlier sages like Kuang Heng, Wu Han, and Liu Bei, he argued frequent pardons harmed governance, citing how Liu Biao and his son's yearly amnesties proved ineffective.

Regarding Liu Bei's Empress Gan: A native of Pei County, she became Liu Bei's concubine during his tenure in Yuzhou. As Liu Bei's principal wives died repeatedly, she often managed household affairs. She gave birth to Liu Shan in Jingzhou and was rescued with him by Zhao Yun during the Battle of Dangyang. Buried in Nanjun after her death, she was posthumously honored as Imperial Consort Huansi when Liu Bei declared himself emperor. When preparations were made to move her remains to Shu, Liu Bei passed away. Zhuge Liang memorialized her virtuous character, recommending joint burial with Liu Bei.

(Note: "Holding the ceremonial staff" refers to military authority; "Chief Clerk" was a chancellor's subordinate official; "Jianxing" was Liu Shan's reign era; "Jianwu" and "Jian'an" were other period names; "Yanxi" was Liu Shan's era name after Zhuge Liang's death)

在上將𡣕配作合載育聖躬大命不融大行皇帝存時篤義垂 恩念皇思夫人神柩在遠飄颻特遣使者奉迎會大行皇帝崩 今皇思夫人神柩以到又梓宫在道園陵將成安厝有期臣輒 與太常丞賴恭等議禮記曰立愛自親始教民孝也立敬自長 始教民順也不忘其親所由生也春秋之義母以子貴昔高皇 帝追尊太上昭靈夫人爲昭靈皇后孝和皇帝改葬其母梁貴 人尊號曰恭懷皇后孝愍皇帝亦改葬其母王夫人尊號曰靈 懷皇后今皇思夫人宜有尊號以慰寒泉之思輒與恭等案諡 法宜曰昭烈皇后詩曰穀則異室死則同穴  禮云上古無合葬中古後因時方有 故昭烈皇后宜與大行皇帝合葬臣請太尉告宗廟布露天下 具禮儀别奏制曰可 諸葛瑾字子瑜琅琊陽郡人也爲孫權長史建安二十年權遣 瑾使蜀與其弟亮但公會相見退無私面瑾之在南郡人有密 讒瑾者此語頗流聞於外陸遜表保明瑾無此宜以散其意權 報曰子瑜與孤從事積年恩如骨肉深相明究其爲人非道不 行非義不言玄德昔遣孔明至吳孤嘗語子瑜曰卿與孔明同 産且弟隨兄於義爲順何以不留孔明孔明若留從卿者孤當 以書解玄德意自隨人耳子瑜答孤言弟亮委質定分義無二 心弟之不留猶瑾之不往也其言足貫神明今豈當有此乎孤
Interpretation

This passage documents two historical accounts from the Three Kingdoms period: first, the Shu Han chancellor Zhuge Liang (styled Kongming, posthumously titled Marquis Zhongwu) petitioning for the posthumous honorific title of Empress Dowager Huangsi (mother of Liu Bei) and her joint burial; second, the mutual trust between Zhuge Liang's elder brother Zhuge Jin (styled Ziyu) and Sun Quan.

Regarding Empress Dowager Huangsi: During his lifetime, the late Emperor Liu Bei constantly cherished his mother's kindness. At that time, her coffin remained in a distant place awaiting proper burial, and the Emperor had dispatched envoys to receive it. Unexpectedly, the Emperor suddenly passed away. Now that Empress Dowager Huangsi's coffin has arrived while the Emperor's imperial coffin is still being transported, with the mausoleum nearing completion and the burial date already set, I (Zhuge Liang) have consulted with Court Chamberlain Lai Gong and other officials. Drawing from the Book of Rites which states "benevolence begins with filial piety, and reverence begins with honoring elders," and the Spring and Autumn Annals' principle that "a mother gains honor through her son," we recall precedents like Emperor Gaozu of Han posthumously honoring his mother as Empress Zhaoling, Emperor He of Han reburying his mother as Empress Gonghuai, and Emperor Xian of Han reburying his mother as Empress Linghuai. We propose posthumously honoring Empress Dowager Huangsi to console the late Emperor's spirit. After deliberation with Lai Gong regarding posthumous naming conventions, we recommend the honorific title "Empress Zhaolie." The Book of Songs states "though not sharing a chamber in life, they share a grave in death." While joint burials weren't practiced in antiquity, they became customary in later ages. Therefore, we humbly request that Empress Zhaolie be buried with the late Emperor. We ask the Grand Commandant to announce this to the ancestral temple and proclaim it to the realm, with specific ceremonial protocols to be submitted separately. This petition was ultimately approved.

Regarding Zhuge Jin: A native of Yangdu in Langya, he served as Sun Quan's Chief Clerk. In the 20th year of Jian'an (215 CE), Sun Quan sent him as envoy to Shu Han. Being Zhuge Liang's elder brother, they only met in official settings, never privately. When rumors spread from Nan Commandery accusing Zhuge Jin of secretly collaborating with Shu Han, Lu Xun submitted a memorial vouching for his integrity and urging clarification. Sun Quan responded: "Ziyu has served me for years with brotherly devotion. He never acts improperly nor speaks unjustly. When Liu Bei sent Kongming to Wu, I told Ziyu: 'As blood brothers, ritual dictates the younger follows the elder. Why not have Kongming stay? I'd explain to Liu Bei.' Ziyu replied: 'Having pledged loyalty to Liu Bei, my brother must remain steadfast. His refusal to stay mirrors my refusal to defect to Shu.' These words witnessed by heaven and earth—how could he harbor disloyalty now?" This demonstrates Sun Quan's absolute trust in Zhuge Jin.

前得妄語文疏卽封示子瑜并手筆與子瑜卽得其報論天下 君臣大節一定之分孤與子瑜可謂神交非外言所間也知卿 意至輒封來表以示子瑜使知卿意 關羽傳先主西定益州拜羽董督荆州事羽聞馬超來降舊非 故人羽書與諸葛亮問超人才可誰比類亮知羽護前乃答之 曰孟起兼資文武雄烈過人一世之傑黥彭之徒當與翼德竝 驅爭先猶未及髯之絕倫逸羣也羽美鬚髯故亮謂之髯羽省 書大悅以示賓客 關興字安國少有令問丞相諸葛亮深器異之弱冠爲侍中中 監軍 黃忠字漢升南陽人也荆州牧劉表以爲中郞將與表從子磐 共守長沙攸縣及曹公克荆州假行裨將軍仍就故任統屬長 沙太守韓玄先主南定諸郡忠遂委質隨從入蜀自葭萌受任 還攻劉璋忠常先登䧟陣勇毅冠三軍益州旣定拜爲討虜將 軍建安二十四年於漢中定軍山擊夏侯淵淵衆甚精忠摧鋒 必進勸率士卒金鼓振天歡聲動谷一戰斬淵淵軍大敗遷征 西將軍是𡻕先主爲漢中王欲用忠爲後將軍諸葛亮曰忠之 名望素非關馬之倫也而今便令同列馬張在近親見其功尙 可喻指關遥聞之恐必不悅得無不可乎先主曰吾自當解之 遂與羽等齊位賜爵關内侯明年卒追諡剛侯 趙雲字子龍常山眞定人也先主自葭萌還攻劉璋召諸葛亮
Interpretation

This passage records the interactions between Zhuge Liang, the chancellor of Shu Han during the Three Kingdoms period, and several prominent military commanders.

First, it describes the profound friendship between Zhuge Liang and Lu Su (courtesy name Ziyu). When Zhuge Liang received a letter containing false rumors, he immediately forwarded it unopened to Lu Su and personally wrote to clarify the matter. In their correspondence discussing the state of the realm, their views on the moral obligations between ruler and subject were completely aligned—such deep mutual understanding could not be undermined by outsiders' slander. Later, whenever others sent letters, Zhuge Liang would always share them with Lu Su to ensure he understood the sender's intentions.

Next, it recounts an episode involving Guan Yu. After Liu Bei secured control of Yizhou in the west, he appointed Guan Yu to oversee affairs in Jing Province. When Guan Yu heard of Ma Chao's surrender—since they were not previously acquainted—he wrote to Zhuge Liang asking how Ma Chao's talents compared to others. Knowing Guan Yu's competitive nature, Zhuge Liang replied: "Ma Chao (courtesy name Mengqi) excels in both civil and martial arts, his bravery surpassing ordinary men, making him a hero of our time—comparable to the renowned Han dynasty generals Qing Bu and Peng Yue, and on par with Zhang Fei (courtesy name Yide). Yet he still falls short of your extraordinary prowess, Lord of the Magnificent Beard." Guan Yu had a famously long and beautiful beard, hence the title. Delighted by the letter, Guan Yu showed it to his guests.

The text then introduces Guan Xing (courtesy name Anguo), who earned an excellent reputation in his youth. Zhuge Liang held him in particularly high regard, appointing him to key positions such as Palace Attendant and Central Army Supervisor by the age of twenty.

Huang Zhong (courtesy name Hansheng), a native of Nanyang, originally served under Liu Biao. After Cao Cao took Jing Province, he joined Liu Bei and distinguished himself in the campaign to conquer Yizhou. In the 24th year of the Jian'an era (219 CE), during the Battle of Dingjun Mountain, Huang Zhong led the charge, crushing the forces of Cao Cao's general Xiahou Yuan and personally slaying him in battle. When Liu Bei sought to appoint Huang Zhong as Rear General, Zhuge Liang cautioned: "Huang Zhong's reputation has never matched that of Guan Yu or Ma Chao. If they are suddenly made equals, Guan Yu—stationed far away in Jing Province—may take offense." But Liu Bei insisted, ultimately granting Huang Zhong equal rank.

Finally, the passage mentions Zhao Yun (courtesy name Zilong) of Zhending in Changshan. When Liu Bei turned back from Jiameng Pass to attack Liu Zhang, he summoned Zhuge Liang for military counsel.

Through these episodes, the text illustrates Zhuge Liang's wisdom in managing interpersonal relationships and highlights the achievements of Shu Han's key generals. It particularly emphasizes Zhuge Liang's keen understanding of Guan Yu's psychology and his foresight in personnel arrangements.

亮率雲與張飛等俱泝江西上平定郡縣至江州分遣雲從外 水上江陽與亮會于成都 建興元年爲中護軍征南將軍封永昌亭侯遷鎭東將軍五年 隨諸葛亮駐漢中明年亮出軍揚聲由斜谷道曹眞遣大將當 之亮令雲與鄧芝往拒而身攻祁山雲芝兵弱敵强失利於箕 谷然歛眾固守不至大敗軍退貶爲鎭軍將軍  雲别傳曰亮曰街亭軍退兵將不復相錄箕谷軍退兵將初  不相失何故芝答曰雲身自斷後軍資什物畧無所棄兵將  無縁相失雲有軍資餘絹亮使分賜將士雲曰軍事無利何  爲有賜其物請悉入赤岸府庫須十月爲冬賜亮大善之 龎統字士元襄陽人也少時樸鈍未有識者永川司馬𡽪淸雅 有知人鑒統弱冠往見𡽪𡽪採桑於樹上坐統在樹下共語自 晝至夜𡽪甚異之稱統當爲南州士之冠冕由是漸顯  襄陽記曰諸葛孔明爲卧龍龎士元爲鳳雛司馬德操爲水  鏡皆龎德公語也德公襄陽人孔明每至其家獨拜牀下德  公初不令止 統初守耒陽令在縣不治免官吳將魯肅遺先主書曰龎士元 非百里才也使處治中别駕之任始當展其[馬翼]足耳諸葛亮亦 言之先主先主與譚大器之以爲治中從事  江表傳曰先主與統從容宴語問曰卿爲周公瑾功曹孤到  吳聞此人密有白事勸仲謀相留有之乎在君爲君卿其無
Interpretation

Zhuge Liang led Zhao Yun, Zhang Fei, and others westward up the Yangtze River, pacifying the commanderies and counties along the way. Upon reaching Jiangzhou (present-day Chongqing), he dispatched Zhao Yun to advance northward via the Outer River (a tributary of the Min River) to Jiangyang (modern Luzhou), where they eventually reunited with Zhuge Liang in Chengdu.

In the first year of Jianxing (223 CE), Zhao Yun was appointed as Central Protector of the Army and General Who Conquers the South, enfeoffed as Marquis of Yongchangting. He was later promoted to General Who Guards the East. In the fifth year of Jianxing (227), he accompanied Zhuge Liang in garrisoning Hanzhong. The following year, when Zhuge Liang launched the Northern Expedition, he feigned an advance through the Xie Valley route, prompting the Wei general Cao Zhen to deploy heavy defenses. Zhuge Liang ordered Zhao Yun and Deng Zhi to divert the enemy forces while he personally led the main assault on Mount Qi. Due to the numerical inferiority of Zhao Yun's troops, they suffered a setback at Jigu, but he swiftly regrouped his forces to hold their ground, preventing a total collapse. After the battle, he was demoted to General Who Guards the Army.

The Separate Biography of Zhao Yun records: When Zhuge Liang compared the defeats at Jieting and Jigu, he remarked, "At Jieting, the troops scattered in retreat, yet at Jigu, the army remained intact—why is that?" Deng Zhi replied, "General Zhao personally covered the rear, ensuring nearly all military supplies were preserved, so the troops had no chance to disperse." At the time, surplus silk fabrics remained in the army, and Zhuge Liang intended to distribute them as rewards. But Zhao Yun protested, "With the campaign's failure, how could we accept rewards? Please store them all in the Chikan Armory for winter provisions." Zhuge Liang greatly admired this attitude.

Pang Tong (courtesy name Shiyuan) was a native of Xiangyang. In his youth, he appeared simple and taciturn, overlooked by contemporaries. Sima Hui (courtesy name Decao) of Yongchuan, renowned for discerning talent, received a visit from the twenty-year-old Pang Tong. While Sima Hui gathered mulberry leaves from a tree, Pang Tong conversed with him below, talking from day until late night. Stunned by his brilliance, Sima Hui praised him as "the leader of southern scholars," and Pang Tong's reputation grew.

The Records of Xiangyang states: The epithets "Crouching Dragon" for Zhuge Liang, "Young Phoenix" for Pang Tong, and "Water Mirror" for Sima Hui all originated from Pang Degong (a Xiangyang luminary). Whenever Zhuge Liang visited Pang Degong, he would kneel respectfully before his couch to pay respects, which Pang Degong accepted without ceremony.

Pang Tong initially served as magistrate of Leiyang County but was dismissed for neglecting administrative duties. The Eastern Wu general Lu Su wrote to Liu Bei: "Pang Shiyuan is no mere administrator of a hundred-li county. Only as an Assistant Officer or Chief Clerk [high-ranking provincial positions] could his talents flourish." Zhuge Liang also recommended him. After an in-depth discussion, Liu Bei recognized Pang Tong's worth and appointed him as an Assistant Officer.

The Tales of Jiangbiao records: At a banquet, Liu Bei asked Pang Tong, "You once served as Zhou Yu's Merit Officer. When I visited Wu, I heard someone secretly advised Sun Quan to detain me—was that you?" Pang Tong replied frankly, "It was indeed." Liu Bei laughed heartily: "We served different lords then—let it rest."

 隱統對曰有之備歎息曰孤時危急當有所求故不得不往  殆不免周瑜之手天下智謀之士所見畧同耳時孔明諫孤  莫行其意獨篤亦慮此也孤以仲謀所防在北當賴孤爲援  故決意不疑此誠出於險塗非萬全之計也 進圍⬤縣統率眾攻城爲流矢所中卒時年三十六先主痛惜 言則流涕拜統父議郞遷諫議大夫諸葛亮親爲之拜追賜統 爵關内侯諡曰靖侯 法正傳先主旣定益州以正爲蜀郡太守揚武將軍外統都畿 内爲謀主一飡之德睚眦之怨無不報復擅殺毁傷巳者數人 或謂諸葛亮曰法正於蜀郡太縱橫將軍宜啟主公抑其威福 亮答曰主公之在公安也北畏曹操之强東憚孫權之逼近則 懼孫夫人生變於肘腋之下當斯之時進退狼跋法孝直爲之 輔翼令翻然翺翔不可復制如何禁止孝直使不得行其意邪 初孫權以妹妻先主妹才㨗剛猛有諸兄之風侍婢百餘人皆 親執刀侍立先主每入衷心常懔懔亮又知先主雅愛信正故 言如此卒時年四十五先主爲之流涕者累日諡曰翼侯賜子 邈爵關内侯官至奉車都尉漢陽太守諸葛亮與正雖好尙不 同以公義相取亮每竒正智術先主旣稱尊號將東征孫權以 復關羽之恥羣臣多諫上不從章武二年大軍敗績還住白帝 亮歎曰法孝直若在則能制主上令不東行就復東行必不傾 危矣
Interpretation

This passage records stories of key figures in the Shu Han regime during the Three Kingdoms period. First is Pang Tong (courtesy name Shiyuan), who died from an arrow wound during the siege of Luo County at the young age of thirty-six. Liu Bei was deeply grieved, posthumously honoring him as Marquis Within the Passes with the posthumous title Marquis Jing. Zhuge Liang personally went to pay his respects.

Next comes the story of Fa Zheng (courtesy name Xiaozhi). After Liu Bei pacified Yi Province, he appointed Fa Zheng as Governor of Shu Commandery. Fa Zheng was a man who clearly distinguished gratitude from grievance—he would invariably repay kindness but also invariably settle scores, even going so far as to personally execute several people who had previously harmed him. Some complained to Zhuge Liang that Fa Zheng's behavior should be restrained.

Zhuge Liang explained: "When our lord was at Gong'an, he feared Cao Cao to the north, dreaded Sun Quan to the east, and had to guard against Lady Sun causing trouble at his side. During those difficult times, it was entirely due to Fa Zheng's assistance that we overcame adversity. How could we restrict him now?" The mentioned Lady Sun was Sun Quan's sister—a woman of fierce temperament who always kept sword-bearing maids at her side, making even Liu Bei apprehensive whenever entering her chambers.

When Fa Zheng died at forty-five, Liu Bei wept bitterly for days and posthumously honored him as Marquis Yi. Though Zhuge Liang's temperament differed from Fa Zheng's, he greatly admired the latter's talent. Later, when Liu Bei stubbornly launched the eastern campaign against Sun Quan to avenge Guan Yu's death—only to suffer catastrophic defeat—Zhuge Liang lamented: "Had Fa Zheng still been alive, he could have dissuaded our lord from this eastern campaign; or even if the campaign proceeded, we wouldn't have suffered such disastrous defeat."

Through these concrete examples, the text reveals the relationships between Shu Han's rulers and ministers, particularly highlighting the special status of the key strategist Fa Zheng and Zhuge Liang's evaluation of him.

許靖年逾七十愛樂人物誘納後進清談不倦丞相諸葛亮皆 爲之拜 簡雍字憲和涿郡人也少與先主有舊隨從周旋先主至荆州 雍與麋竺孫乾同爲從事中郞常爲談客往來使命先主入益 州劉璋見雍甚愛之先主圍成都遣雍往說璋璋遂與雍同輿 而載出城歸命先主拜雍爲昭德將軍優游風議性簡傲跌宕 在先主坐席猶箕踞傾倚威儀不肅自縱適諸葛亮已下則獨 擅一榻項枕卧語無所爲屈時天旱禁酒釀者有刑吏於人家 索得釀具論者欲令與作酒者同罰雍與先主游觀見一男女 行道謂先主曰彼人欲行淫何以不縳先主曰卿何以知之雍 對曰彼有其具與欲釀者同先主大笑而原欲釀者雍之滑稽 皆此類也 伊籍字機伯山陽人少依邑人鎭南將軍劉表先主之在荆州 籍常往來自託表卒遂隨先主南渡江從入益州益州旣定以 籍爲左將軍從事中郞見待亞於簡雍孫乾等遣東使於吳孫 權聞其才辯欲逆拆以辭籍適入拜權曰勞事無道之君乎籍 卽對曰一拜一起未足爲勞籍之機㨗類皆如此權甚異之後 遷昭文將軍與諸葛亮法正劉巴李嚴共造蜀科蜀科之制由 此五人焉 秦宓字子勅廣漢綿竹人也建興二年丞相亮領益州牧選宓 迎爲别駕尋拜左中郞將長水校尉吳遣使張温來聘百官皆
Interpretation

Xu Jing, a renowned scholar of the Eastern Han dynasty, remained passionate about fostering talent even in his seventies. Tireless in mentoring younger generations and engaging in philosophical discourse, he commanded such respect that even Chancellor Zhuge Liang would bow to him.

Jian Yong (courtesy name Xianhe), a native of Zhuo Commandery, had been close friends with Liu Bei since their youth and loyally followed him. When Liu Bei went to Jing Province, Jian Yong served alongside Mi Zhu and Sun Qian as a Chief Clerk (zhonglang), often acting as an envoy. During Liu Bei's entry into Yi Province, Liu Zhang took an immediate liking to Jian Yong. Later, when Liu Bei besieged Chengdu, he sent Jian Yong to persuade Liu Zhang to surrender—whereupon Liu Zhang exited the city in the same carriage with Jian Yong to submit. Liu Bei appointed him General Who Spreads Virtue (Zhaode Jiangjun). Unconstrained by formalities, Jian Yong would sit casually (jizuo) even in Liu Bei's presence, and before officials below Zhuge Liang's rank, he would recline alone on a couch while conversing. Once, during a drought when alcohol production was banned, authorities sought to punish households found with brewing equipment. While traveling with Liu Bei, Jian Yong spotted a man and woman walking together and remarked, "These two intend to commit adultery—why not arrest them?" When Liu Bei asked how he knew, Jian Yong replied, "They possess the 'tools for the act,' just like those with brewing implements." Liu Bei laughed and pardoned the offenders. Such was Jian Yong's characteristic wit.

Yi Ji (courtesy name Jibo), from Shanyang, initially attached himself to fellow townsman Liu Biao in his youth. After Liu Bei settled in Jing Province, Yi Ji frequently sought his patronage. Following Liu Biao's death, he accompanied Liu Bei south across the Yangtze and later entered Yi Province, where he was appointed Chief Clerk to the General of the Left, ranking just below Jian Yong and Sun Qian. During a diplomatic mission to Wu, Sun Quan—having heard of Yi Ji's eloquence—attempted to provoke him by saying, "Serving a ruler without virtue must be exhausting." Yi Ji instantly retorted, "The exertion of bowing and rising hardly counts." Sun Quan was deeply impressed. Later promoted to General Who Illuminates Culture (Zhaowen Jiangjun), Yi Ji collaborated with Zhuge Liang, Fa Zheng, and others to draft the Shu Code (Shu Ke), becoming one of the five principal architects of Shu-Han's legal system.

Qin Mi (courtesy name Zichi) hailed from Mianzhu in Guanghan Commandery. In the second year of Jianxing (224 CE), when Zhuge Liang concurrently assumed the post of Governor of Yi Province, he selected Qin Mi as his Assistant Inspector (Biejia). Qin Mi later served as General of the Gentlemen of the Left and Colonel of the Changshui Regiment. When Wu envoy Zhang Wen visited...

往餞焉眾人皆集而宓未往亮累遣使促之温曰彼何人也亮 曰益州學士也及至温問曰君學乎宓曰五尺童子皆學何必 小人温復問曰天有頭乎宓曰有之温曰在何方也宓曰在西 方詩曰乃眷西顧以此推之頭在西方温曰天有耳乎宓曰天 處高而聽卑詩云鶴鳴九臯聲聞于天若其無耳何以聽之温 曰天有足乎宓曰有詩云天步艱難之子不猶若其無足何以 步之温曰天有姓乎宓曰有温曰何姓宓曰姓劉温曰何以知 之答曰天子姓劉故以此知之温曰日生於東乎宓曰雖生於 東而没於西答問如響應聲而出於是温大敬服宓之文辯皆 此類也遷大司農 漢丞相諸葛忠武侯集卷之五   附傳 董和字幼宰南郡枝江人也先主定蜀徵和爲掌軍中郞將與 軍師將軍諸葛亮竝署左將軍大司馬府事獻可替否共爲交 歡自和居官食祿外牧殊域内幹機衡二十餘年死之日家無 儋石之財亮後爲丞相教與羣下曰夫參署者集眾思廣忠益 也若遠小嫌難相違覆曠闕損矣違覆而得中猶棄弊蹻而獲 珠玉然人心苦不能盡惟徐元直處兹不惑又董幼宰參署七 年事有不至至于十反來相啟告苟能慕元直之十一幼宰之 殷勤有忠於國則亮可少過矣又曰昔初交州平屢聞得失後 交元直勤見啟誨前參事於幼宰每言則盡後從事於偉度數
Interpretation

When the gathering assembled to bid farewell to a certain official, all had arrived except for Qin Mi (a renowned scholar of Yizhou). Zhuge Liang sent messengers repeatedly to hasten his coming. Zhang Wen (the envoy from Eastern Wu) inquired, "Who is this man?" Zhuge Liang replied, "A profoundly learned scholar of Yizhou." When Qin Mi finally arrived, Zhang Wen deliberately challenged him: "Do you even qualify as a learned man?" Qin Mi deftly responded, "Even five-year-old children study—how much more should I?"

Zhang Wen then posed a series of tricky questions:

"Does Heaven have a head?" Qin Mi answered, "Indeed—the Book of Songs states, 'The August Lord turns His gaze westward,' proving its head lies in the west."

"Does Heaven have ears?" Qin Mi cited the verse "The crane cries in the ninefold marsh, its voice heard by Heaven," countering, "Without ears, how could it hear?"

"Does Heaven have feet?" Qin Mi referenced another line: "Heaven's steps are arduous," demonstrating Heaven indeed possesses feet.

"Does Heaven have a surname?" Qin Mi replied, "Its surname is Liu, for the Son of Heaven bears the Liu surname." Each response drew upon classical texts, leaving Zhang Wen thoroughly impressed.

The account then shifts to the deeds of Dong He (courtesy name Youzai). A native of Zhijiang in Nan Commandery, he was appointed General of the Household for All Purposes after Liu Bei pacified Yizhou and jointly administered the Left General's office with Zhuge Liang. Serving over twenty years, he died without accumulating personal wealth. Zhuge Liang later issued a memorial recalling how Dong He, when participating in policy decisions, would remonstrate ten or more times if matters remained unresolved. Reflecting on this, Zhuge Liang remarked that if others emulated even a tenth of Dong He's diligence, his own errors would diminish.

Zhuge Liang also spoke of the benefits gained through friendships: in his youth, Cui Zhouping often offered critiques; later, Xu Shu (courtesy name Yuanzhi) provided guidance; Dong He participated in governance with unfiltered candor; and subsequently, Hu Ji (courtesy name Weidu) frequently offered admonitions during their collaboration. This passage reveals Zhuge Liang's open-minded governance—humbly welcoming constructive criticism.

有諫止雖姿性鄙暗不能悉納然與此四子終始好合亦足以 明其不疑於直言也其追思和如此  偉度者姓胡名濟義陽人爲亮主簿有忠藎之效故見褒述  亮卒爲中典軍統諸軍封成陽亭侯遷中監軍前將軍督漢  中假節領兖州剌史至右驃騎將軍濟弟博厯長水校尉尙  書 劉巴字子初零陵烝陽人也曹公征荆州先主奔江南荆楚羣 士從之如雲而巴北詣曹公曹公辟爲掾使招納長沙零陵桂 陽會先主畧有三郡巴不得反使遂遠適交趾  零陵先賢傳云巴往零陵事不成欲由交州道還京師時諸  葛亮在臨烝巴與亮書曰乘危厯險到值思義之民自與之  眾承天之心順物之性非余身謀所能勸動若道窮數盡將  託命於滄海不復顧荆州矣亮追謂曰劉公雄才蓋世據有  荆土莫不歸德天人去就已可知矣足下欲何之巴曰受命  而來不成當還此其宜也足下何言耶 先主深以爲恨巴復從交趾至蜀俄而先主定益州巴辭謝罪 負先主不責而諸葛孔明數稱薦之先主辟爲左將軍西曹掾  零陵先賢傳曰張飛嘗就巴宿巴不與語飛遂忿恚諸葛亮  謂巴曰張飛雖實武人敬慕足下主公今方收拾文武以定  大事足下雖天素高亮宜少降意也巴曰大丈夫處世當交  四海英雄如何與兵子共語乎備聞之怒曰孤欲定天下而
Interpretation

This passage records the interactions between Zhuge Liang (styled Kongming, posthumously titled Marquis Zhongwu), the chancellor of Shu Han during the Three Kingdoms period, and several important figures. Hu Ji (styled Weidu), a native of Yiyang, served as Zhuge Liang's chief clerk (secretary) and was praised for his loyalty and diligence. After Zhuge Liang's death, he was promoted to Central Army Supervisor, commanding various military forces, and was enfeoffed as Marquis of Chengyangting. Later, he rose to the position of Right General of Agile Cavalry. His younger brother, Hu Bo, also held key posts such as Colonel of Changshui and Imperial Secretary.

Liu Ba (styled Zichu), a native of Zhengyang in Lingling, initially joined Cao Cao and was appointed as an aide. Later, when Liu Bei occupied three commanderies in Jing Province, Liu Ba found himself unable to return north and was forced to flee to Jiaozhi (modern-day northern Vietnam). According to The Biographies of Lingling’s Former Worthies, Liu Ba once wrote to Zhuge Liang, explaining that he had endured great hardships to reach Jiaozhi, where the people understood righteousness and followed the will of Heaven. If truly left with no other choice, he would rather drift overseas than return to Jing Province. In response, Zhuge Liang urged him to recognize the situation, pointing out that Liu Bei was a man of great talent and vision who had already won the hearts of the people in Jing. However, Liu Ba insisted on fulfilling the mission assigned to him by Cao Cao.

Later, Liu Ba traveled from Jiaozhi to Shu. After Liu Bei secured Yi Province, Liu Ba voluntarily sought punishment for his past actions. Liu Bei did not hold it against him, and Zhuge Liang repeatedly recommended him, eventually securing his appointment as Aide to the Western Bureau under the Left General. The Biographies of Lingling’s Former Worthies also records an anecdote: Zhang Fei once visited Liu Ba’s residence, but Liu Ba ignored him. Zhuge Liang advised Liu Ba, saying that although Zhang Fei was a military officer, he deeply respected him, and given the urgent need for talent, he hoped Liu Ba would lower his guard. Liu Ba, however, replied, "A true man should associate with the heroes of the realm—how can I converse with a mere warrior?" When Liu Bei heard of this, he was furious and said, "I am striving to pacify the realm, yet you act with such arrogance!" This passage illustrates Zhuge Liang’s skill in mediating interpersonal relationships while also reflecting the divide between scholars and military officers of the time.

 子初專亂之其欲還北假道於此豈欲成孤事耶備又曰子  初才智絕人如孤可任用之非孤者難獨任也亮亦曰運籌  䇿於幃幄之中吾不如子初遠矣若提枹鼓會軍門使百姓  喜勇當與人議之耳初攻劉璋備與士眾約若事定府庫百  物孤無預焉及拔成都士眾皆捨干戈赴諸藏競取寶物軍  用不足備甚憂之巴曰易耳但當鑄直百錢平諸物賈令吏  爲官市備從之數月之間府庫充實  零陵先賢傳曰輔吳將軍張昭嘗對孫權論巴褊阨不當拒  張飛太甚權曰若令子初隨世沈浮容悅玄德交非其人何  足稱爲高士乎 馬良字季常襄陽宜城人也兄弟五人竝有才名鄕里爲之諺 曰馬氏五常白眉最良良眉中有白毛故以稱之先主領荆州 辟爲從事及先主入蜀諸葛亮亦從後往良留荆州與亮書曰 聞⬤城已㧞此天祚也尊兄應期贊世配業光國魄兆見矣  臣松之以爲良蓋與亮結爲兄弟或相與有親亮年長良故  呼亮爲尊兄耳 夫變用雅慮審貴垂明於以簡才宜適其時若乃和光悅遠邁 德天壤使時閒於聽世服於道齊高妙之音正鄭衞之聲竝利 於事無相奪倫此乃管絃之至牙曠之調也雖非鍾期敢不擊 節先主辟良爲左將軍掾後遣使吳良謂亮曰今銜國命協穆 二家幸爲良介於孫將軍亮曰君試自爲文良卽爲草曰寡君
Interpretation

This passage records interactions between key figures during the Three Kingdoms period. Here's a modern interpretation of the relationships and events:

Liu Bei (styled Xuande) once remarked about Liu Ba (styled Zichu): "Zichu's talents are truly exceptional, but only I can properly employ him—others would likely find him difficult to manage." Zhuge Liang also modestly stated: "When it comes to strategic planning within the command tent, I'm far inferior to Zichu. But in boosting morale and commanding troops, I can at least consult with everyone."

During the campaign against Liu Zhang, Liu Bei made a pact with his officers: after capturing the city, he wouldn't take a single item from the government treasury. But when Chengdu fell, soldiers plundered treasures, causing military funds to run short. Liu Ba then proposed minting "Hundred-Value Coins" (a high-denomination currency) to stabilize prices and establish official markets. After Liu Bei adopted this plan, the state treasury was replenished within months.

Zhang Zhao, an important Eastern Wu minister, once criticized Liu Ba to Sun Quan for being narrow-minded and needlessly offending Zhang Fei. But Sun Quan defended Liu Ba: "If we expected Zichu to simply go with the flow and flatter Liu Bei, how could he be considered an outstanding scholar?"

The text then mentions Ma Liang (styled Jichang), the renowned Xiangyang scholar who stood out among the "Five Ma Brothers" (all named with the character chang) for having white eyebrows. When Liu Bei entered Shu, Ma Liang—who remained in Jing Province—wrote to Zhuge Liang addressing him as "honored elder brother" (possibly indicating sworn brotherhood or kinship). The letter celebrated the capture of Luo City as heaven's will and praised Zhuge Liang for assisting an enlightened ruler to restore the Han dynasty's glory.

The concluding passage discusses principles for selecting talent: one must choose personnel according to circumstances, like harmonizing music—allowing both refined court music and popular folk tunes their proper place to achieve the perfect harmony exemplified by the legendary musician Shi Kuang (a blind music master of the Spring and Autumn period). Later, when Liu Bei appointed Ma Liang as an aide to the General of the Left and sent him as envoy to Eastern Wu, Ma Liang asked Zhuge Liang to draft a recommendation letter. Zhuge Liang told him to compose it himself, which Ma Liang then did with perfect propriety.

遣掾馬良通聘繼好以紹昆吾豕韋之勳其人吉士荆楚之令 鮮於造次之華而有克終之美願降心存納以慰將命權敬待 之先主稱尊號以良爲侍中及東征吳遣良入武陵招納五溪 南蠻南蠻渠帥皆受印號咸如意指會先主敗績於宦陵良亦 遇害先主拜良子秉爲騎都尉良弟謖字幼常以荆州從事隨 先主入蜀除綿竹成都令越嶲太守才器過人好論軍計丞相 諸葛亮深加器異先主臨薨謂亮曰馬謖言過其實不可大用 君其察之亮猶不然以謖爲參軍每引見談論自晝達夜  襄陽記曰建興三年亮征南中謖送之數十里亮曰雖共謀  之厯年今可更惠良規謖對曰南中恃其險阻不服久矣雖  今日破之明日復反耳今公方傾國北伐以事彊賊彼知官  勢内虛其叛亦速若殄盡遺類以除後患旣非仁者之情且  又不可倉卒也夫用兵之道攻心爲上攻城爲下心戰爲上  兵戰爲下願公服其心而已亮納其䇿赦孟獲以服南方故  終亮之世南方不敢復反 建興六年亮出軍向祁山時有宿將魏延吳壹等論者皆言以 爲宜令爲先鋒而亮違眾拔謖統大眾在前與魏將張郃戰于 街亭爲郃所破士卒離㪚亮進無所據退軍還漢中謖下獄物 故亮爲之流涕良死時年三十六謖年三十九  襄陽記曰謖臨終與亮書曰明公視謖猶子謖視明公猶父
Interpretation

This passage records the deeds of the brothers Ma Liang and Ma Su, renowned officials of the Shu Han kingdom during the Three Kingdoms period.

Ma Liang (courtesy name Jichang) was an important official in Shu Han. After Liu Bei declared himself emperor, he appointed Ma Liang as Palace Attendant. When Liu Bei launched his eastern campaign against Wu, he sent Ma Liang to the Wuling region to pacify the Wuxi tribes (southern ethnic minorities), where local chieftains all accepted Shu Han's official seals. Unfortunately, after Liu Bei's defeat at Yiling, Ma Liang was also killed. Liu Bei posthumously honored Ma Liang's son Ma Bing as Cavalry Commandant.

Ma Su (courtesy name Youchang), Ma Liang's younger brother, was exceptionally talented, particularly skilled in military strategy, and highly valued by Zhuge Liang. However, on his deathbed, Liu Bei warned Zhuge Liang: "Ma Su's words exceed his substance—he should not be entrusted with major responsibilities." Zhuge Liang disregarded this advice, still appointing Ma Su as Army Advisor and frequently engaging in all-night discussions with him.

According to the Xiangyang Records, during Zhuge Liang's southern campaign in the third year of Jianxing (225 CE), Ma Su accompanied him for dozens of miles. Ma Su advised: "The southern terrain is treacherous—relying solely on military suppression won't ensure lasting peace. As we prepare our northern expedition against Cao Wei, excessive military force in the south would only incite more rebellions. In warfare, winning hearts (securing popular support) is paramount; capturing cities is secondary." Zhuge Liang adopted this strategy, using conciliatory measures to subdue southern leaders like Meng Huo, thereby ensuring long-term stability in the south.

In the sixth year of Jianxing (228 CE), during Zhuge Liang's first northern expedition, he controversially promoted Ma Su as vanguard commander against all advice. Ma Su was defeated by Wei general Zhang He at Jieting, causing the complete collapse of Shu forces. Ma Su was consequently imprisoned and died at age thirty-nine. Zhuge Liang wept bitterly over this.

Before his death, Ma Su wrote to Zhuge Liang: "You treated me as your son, and I revered you as my father." This account reveals the profound mentor-disciple bond between them, while also reflecting Zhuge Liang's regret over his misjudgment in personnel selection.

 願深惟殛鯀興禹之義使平生之交不虧於此謖雖死無恨  於黃壤也于時十萬之眾爲之垂泣亮自臨祭待其遺孤若  平生蔣琬後詣漢中謂亮曰昔楚殺得臣然後文公喜可知  也天下未定而戮智計之士豈不惜乎亮流涕曰孫武所以  能制勝於天下者用法明也是以楊干亂法魏絳戮其僕四  海分裂兵交方始若復廢法何用討賊耶 陳震字孝起南陽人也建興七年孫權稱尊號以震爲衞尉賀 權踐阼諸葛亮與兄瑾書曰孝起忠純之性老而益篤及其贊 述東西歡樂和合有可貴者震到武昌孫權與震升壇㰱盟交 分天下以徐豫幽青屬吳并凉冀兖屬蜀其司州之土以函谷 關爲界震還封城陽亭侯九年都護李平坐誣罔廢諸葛亮與 長史蔣琬侍中董允書曰孝起前臨至吳爲吾說正方腹中有 鱗甲鄕黨以爲不可近吾以爲鱗甲者但不當犯之耳不圖復 有蘇張之事出於不意可使孝起知之十三年震卒子濟嗣 董允字休昭掌軍中郞將和之子也先主立太子允以選爲舍 人徙洗馬後主襲位遷黃門侍郞丞相亮將北征住漢中慮後 主富於春秋朱紫難别以允秉心公亮欲任以宫省之事上疏 曰侍中郭攸之費褘侍郞董允等先帝簡拔以遺陛下至於斟 酌規益進盡忠言則其任也愚以爲宫中之事事無大小悉以
Interpretation

This passage documents the interactions between Zhuge Liang, the chancellor of Shu Han during the Three Kingdoms period, with several key figures, along with his governance philosophy.

Regarding Ma Su's execution after losing Jieting, Zhuge Liang adhered to the principle of "strict law enforcement." He explained to Jiang Wan: "In ancient times, Sun Wu achieved victory precisely because of rigorous legal implementation. Just as Wei Jiang executed Yang Gan for disrupting military discipline during the Spring and Autumn period, now that the realm is divided and warfare persists, how can we suppress rebels without upholding the law?" Though a hundred thousand soldiers wept for Ma Su, Zhuge Liang personally conducted memorial rites and cared for the deceased's orphaned children.

Chen Zhen (styled Xiaogi), a native of Nanyang, served as envoy to congratulate Sun Quan's imperial proclamation in 229 AD (7th year of Jianxing era). In correspondence with his elder brother Zhuge Jin, Zhuge Liang praised Chen Zhen as loyal, sincere, and growing more steadfast with age. At Wuchang, Chen Zhen formed an alliance with Sun Quan to divide the empire: Xu, Yu, You, and Qing provinces to Wu; Bing, Liang, Ji, and Yan provinces to Shu; with Si Province demarcated by Hangu Pass. Later, when Zhuge Liang discovered Li Ping's (styled Zhengfang) treacherous intentions, he specifically informed Chen Zhen.

Dong Yun (styled Xiuzhao), son of Dong He, was appointed to the crown prince's staff when Liu Bei designated Liu Shan as heir. Before the Northern Expeditions, concerned about the young ruler's inability to distinguish loyal from treacherous ministers, Zhuge Liang submitted a memorial recommending Dong Yun and others. He praised their impartiality and forthright counsel, advising that all palace affairs—great and small—be referred to them. This reflects Zhuge Liang's governance approach that balanced legal rigor with selecting virtuous, upright officials.

咨之必能裨補闕漏有所廣益若無興德之言則戮允等以彰 其慢亮尋請褘爲參軍允遷爲侍中領虎賁中郞將統宿衞親 兵攸之性素和順備員而已  楚國先賢傳曰攸之南陽人以器業知名於時 獻納之任允皆專之矣允處事爲防制甚盡匡救之理後主常 欲采擇以充後宫允以爲古者天子后𡚱之數不過十二今嬪 嬙已具不宜增益終執不聽後主益嚴憚之允嘗與尙書令費 褘中典軍胡濟等共期游宴嚴駕已辦而郞中襄陽董恢詣允 修敬恢年少官微見允停出逡巡求去允不許曰本所以出者 欲與同好游談也今君已自屈方展闊積舍此之談就彼之宴 非所謂也乃命解驂褘等罷駕不行其守正下士凡此類也  襄陽記曰董恢字休緒襄陽人入蜀以宣信中郞副費褘使  吳孫權嘗大醉問褘曰楊儀魏延牧𥪡小人也雖嘗有鳴吠  之益於時務然旣已任之勢不得輕若一朝無諸葛亮必爲  禍亂矣諸君憒憒曾不知防慮於此豈所謂貽厥孫謀乎褘  愕然四顧視不能卽答恢目褘曰可速言儀延之不協起於  私忿耳而無黥韓難御之心也今方掃除彊賊混一區夏功  以才成業由才廣若捨此不任防其後患是猶備有風波而  逆廢舟楫非長計也權大笑樂諸葛亮聞之以爲知言還未  滿三日辟爲丞相府屬遷巴郡太守臣松之案漢晉春秋亦
Interpretation

This passage recounts the deeds of Dong Yun and Fei Yi, officials of the Shu Han state during the Three Kingdoms period.

Dong Yun was an upright man who served as Palace Attendant (Shizhong), responsible for remonstrating with the emperor. He acted with perfect propriety and excelled at correcting faults. Once when Liu Shan wanted to expand his harem, Dong Yun cited ancient regulations to dissuade him, arguing that an emperor should have no more than twelve consorts. Though Liu Shan was displeased, he secretly held Dong Yun in awe.

There's a story that Dong Yun had prepared carriages for an outing with Fei Yi and others when the young official Dong Hui came to visit. Seeing they were about to depart, Dong Hui tried to excuse himself. Dong Yun insisted he stay, saying: "The purpose of our outing was to enjoy conversation with like-minded friends. Now that you're here, why would we abandon the present company to seek distant pleasures?" They canceled the trip, demonstrating Dong Yun's character of honoring worthy guests.

The text also records Dong Hui's diplomatic mission to Eastern Wu. During a banquet, Sun Quan deliberately challenged Fei Yi by asking whether Yang Yi and Wei Yan would rebel if Zhuge Liang died. When Fei Yi hesitated, Dong Hui cleverly intervened: "Though Yang and Wei have personal grievances, they harbor no rebellious intent. In these times when talent is needed, discarding capable men over suspicions would be like abandoning ships for fear of waves—no strategy for the long term." Sun Quan laughed heartily upon hearing this, and Zhuge Liang later praised Dong Hui and promptly promoted him to Attendant Officer in the Chancellor's Office.

(Note: "Palace Attendant" (Shizhong) was a close imperial advisor; "Leader of the Palace Guard" (Huben Zhonglangjiang) commanded the imperial guards; "Diplomatic Attendant" (Xuanxin Zhonglang) handled foreign relations; "Chancellor's Attendant Officer" (Chengxiangfu Shu) served in the chancellor's administrative office)

 載此語不云董恢所教辭亦小異此二書俱出習氏而不同  若此本傳云恢年少官微若已爲丞相府屬出作巴郡則官  不微矣以此疑習氏之言爲不審的也 吕乂字季陽南陽人也遷巴西太守丞相諸葛亮連年出軍調 發諸郡多不相救乂募取兵五千人詣亮慰喻檢制無逃竄者 徙爲漢中太守兼領督農供繼軍糧亮卒累遷廣漢蜀郡太守 蜀郡一都之會戸口眾多又亮卒之後士伍亡命更相重冒姦 巧非一乂到官爲之防禁開喻勸導數年之中漏脫自出者萬 餘口後入爲尙書代董允爲尙書令眾事無留門無停賔 彭羕字永年廣漢人身長八尺容貌甚偉姿性驕傲多所輕忽 羕仕州不過書佐後又爲眾人所謗毁於州牧劉璋璋髠鉗羕 爲徒隸會先主入蜀泝流北行羕欲納說先主乃往見龎統統 與羕非故人又適有賓客羕徑上統牀卧謂統曰須客罷當與 卿善談統客旣罷往就羕坐羕又先責統食然後共語因留信 宿至于經日統大善之而法正宿自知羕遂竝致之先主先主 亦以爲竒數令羕宣傳軍事指授諸將奉使稱意識遇日加成 都旣定先主領益州牧拔羕爲治中從事羕起徒步一朝處州 人之上形色囂然自矜得遇滋甚諸葛亮雖外接待羕而内不 能善屢密言先主羕心大志廣難可保安先主旣敬信亮加察
Interpretation

This account differs somewhat from Dong Hui's teachings. Both records originate from Xi's (Xi Zuochi) works, yet their contents are inconsistent. According to the main biography, Dong Hui held minor official positions in his youth. However, if he had already served as an official in the prime minister's office and was later appointed to govern Ba Commandery, his rank couldn't have been low. Therefore, Xi's account appears unreliable.

Lü Yi (styled Jiyang), a native of Nanyang, was promoted to Governor of Baxi during Zhuge Liang's consecutive military campaigns, which required troop reinforcements from various commanderies—though many refused to comply. Lü Yi proactively recruited five thousand soldiers for Zhuge Liang's army, maintaining discipline through both leniency and strictness to prevent desertions. Later, as Governor of Hanzhong, he concurrently served as Agricultural Supervisor, responsible for military provisions. After Zhuge Liang's death, he governed Guanghan and Shu Commanderies successively. Shu Commandery, being a major metropolis with a large population, saw rampant desertions and impersonations following Zhuge Liang's demise. Upon assuming office, Lü Yi strengthened oversight while patiently counseling the people. Within a few years, over ten thousand desertions were voluntarily reported. He eventually joined the imperial court as a Secretary, succeeding Dong Yun as Chief Secretary, where he handled affairs efficiently—visitors never had to wait long.

Peng Yang (styled Yongnian), a towering figure from Guanghan standing eight chi tall (approx. 1.85m), possessed striking looks but an arrogant disposition. Under Liu Zhang's governorship of Yi Province, he only attained the minor post of scribe before being slandered and punished with head-shaving and cangue-wearing, reduced to hard labor. When Liu Bei entered Shu, Peng Yang sought to join him and visited Pang Tong. Finding Pang Tong hosting guests, Peng Yang lay directly on his host's bed, declaring: "We'll talk after your guests leave." When the guests departed, Peng Yang first demanded food and wine before conversing with Pang Tong throughout the night. Both Pang Tong and Fa Zheng admired him and recommended him to Liu Bei, who also recognized his extraordinary talent. Peng Yang was frequently entrusted with delivering military orders and instructing generals—tasks he accomplished flawlessly, gaining increasing trust.

After conquering Chengdu, Liu Bei appointed Peng Yang—a commoner—as Chief Clerk of Yi Province through extraordinary promotion. This sudden elevation above his peers inflated Peng Yang's arrogance. Though Zhuge Liang treated him courteously outwardly, he privately warned Liu Bei multiple times: "Peng Yang's vaulting ambition may breed disaster." While Liu Bei respected Zhuge Liang's judgment, after personal observation...

羕行事意以稍疎左遷羕爲江陽太守羕聞當遠出私情不悅 往詣馬超超問羕曰卿才具秀拔主公相待至重謂卿當與孔 明孝直諸人齊足竝驅甯當外授小郡失人本望乎羕曰老革 荒悖可復道耶  楊雄方言曰滅鰓乾都耆革老也郭璞注曰革老者皮色枯  瘁之形也 臣松之以爲皮去毛曰革古者以革爲兵故語  稱兵革革猶兵也羕罵備爲老革猶言老兵也 又謂超曰卿爲其外我爲其内天下不足定也超羈旅歸國常 懷危懼聞羕言大驚默然不答羕退具表羕辭於是收羕付有 司羕於獄中與諸葛亮書曰僕昔有事於諸侯以爲曹操暴虐 孫權無道振威闇弱其惟主公有霸王之器可與興業致治故 乃翻然有輕舉之志會公來西僕因法孝直自衒鬻龎統斟酌 其間遂得詣公於葭萌指掌而談論治世之務講霸王之義建 取益州之䇿公亦宿慮明定卽相然贊遂舉事焉僕於故州不 免凡庸憂於罪罔得遭風雲激矢之中求君得君志行名顯從 布衣之中擢爲國士盗竊茂才分子之厚誰復過此  臣松之以爲分子之厚者羕言劉主分兒子厚恩施之於已  故其書後語云負我慈父罪有百死也 羕一朝狂悖自求苴醢爲不忠不義之鬼乎先民有言左手據 天下之圖右手刎咽喉愚夫不爲也况僕頗别菽麥者哉所以
Interpretation

This passage recounts the story of Peng Yang (courtesy name Yongnian), a Shu Han official during the Three Kingdoms period, who met his demise after inappropriate conduct following his demotion. After being reassigned as the governor of Jiangyang, Peng Yang harbored resentment and privately spoke treasonous words to Ma Chao, ultimately leading to his execution.

When Peng Yang learned of his transfer to a remote region, he was deeply displeased. He went to Ma Chao to vent his frustrations. Ma Chao asked him, "You are a man of great talent, and our lord (Liu Bei) has always held you in high regard, saying you should stand shoulder-to-shoulder with Zhuge Liang and Fa Zheng (courtesy name Xiaozhi). Why would he suddenly send you to a minor commandery? Doesn’t this betray everyone’s expectations?" Peng Yang angrily replied, "That old soldier has lost his wits—what more is there to say?" (Note: The term "old soldier" (老革) is an insult; "革" refers to leather, which was used to make armor in ancient times, so "老革" essentially means "veteran grunt," a slur against Liu Bei.)

Peng Yang then said to Ma Chao, "With you leading the armies abroad and me assisting from within, pacifying the realm would be as easy as turning over one’s hand." Ma Chao, a recent defector who had just submitted to Liu Bei, was shocked by these words and dared not respond. Later, he reported Peng Yang’s statements to Liu Bei.

While imprisoned, Peng Yang wrote a letter to Zhuge Liang defending himself. In it, he stated: "When I first observed the various warlords, I saw Cao Cao’s cruelty, Sun Quan’s tyranny, and Liu Zhang’s (General Zhenwei) incompetence. Only our lord possessed the talent to dominate the realm, which is why I pledged my loyalty. Through the introductions of Fa Zheng and Pang Tong, I met our lord at Jianmeng Pass, where we discussed strategies for governing and I proposed the plan to seize Yi Province, which he accepted. As an ordinary man, I was exceptionally promoted—such favor is unmatched in all the land!"

In the end, Peng Yang wrote remorsefully: "In a moment of arrogance, I brought about my own destruction and became a disloyal, unrighteous ghost. The ancients said that even a fool wouldn’t hold a map of the world in his left hand while slitting his own throat with his right—how much more should this apply to someone not entirely foolish like me?"

(Note: The phrase "分子之厚" refers to Liu Bei treating Peng Yang as kindly as a father would a son, which is why Peng Yang, in his letter, refers to himself as having betrayed a "kind father" and deserving of death. Nevertheless, he was ultimately executed.)

有怨望意者不自度量苟以爲首興事業而有投江陽之論不 解主公之意意卒感激頗以被酒侻失老語此僕之下愚薄慮 所致主公實未老也且夫立業豈在老少西伯九十甯有衰意 負我慈父罪有百死至於内外之言欲使孟起立功北州戮力 主公共討曹操耳甯敢有他志邪孟起說之是也但不分别其 間痛人心耳昔每與龎統共相誓約庶託足下末蹤盡心於主 公之業追名古人載勳竹帛統不幸而死僕敗以取禍自我致 之將復誰怨足下當世伊吕也宜善與主公計事濟其大猷天 明地察神祇有靈復何言哉貴使足下明僕本心耳行矣努力 自愛自愛羕竟誅死 廖立字公淵武陵臨沅人先主領荆州牧辟爲從事年未三十 擢爲長沙太守先主入蜀諸葛亮鎭荆土孫權遣使通好於亮 因問士人皆誰相經緯者亮答曰龐統廖立楚之良材當贊興 世業者也建安二十年權遣吕䝉奄襲南三郡立脫身走自歸 先主先主素識待之不深責也以爲巴郡太守二十四年先主 爲漢中王徵立爲侍中後主襲位徙長水校尉立本意自謂才 名宜爲諸葛之貳而更㳺散在李嚴等下常懷怏怏後丞相椽 李郃蔣琬至立計曰軍當遠出𡖖諸人好諦其事昔先主不取 漢中走與吳人爭南三郡卒以三郡與吳人徒勞役吏士無益 而還旣亡漢中使夏侯淵張郃深入于巴幾喪一州後至漢中
Interpretation

This passage recounts the story of Liao Li, an official of Shu Han during the Three Kingdoms period. The gist is as follows:

Some people harbor discontent yet overestimate themselves, rashly proposing to defect to Jiangyang (modern-day Luzhou, Sichuan), completely misunderstanding our lord (Liu Bei)'s intentions. Later, after drunkenly misspeaking—uttering words like "our lord is growing old"—this was entirely due to my own foolish shortsightedness. In truth, our lord is not old; when it comes to achieving great deeds, what does age matter? King Wen of Zhou showed no signs of decline even at ninety.

I have betrayed the fatherly kindness shown to me and deserve death ten thousand times over. As for those rumors circulating both within and without, my original intent was simply for Ma Chao (styled Mengqi) to distinguish himself in the north, joining our lord in the campaign against Cao Cao. How could I have dared to entertain other thoughts? Ma Chao spoke rightly, though his words were unduly harsh.

In the past, I often made vows with Pang Tong, hoping to follow in your footsteps and devote myself to assisting our lord in establishing his legacy, ensuring our names would endure in history. Alas, Pang Tong died young, while I brought calamity upon myself through my own faults—I have only myself to blame. You (Zhuge Liang) are the Yi Yin and Lü Shang (renowned ancient statesmen) of our age and should focus on helping our lord fulfill his grand mission. The celestial deities and earthly spirits see all clearly, so I will say no more. I only hope you understand my true heart. Take care! In the end, Liao Li was still executed.

The passage adds biographical details about Liao Li: he was from Lin Yuan in Wuling and was recruited as an assistant when Liu Bei governed Jing Province. Before turning thirty, he was promoted to Grand Administrator of Changsha. After Liu Bei entered Shu, while Zhuge Liang was defending Jing Province, Sun Quan once sent an envoy inquiring about local talents. Zhuge Liang praised Pang Tong and Liao Li as outstanding talents of Chu. In the 20th year of Jian'an (215 AD), when Lü Meng launched a surprise attack on the three commanderies of Jing Province, Liao Li escaped and fled back to Liu Bei. Liu Bei, valuing past ties, did not punish him severely and appointed him as Grand Administrator of Ba Commandery. After Liu Bei declared himself King of Hanzhong, Liao Li was recalled to serve as Palace Attendant. When Liu Shan succeeded to the throne, he was transferred to the post of Colonel of Changshui.

Liao Li considered his talent and reputation second only to Zhuge Liang's, yet he was placed beneath Li Yan and others, which left him perpetually discontent. Later, he complained to Li He and Jiang Wan, subordinates of the chancellor, saying: "Back then, our late ruler failed to seize Hanzhong but instead contended with Wu over the three southern commanderies, ultimately losing them to Wu—all that effort wasted. After losing Hanzhong, he allowed Xiahou Yuan and Zhang He to penetrate deep into Ba, nearly costing us Yi Province, and only then did we finally take Hanzhong." These words revealed his resentment.

使關侯身死無孑遺 上庸覆敗徒失一方是羽怙恃勇名作軍 無法直以意突耳故前後數喪師眾也如向朗文恭凡俗之人 耳恭作治中無綱紀朗昔奉馬良兄弟謂爲聖人今作長史素 能合道中郞郭演長從人者耳不足與經大事而作侍中今弱 世也欲任此三人爲不然也王連流俗苟作掊克使百姓疲弊 以致今日郃琬具白其言於諸葛亮亮表立曰長水校尉廖立 坐自貴大臧否羣士公言國家不任賢達而任俗吏又言萬人 率者皆小子也誹謗先帝疵毁眾臣人有言國家兵眾簡練部 伍分明者立舉頭視屋憤咤作色曰何足言凡如是者不可勝 數羊之亂羣猶能爲害况立託在大位中人以下識眞僞邪  亮集有亮表曰立奉先帝無忠孝之心守長沙則開門就敵  領巴郡則有闇昧闟葺其事隨大將軍則誹謗譏訶侍梓宫  則挾刃斷人頭於梓宫之側陛下卽位之後普增職號立隨  比爲將軍面語臣曰我何宜在諸將軍中不表我爲卿上當  在五校臣答將軍者隨大比耳至於𡖖者正方亦未爲卿也  且宜處五校自是之後怏怏懷恨詔曰三苗亂政有虞流宥  廖立狂惑朕不忍刑亟徙不毛之地 於是廢立爲民徙汶山郡立躬率妻子耕殖自守聞諸葛亮卒 垂泣歎曰吾終爲左袵矣後監軍姜維率偏軍經汶山詣立稱 立意氣不衰言論自若立遂終於徙所妻子還蜀
Interpretation

This account tells the story of Liao Li, an official of Shu Han during the Three Kingdoms period. Originally holding the high-ranking position of Colonel of Changshui, Liao Li was demoted due to his arrogance and slanderous remarks about court affairs.

Liao Li's fundamental flaw lay in his inflated self-importance—he looked down on colleagues and openly criticized the court's personnel decisions, claiming mediocre individuals were being appointed. He even disparaged the late Emperor Liu Bei and senior ministers without restraint. Most egregiously, when someone praised the Shu army's excellent training, he merely glanced at the ceiling with contempt, scoffing "What's there to say about this?" In his memorial, Zhuge Liang detailed Liao Li's misconduct: disloyalty during Liu Bei's reign, surrendering Changsha by opening city gates, poor governance as Ba Commandery's governor, slandering generals during campaigns, and even wielding a sword near Liu Bei's coffin.

Zhuge Liang warned Liu Shan that Liao Li was like "a black sheep among the flock," especially dangerous given his high position. Ultimately, Liu Shan's edict compared Liao Li to the ancient troublemaker Sanmiao. Showing mercy by not executing him, the court exiled Liao Li to remote Wenshan Commandery—a barren frontier land.

Stripped of rank, Liao Li farmed in Wenshan with his family. Upon hearing of Zhuge Liang's death, he wept and lamented: "Now I'm doomed to remain among barbarians." When Jiang Wei's army later passed through Wenshan, they found Liao Li's demeanor unchanged despite exile—his speech retained its former character. He died in banishment, though his family eventually returned to Shu.

This episode illustrates Shu Han's strict stance against arrogance and political slander, reflecting Zhuge Liang's determination to reform official conduct. Though talented, Liao Li's moral failings destroyed his career, making him a historical cautionary tale.

李嚴字正方南陽人也章武二年先主徵嚴詣永安宫拜尙書 令三年先主疾病嚴與諸葛亮竝受遺詔輔少主以嚴爲中都 護統内外軍事留鎭永安建興元年封都鄉侯假節加光祿勳 四年轉爲前將軍以諸葛亮欲出軍漢中嚴當知後事移屯江 州留護軍陳到駐永安皆統屬嚴嚴與孟達書曰吾與孔明俱 受寄託憂深責重思得良伴亮亦與達書曰部分如流趣捨罔 滯正方性也其見貴重如此  諸葛亮集有嚴與亮書勸亮宜受九錫進爵稱王亮答書曰  吾與足下相知久矣可不復相解足下方誨以光國戒之以  勿拘之道是以未得默已吾本東方下士誤用於先帝位極  人臣祿賜百億今討賊未效知已未答而方寵齊晉坐自貴  大非其義也若滅魏斬叡帝還故居與諸子竝升雖十命可  受况於九耶 八年遷驃騎將軍以曹眞欲三道向漢川亮命李嚴將二萬人 赴漢中亮表嚴子豐爲江州都督督軍典嚴後事亮以明年當 出軍命嚴以中都護署府事嚴改名爲平九年春亮軍祁山平 催督運事秋夏之際値天霖雨運糧不繼平遣參軍狐忠督軍 成藩喻指呼亮來還亮承以退軍平聞軍退乃更陽驚說軍糧 饒足何以便歸欲以解已不辦之責顯亮不進之愆也又表後 主說軍僞退欲以誘賊與戰亮具出其前後手筆書疏本末平
Interpretation

Li Yan, whose courtesy name was Zhengfang, was a native of Nanyang. In the second year of Zhangwu (222 AD), Liu Bei summoned Li Yan to Yong'an Palace and appointed him as Imperial Secretary. The following year (223 AD), when Liu Bei fell gravely ill, Li Yan and Zhuge Liang jointly received the imperial edict to assist the young ruler Liu Shan. Li Yan was appointed Central Protector (a crucial military position overseeing both internal and external affairs) and stationed at Yong'an for defense. In the first year of Jianxing (223 AD), Liu Shan enfeoffed Li Yan as Marquis of Duxiang, granted him the imperial tally (a symbol of royal authority), and further honored him as Minister of the Imperial Household. By the fourth year of Jianxing (226 AD), Li Yan was transferred to the position of Front General. When Zhuge Liang prepared to march troops to Hanzhong, he assigned Li Yan to manage rear operations from Jiangzhou while leaving General Chen Dao to guard Yong'an—all these forces remained under Li Yan's command.

Li Yan once wrote to Meng Da: "Having shared the heavy responsibility of entrustment with Kongming (Zhuge Liang), I deeply feel the weight of our duty and long for capable partners." Zhuge Liang also praised Li Yan in a letter to Meng Da: "He handles affairs with the fluidity of floating clouds and flowing water, making decisive judgments without hesitation—such is Zhengfang's character." This demonstrates Li Yan's considerable stature at the time.

The Collected Works of Zhuge Liang records Li Yan urging Zhuge Liang to accept the Nine Bestowments (ancient ceremonial regalia symbolizing supreme honor) and claim the title of king. Zhuge Liang responded: "Our mutual understanding needs no elaboration. While you encourage glorifying our state and advise against rigid conventions, I—originally an ordinary scholar from the east—was exceptionally entrusted by the late Emperor, now holding the highest ministerial position with abundant emoluments. With our campaign against Cao Wei still unfinished and the late Emperor's kindness unrequited, presuming the royal pretensions of Duke Huan of Qi or Duke Wen of Jin would be unrighteous. Only after destroying Wei, executing Cao Rui (Emperor Ming of Wei), and restoring the Han Emperor could such honors—let alone nine, even ten bestowments—be considered."

In the eighth year of Jianxing (230 AD), Li Yan was promoted to General of Agile Cavalry. When Wei general Cao Zhen planned a three-pronged attack on Hanchuan, Zhuge Liang ordered Li Yan to lead twenty thousand troops to reinforce Hanzhong. Zhuge Liang memorialized to appoint Li Yan's son Li Feng as Jiangzhou Commander to assume his father's military duties. Preparing for next year's campaign, Zhuge Liang had Li Yan act as Chancellor's proxy under his Central Protector role—during which Li Yan changed his name to Li Ping.

In spring of the ninth year of Jianxing (231 AD), Zhuge Liang marched to Qishan while Li Ping supervised grain transportation. Continuous summer and autumn rains disrupted supplies. Li Ping dispatched aides Hu Zhong and Cheng Fan to recall Zhuge Liang's army. After the withdrawal, Li Ping feigned surprise, falsely claiming ample provisions and questioning the retreat to shift blame for logistical failures, while insinuating Zhuge Liang's error in halting the advance. He even memorialized Liu Shan alleging a tactical feigned retreat. Zhuge Liang publicly exposed the truth by presenting Li Ping's contradictory handwritten letters.

違錯章灼平辭窮情竭首謝罪負於是亮表平曰自先帝崩後 平所在治家尙爲小惠安身求名無憂國之事臣當北出欲得 平兵以鎭漢中平窮難縱横無有來意而求以五郡爲巴州剌 史去年臣欲西征欲令平主督漢中平說司馬懿等開府辟召 臣知平鄙情欲因行之際偪臣取利也是以表平子豐督主江 州隆崇其遇以取一時之務平至之日都委諸事羣臣上下皆 怪臣待平之厚也正以大事未定漢室傾危伐平之短莫若褒 之然謂平情在於榮利而已不意平心顚倒乃爾若事稽留將 致禍敗是臣不敏言多增咎  亮公文上尙書曰平爲大臣受恩過量不思忠報橫造無端  危恥不辦迷罔上下論獄棄科導人爲姦情狹志狂若無天  地自度姦露嫌心遂生聞軍臨至西嚮託疾還沮漳軍臨至  沮復還江陽平參軍狐忠勤諫乃止今簒賊未滅社稷多難  國事惟和可以克㨗不可包含以危大業輒與行中軍師車  騎將軍都鄉侯臣劉琰使持節前軍師征西大將軍領凉州  剌史南鄭候臣魏延前將軍都亭侯臣袁綝左將軍領荆州  剌史高陽鄉侯臣吳壹督前部右將軍玄鄉侯臣高翔督後  部後將軍安樂亭侯臣吳班領長史綏軍將軍臣楊儀督左  部行中監軍揚武將軍臣鄧芝行前監軍征南將軍臣劉巴  行中護軍偏將軍臣費褘行前護軍偏將軍漢成亭侯臣許
Interpretation

This document was an official memorial written by Zhuge Liang (courtesy name Kongming, posthumous title Marquis Zhongwu) to the imperial court, exposing the various transgressions of Li Ping (originally named Li Yan). The main points are as follows:

Since the passing of the late Emperor Liu Bei, Li Ping has focused solely on building his own power base, currying favor with petty acts of generosity to win people's hearts while pursuing personal fame, showing no concern for state affairs. When I (Zhuge Liang) needed him to dispatch troops to defend Hanzhong during the Northern Expeditions, he made endless excuses and instead demanded the establishment of a new Ba Province comprising five commanderies with himself as governor. Last year when I prepared for the western campaign, he secretly contacted Sima Yi and others, attempting to exploit my absence for personal gain.

I was well aware of Li Ping's reputation for greed and ambition, but considering the nation's precarious situation, I believed it better to maintain unity by treating him generously rather than exposing his faults. Yet he grew increasingly audacious—during critical military operations, he feigned illness, first retreating to Ju County, then fleeing to Jiangyang, only stopping after intervention by Army Advisor Hu Zhong. With Wei still unconquered and our state facing multiple crises, such behavior that endangers our grand enterprise must be dealt with severely.

For this purpose, I have jointly submitted this memorial with twelve senior commanders: Liu Yan, Wei Yan, Yuan Lin, Wu Yi, Gao Xiang, Wu Ban, Yang Yi, Deng Zhi, Liu Ba, Fei Yi, and Xu Yun. These signatories include leaders of the vanguard, rearguard, left and right divisions, as well as supervisors and protectors of the army—demonstrating this represents the collective opinion of the entire Northern Expedition forces.

The phrases used carry specific meanings: "establishing private offices and recruiting staff" (kaifu bizhao) refers to unauthorized creation of administrative bureaus; "leading others into wickedness" (daoren wei jian) indicates inciting misconduct; and "harboring rebellious intentions" (xianxin sui sheng) describes his developing treasonous mindset. Through concrete examples, Zhuge Liang demonstrates how Li Ping's actions have gravely endangered the Shu Han regime.

 允行左護軍篤信中郞將臣丁咸行右護軍偏將軍臣劉敏  行護軍征南將軍當陽亭侯臣姜維行中典軍討㓂將軍臣  上官雝行中參軍昭武中郞將臣胡濟行參軍建義將軍臣  𨶒宴行參軍偏將軍臣爨習行參軍裨將軍臣杜義行參軍  武畧中郞將臣杜祺行參軍綏戎都尉臣盛勃領從事中郞  武畧中郞將臣樊岐等議輒解平任免官祿節傳印綬符䇿  削其爵土 乃廢平爲民徙梓潼郡  諸葛集又與平子豐教曰吾與君父子戮力以奬漢室此神  明所聞非但人知之也表都護典漢中委君於東關者不與  人議也謂至心感動終始可保何圖中乖乎昔楚卿屢絀亦  乃克復思道則福應自然之數也願寛慰都護勤追前闕今  雖解任形業失故奴婢賓客百數十人君以中郞參軍居府  方之氣類猶爲上家若都護思負一意君與公琰推心從事  者否可復通逝可復還也詳思斯戒明吾用心臨書長歎涕  泣而巳 十二年平聞亮卒發病死平嘗冀亮當自補復䇿後人不能故 以激憤也 馬忠字德信巴西閬中人也建興元年丞相亮開府以忠爲門 下督三年亮入南拜忠牂牁太守郡丞朱褒反叛亂之後忠撫 育䘏理甚有威惠八年召爲丞相參軍副長史蔣琬署留府事 明年亮出祁山忠詣亮所經營戎事軍還督將軍張嶷等討汶
Interpretation

This passage records historical facts regarding Shu Han chancellor Zhuge Liang's handling of the Li Ping (also known as Li Yan) incident and the official appointments of Ma Zhong during the Three Kingdoms period.

Regarding Li Ping's demotion: After deliberation among Shu Han officials (including Ding Xian, Liu Min, Jiang Wei, Shangguan Yong, Hu Ji, Yan Yan, Cuan Xi, Du Yi, Du Qi, Sheng Bo, and Fan Qi), it was decided to remove Li Ping from his position, revoke his noble titles and stipends, confiscate his official seals and insignia, withdraw his fiefdom, and exile him to Zitong Commandery as a commoner.

Zhuge Liang later wrote a letter to Li Ping's son Li Feng, the gist being: "Our families once worked together to uphold the Han dynasty, witnessed by the gods. When I initially appointed Li Ping to guard the strategic eastern pass, I never harbored doubts. I believed this trust would endure, yet unexpected changes occurred. Historically, Chu state ministers were repeatedly demoted before reinstatement. I hope you can console your father and urge sincere reform. Though now dismissed, your household still retains over a hundred servants and guests, and you serve as Central Army Adjutant—still maintaining elite status. Should Li Ping truly repent and collaborate sincerely with Jiang Wan (styled Gongyan), reinstatement remains possible." While writing, Zhuge Liang reportedly sighed and wept.

In the 12th year of Jianxing era (234 CE), upon hearing of Zhuge Liang's death, Li Ping died from an outburst of illness-induced rage. He had persistently hoped for Zhuge Liang's rehabilitation, but subsequent leadership failed to fulfill this expectation, plunging him into grief and indignation.

Regarding Ma Zhong: Styled Dexin, this native of Langzhong in Baxi was appointed Gatekeeper-General when Zhuge Liang established his chancellor's office in 223 CE. During the 225 southern campaign, Zhuge Liang assigned him as Zangke Governor, where he effectively governed after suppressing rebellion by Assistant Prefect Zhu Bao, earning popular support. Recalled in 230 as Army Advisor to assist Chief Clerk Jiang Wan in chancellery affairs, he joined Zhuge Liang's Qishan campaign the following year for military planning. Later, he led General Zhang Ni and others to quell Wenshan rebellions upon the army's return.

山郡叛羌十一年南宦豪帥劉胄反擾亂諸郡徵庲降都督張 翼還以忠代翼忠遂斬胄平南士加忠監軍奮威將軍封博陽 亭侯忠爲人寛濟有度量詼調大笑忿怒不形於色然處事能 斷威恩竝立是以蠻宦畏而愛之及卒莫不自致喪庭流涕盡 哀爲之立廟祀 劉琰字威碩魯國人也有風流善談論後主立封都鄉侯班位 每亞李嚴爲衞尉中軍師後將軍遷車騎將軍然不豫國政但 領兵千餘隨丞相亮諷議而已車服飲食號爲侈靡侍婢數十 皆能爲聲樂又悉教誦讀魯靈光殿賦建興十年與前軍師魏 延不和言語虛誕亮責讓之琰與亮箋謝曰琰禀性空虛本薄 操行加有酒荒之病自先帝以來紛紜之論殆將傾覆頗䝉明 公本其一心在國原其身中穢垢扶持全濟致其祿位以至今 日間者迷醉言有違錯慈恩含忍不致之於理使得全完保育 性命雖必克已責躬改過投死以誓神靈無所用命則靡寄顔 於是亮遣琰還成都官位如故 魏延字文長義陽人也建興元年封都亭侯五年諸葛亮駐漢 中更以延爲督前部領丞相司馬凉州剌史八年使延西入羌 中魏後將軍費瑶雍州剌史郭淮與延戰於陽谿延大破淮等 遷爲前軍師征西大將軍假節進封南鄭侯延每隨亮出輒欲 請兵萬人與亮異道會于潼關如韓信故事亮制而不許延常 謂亮爲怯歎恨已才用之不盡
Interpretation

This passage records the deeds of several important generals from the Shu Han kingdom during the Three Kingdoms period.

First was Zhang Zhong (courtesy name unknown), who succeeded Zhang Yi in pacifying southern rebellions and executed rebel leader Liu Zhou, earning him the title of Marquis of Boyangting. Known for his magnanimity and decisiveness, he skillfully balanced kindness with authority, earning both respect and affection from southern minority tribes. Upon his death, tribal chieftains spontaneously came to mourn him and established ancestral shrines in his honor.

Next was Liu Yan (courtesy name Weishuo), a native of Shandong's Lu State, an eloquent speaker enfeoffed as Marquis of Duxiang. Living extravagantly, he maintained dozens of maids skilled in music and dance, even teaching them to recite the "Rhapsody on the Lingguang Palace of Lu." In the 10th year of Jianxing (232 CE), after clashing with Wei Yan and making improper remarks, he was reprimanded by Zhuge Liang. In his written apology, Liu Yan admitted his naturally impulsive nature and alcohol indulgence while expressing gratitude for Zhuge Liang's consistent tolerance. Ultimately, Zhuge Liang allowed him to retain his position and return to Chengdu.

Lastly, Wei Yan (courtesy name Wenchang), from Yiyang in Henan, was made Marquis of Duting in the 1st year of Jianxing (223 CE). During Zhuge Liang's northern expeditions, as Front Army Commander, he achieved a major victory against Wei general Guo Huai at the Battle of Yangxi, subsequently promoted to General Who Conquers the West and Marquis of Nanzheng. Frequently proposing divided-force tactics inspired by Han Xin's strategies, his suggestions were consistently rejected by Zhuge Liang as too risky. Wei Yan often complained about Zhuge Liang's excessive caution, lamenting his talents being underutilized.

Through these specific cases, the text reveals the three generals' distinct personalities: Zhang Zhong's magnanimous decisiveness, Liu Yan's flamboyant eloquence, and Wei Yan's bold arrogance. It simultaneously reflects Zhuge Liang's approach to personnel management—harnessing his commanders' strengths while carefully mitigating risks.

 魏畧曰夏侯楙爲安西將軍鎭長安亮於南鄭與羣下計議  延曰聞夏侯楙少主壻也怯而無謀今假延精兵五千負糧  五千直從褒中出循秦嶺而東當子午而北不過十日可到  長安楙聞延奄至必乘船逃走長安中惟有御史京兆太守  耳橫門邸閣與散民之穀足周食也比東方相合聚尙二十  許日而公從斜谷來必足以達如此則一舉而咸陽以西可  定矣亮以爲此縣危不如安從坦道可以平取隴右十全必  克而無虞故不用延計 延旣善養士卒勇猛過人又性矜高當時皆避下之唯楊儀不 假借延延以爲至忿有如水火十二年亮出北谷口延爲前鋒 出亮營十里延夢頭上生角以問占夢趙直直詐延曰夫麒麟 有角而不用此不戰而賊欲自破之象也退而告人曰角之爲 字刀下用也頭上用刀其凶甚矣秋亮病因密與長史楊儀司 馬費褘護軍姜維等作身殁之後退軍節度令延斷後姜維次 之若延或不從命軍便自發亮適卒秘不發喪儀令褘往揣延 意指延曰丞相雖亡吾自見在府親官屬便可將喪還葬吾自 當率諸軍擊賊云何以一人死廢天下之事耶且魏延何人當 爲楊儀所部勒作斷後將乎因與褘共作行留部分令褘手書 與已連名告下諸將褘紿延曰當爲君還解楊長史長史文吏 稀更軍事必不違命也褘出門馳馬而去延尋悔追之已不及
Interpretation

The Weilue records that when Xiahou Mao (Cao Cao's son-in-law) served as General of Pacifying the West guarding Chang'an, Zhuge Liang was discussing military affairs with his subordinates in Nanzheng. Wei Yan proposed: "I've heard Xiahou Mao is the son-in-law of Wei's young ruler—a timid man lacking strategic acumen. Grant me 5,000 elite troops and 5,000 supply carriers. Departing from Baozhong, we'll traverse the Qinling Mountains eastward before turning north through the Ziwu Valley. Within ten days we can reach Chang'an. Seeing our surprise attack, Xiahou Mao will surely flee by boat. Then Chang'an will be left only with civilian officials like the Censor and Capital Governor. Seizing the Hengmen granary stores will fully supply our army. By the time Wei reinforcements from the east assemble—requiring at least twenty days—you, Prime Minister, can march through the Xie Valley to support us. We'll then secure all territory west of Xianyang in one stroke."

Zhuge Liang deemed this plan too risky, preferring the secure approach of advancing through the open roads of Longyou where success was certain and retreat routes safeguarded. Thus he rejected Wei Yan's strategy. Though an exceptional commander renowned for valor, Wei Yan's arrogant and self-important nature made colleagues yield to him—except Yang Yi (Zhuge's Chief Clerk), with whom he clashed irreconcilably.

In the 12th year of Jianxing (234 AD), during Zhuge Liang's northern expedition through Beigukou, Wei Yan served as vanguard. Camped ten li from headquarters, he dreamed of horns growing from his head and consulted dream interpreter Zhao Zhi. Zhao deceitfully declared: "The qilin has horns but doesn't use them—an omen of victory without battle." Privately however, he confided: "The character for 'horn' (角) splits into 'knife' (刀) over 'use' (用)—a blade upon the head portends great calamity." That autumn, as Zhuge Liang fell gravely ill, he secretly convened Yang Yi, Fei Yi, and Jiang Wei to plan the army's withdrawal, assigning Wei Yan as rear guard with Jiang Wei as secondary, instructing them to retreat without Wei Yan if he disobeyed.

After Zhuge Liang's death, Yang Yi concealed the news and sent Fei Yi to probe Wei Yan. Enraged, Wei Yan retorted: "Though the Prime Minister has died, I remain with the army! We should escort his coffin home while continuing the campaign against Wei—how can one man's death halt our sacred cause? Should a man of my stature submit to Yang Yi's command as mere rear guard?" He demanded Fei Yi cosign orders to the generals. Fei Yi feigned agreement: "I'll persuade Chief Clerk Yang—a civilian unversed in warfare who'll surely comply," then galloped away. Wei Yan regretted not detaining him, but pursuit proved futile.

矣延遣人覘儀等遂使欲案亮成規諸營相次引軍還延大怒 乘儀未發率所領徑先南歸所過燒絕閣道延儀各相表叛逆 一日之中羽檄交至後主以問侍中董允留府長史蔣琬琬允 咸保儀疑延儀等槎山通道晝夜兼行亦繼延後延先至據南 谷口遣兵逆擊儀等儀等令何平在前禦延平叱延先登曰公 亡身尙未寒汝輩何敢乃爾延士眾知曲在延莫爲用命軍皆 㪚延獨與其子數人逃亡奔漢中儀遣馬岱追斬之  魏畧曰諸葛亮病謂延等云我之死後但謹自守愼勿復來  也令延攝行已事密持喪去延遂匿之行至褒口乃發喪亮  長史楊儀宿與延不和見延攝行軍事懼爲所害乃張言延  欲舉眾北附遂率其眾攻延延本無此心不戰軍走追而殺  之臣松之以爲此蓋敵國傳聞之言不得與本傳爭審 楊儀字威公襄陽人也建興三年丞相亮以爲參軍署府事將 南行五年隨亮漢中八年遷長史加綏軍將軍亮數出軍儀常 規畫分部籌度糧穀不稽思慮斯湏便了軍戎節度取辦於儀 亮深惜儀之才幹憑魏延之驍勇常恨二人之不平不忍有所 偏廢也十二年隨亮出屯谷口亮卒于敵場儀旣領軍還又誅 討延自以爲功勳至大宜當代亮秉政呼都尉趙正以周易筮 之卦得家人默然不悅而亮平生密指以儀性狷狹意在蔣琬
Interpretation

This passage records the power struggle between Wei Yan and Yang Yi following the death of Zhuge Liang, chancellor of Shu Han during the Three Kingdoms period. The events unfolded as follows:

On his deathbed, Zhuge Liang secretly instructed Wei Yan and others to maintain careful defense after his passing, avoid reckless actions, and temporarily entrusted military affairs to Wei Yan while arranging funeral matters discreetly. Wei Yan followed these orders, proceeding with the coffin to Baokou before publicly announcing the mourning. However, Yang Yi, the Chief Clerk (chancellor's secretary) who had long been at odds with Wei Yan, grew fearful of persecution upon seeing Wei Yan assume military authority. He spread rumors that Wei Yan intended to defect to Wei with his troops, using this pretext to attack Wei Yan's forces.

Wei Yan, who harbored no rebellious intentions, could only retreat when suddenly assaulted. Yang Yi dispatched Ma Dai in pursuit, ultimately killing Wei Yan and several of his sons. This account likely originated from Wei kingdom sources and differs from Shu Han's official records.

Yang Yi, styled Weigong, hailed from Xiangyang. In the third year of Jianxing (225 CE), Zhuge Liang appointed him as Army Advisor (military staff officer), promoting him five years later to Chief Clerk concurrently serving as Pacification General. During Zhuge Liang's northern expeditions, Yang Yi efficiently handled troop deployments and supply logistics, earning deep trust through his exceptional administrative abilities. Yet Zhuge Liang often lamented the conflict between Yang Yi and Wei Yan—while Yang Yi possessed outstanding talent and Wei Yan demonstrated unmatched battlefield prowess, both were rare assets to the state.

After Zhuge Liang's death at Wuzhang Plains in 234 CE (12th year of Jianxing), Yang Yi led the army back to Chengdu and eliminated Wei Yan. Believing he deserved to succeed Zhuge Liang as regent for his achievements, he even consulted the Zhouyi (Book of Changes) for divination, obtaining the "Family" hexagram (implying he should remain in his current position)—a result that left him deeply dissatisfied. In truth, Zhuge Liang had already recognized Yang Yi's narrow-mindedness during his lifetime and had designated Jiang Wan as his successor.

琬遂爲尙書令益州剌史儀至拜爲中軍師無所統領從容而 巳初儀爲先主尙書琬爲尙書郞後雖俱爲丞相參軍長史儀 每從行當其勞劇自惟年官先琬才能踰之於是怨憤形于聲 色歎咤之音發于五内時人畏其言語不節莫敢從也唯後軍 師費褘往慰省之儀對褘恨望前後云云又語褘曰往者丞相 亡没之際吾若舉軍以就魏氏處世甯當落度如此邪令人追 悔不可復及褘密表其言十三年廢儀爲民徙漢嘉郡儀至徙 所復上書誹謗辭指激切遂下郡收儀儀自殺 王連字文儀南陽人也建興元年拜屯騎校尉領丞相長史封 平陽亭侯時南方諸郡不賓諸葛亮將自征之連諫以爲此不 毛之地疫癘之鄕不宜以一國之望冒險而行亮慮諸將才不 及巳意欲必往而連言輒懇至故停留者久之會連卒子山嗣 官至江陽太守 向寵先主時爲牙門將秭歸之敗寵營特完建興元年封都亭 侯後爲中部督典宿衞兵諸葛亮當北行表與後主曰將軍向 寵性行淑均曉暢軍事試用於昔日先帝稱之曰能是以眾論 舉寵爲督愚以爲營中之事悉以咨之必能使行陣和睦優劣 得所也遷中領軍延熙三年征漢嘉南蠻遇害寵弟充歴射聲 校尉尙書 張裔字君嗣蜀郡成都人也治公羊春秋博涉史漢汝南許文 休入蜀謂裔幹理敏㨗是中夏鍾元常之倫也劉璋時舉孝廉
Interpretation

This passage records the deeds of several important officials of Shu Han:

Fei Yi (courtesy name Wenwei) was promoted to Imperial Secretary and concurrently served as Governor of Yi Province, while Yang Yi (courtesy name Weigong) was appointed as Central Army Supervisor but without real authority. Earlier, Yang Yi had served as Imperial Secretary under Liu Bei, with Fei Yi as Imperial Secretary Attendant. Both later became Chief Clerk and Army Advisor to Chancellor Zhuge Liang. Yang Yi often undertook heavy responsibilities during military campaigns and, considering himself more senior and capable than Fei Yi, harbored resentment, frequently voicing complaints. At that time, people feared his unrestrained speech and avoided him, except for Rear Army Supervisor Fei Yi who visited to console him. Yang Yi complained to Fei Yi: "When the Chancellor passed away, had I led the troops to defect to Wei, how could I have ended up in this situation? Now it's too late for regrets." Fei Yi secretly reported these words, and in the 13th year of Jianxing (235 CE), Yang Yi was stripped of rank and exiled to Hanjia Commandery. After arriving, Yang Yi again submitted memorials slandering the court with inflammatory language, leading to his arrest by local officials and eventual suicide.

Wang Lian (courtesy name Wenyi), a native of Nanyang, served as Commandant of Stationed Cavalry and concurrently as Chancellor's Chief Clerk in the 1st year of Jianxing (223 CE), enfeoffed as Marquis of Pingyang Ting. When southern commanderies rebelled, Zhuge Liang planned to personally lead the campaign. Wang Lian remonstrated that these were remote, miasma-ridden lands unsuitable for risking a key state minister. Though Zhuge Liang considered other generals insufficiently capable and still wished to lead personally, he postponed the campaign due to Wang Lian's earnest劝阻. Wang Lian passed away before the expedition. His son Wang Shan inherited the title and rose to Governor of Jiangyang.

Xiang Chong served as General of the Standard under Liu Bei. During the Battle of Zigui, only his camp remained intact. Enfeoffed as Marquis of Duting in the 1st year of Jianxing, he later served as Central Commander overseeing imperial guards. Before the Northern Expeditions, Zhuge Liang memorialized to Emperor Liu Shan recommending him: "General Xiang Chong possesses virtuous character and impartial judgment, excelling in military affairs—the late Emperor praised his capability. I believe all military matters may be consulted with him, ensuring harmony among officers and appropriate assignments." Later promoted to Central Army Commander, he died in 240 CE during campaigns against southern tribes in Hanjia Commandery. His younger brother Xiang Chong served successively as Commandant of Rapid as Tigers and Imperial Secretary.

Zhang Yi (courtesy name Junsi), a Chengdu native, mastered the Gongyang Commentary on Spring and Autumn Annals and Records of the Grand Historian/Book of Han. When renowned scholar Xu Jing (courtesy name Wenxiu) of Runan entered Shu, he praised Zhang Yi's quick-witted talent as comparable to Zhong Yao (courtesy name Yuanchang), a famous Central Plains scholar. During Liu Zhang's rule, Zhang Yi was nominated as Filial and Incorrupt.

爲魚復長還州署從事領帳下司馬張飛自荆州由墊江入璋 授裔兵拒張飛於德陽陌下軍敗還成都爲璋奉使詣先主先 主許以禮其君而安其人也裔還城門乃開先主以裔爲巴郡 太守還爲司金中郞將典作農戰之器先是益州郡殺太守正 昂耆率雍闓恩信著於南土使命周旋遠通孫權乃以裔爲益 州太守徑往至郡闓遂趦䞡不賓假鬼教曰張府君如瓠壺外 雖澤而内實麤不足殺令縳與吳於是遂送裔於權會先主薨 諸葛亮遣鄧芝使吳亮令芝言次可從權請裔裔自至吳數年 流徒伏匿權未之知也故許芝遣裔裔臨發權乃引見問裔曰 蜀卓氏寡女亡奔司馬相如貴土風俗何以乃爾乎裔對曰愚 以卓氏之寡女猶賢於買臣之妻權又謂裔曰君還必用事西 朝終不作田父於閭里也將何以報我裔對曰裔負罪而歸將 委命有司若䝉儌倖得全首領五十八已前父母之年也自此 以後大王之賜也權言笑歡悅有器裔之色裔出閤深悔不能 陽愚卽便就舡倍道兼行權果追之裔已入永安界數十里追 者不能及旣至蜀丞相亮以爲參軍署府事又領益州治中從 事亮出駐漢中裔以射聲校尉領留府長史常稱曰公賞不遺 遠罰不阿近爵不可以無功取刑不可以貴勢免此賢愚之所 以僉亡其身者也其明年北詣亮諮事送者數百車乘盈路裔
Interpretation

This passage records several pivotal experiences of Zhang Yi (courtesy name Junsi), an official of Shu Han during the Three Kingdoms period. When Zhang Fei advanced from Jingzhou through Dianjiang to attack Yizhou, Liu Zhang, the Governor of Yizhou, dispatched Zhang Yi to lead troops in resisting at the foot of Deyang Slope. However, he was defeated and retreated to Chengdu. Later, Liu Zhang sent Zhang Yi as an envoy to Liu Bei, who promised to treat Liu Zhang with courtesy and pacify the people. Only after Zhang Yi returned to the city were the gates reopened.

After Liu Bei pacified Yizhou, he appointed Zhang Yi as the Administrator of Ba Commandery and later transferred him to the position of Director of Metalworking, responsible for manufacturing agricultural tools and weapons. At the time, Zheng Ang, the Administrator of Yizhou Commandery, was murdered by the local strongman Yong Kai, who held considerable influence in the region and even secretly colluded with Sun Quan of Wu. Liu Bei then sent Zhang Yi to serve as the Administrator of Yizhou, but upon arrival, he was captured by Yong Kai. Under the pretense of divine will, Yong Kai claimed that Zhang Yi was outwardly refined but inwardly crude, making him unworthy of execution, and instead had him bound and sent to Wu.

After Liu Bei's death, when Zhuge Liang dispatched Deng Zhi as an envoy to Wu, he specifically instructed him to secure Zhang Yi's return. Having lived in exile in Wu for years, Zhang Yi was initially unknown to Sun Quan, who agreed to release him. Before his departure, Sun Quan summoned Zhang Yi and teased him about Shu customs by referencing the story of Zhuo Wenjun eloping with Sima Xiangru. Zhang Yi cleverly retorted that Zhuo Wenjun was at least more virtuous than Zhu Maichen’s wife. Sun Quan then probed further, suggesting that Zhang Yi would surely be highly valued upon returning to Shu and asking how he would repay him. Zhang Yi replied that he was returning in disgrace, with his fate left to the court, and that if his life were spared, the rest of his days would be owed to Sun Quan’s mercy. This exchange greatly impressed Sun Quan.

After leaving, Zhang Yi immediately hastened his journey. True to form, Sun Quan sent men in pursuit, but Zhang Yi had already crossed into Shu territory at Yong’an. Upon his return, Zhuge Liang appointed him as an Army Advisor, overseeing affairs in the Chancellor’s office, and later as Concurrent Administrator of Yizhou. When Zhuge Liang launched his Northern Expeditions, Zhang Yi remained in Chengdu as Colonel of the Rapid as Tigers. He often emphasized the importance of impartial rewards and punishments: rewards should not neglect the remote, and punishments should not favor the close; rank should not be granted without merit, nor should penalties be waived for the powerful. The following year, when he traveled north to meet Zhuge Liang, the carriages and horses of those seeing him off lined the roads—a testament to his reputation.

還書與所親曰近者涉道晝夜接賓不得甯息人自敬丞相長 史男子張君嗣附之疲倦欲死其談啁流速皆此類也  臣松之以爲談啁貴於機㨗書疏可容留意今因書疏之巧  以著談啁之速非其理也 漢丞相諸葛忠武侯集卷之六   附傳 楊洪字季休犍爲武陽人也先主爭漢中急書發兵軍師將軍 諸葛亮以問洪洪曰漢中則益州咽喉存亡之機會若無漢中 則無蜀矣此家門之禍也方今之事男子當戰女子當運發兵 何疑時蜀郡太守法正從先主北行亮於是表洪領蜀郡太守 眾事皆辦遂使卽眞頃之轉爲益州治中從事先主征吳不克 還住永安漢嘉太守黃元素爲諸葛亮所不善聞先主疾病懼 有後患舉郡反燒臨卭城時亮東行省疾成都單虛是以元益 無所憚洪卽啓太子遣其親兵使將軍陳曶鄭綽討元眾議以 爲元若不能圍成都當由越巂據南中洪曰元素性凶暴無他 恩信何能辦此不過乘水東下冀主上平安面縳歸死如其有 異奔吳求活耳勅曶綽但於南安峽口遮卽便得矣曶綽承洪 言果生獲元洪建興元年賜爵關内侯復爲蜀郡太守忠節將 軍後爲越騎校尉領郡如故五年丞相亮北住漢中欲用張裔 爲留府長史問洪何如洪對曰裔天姿明察長於治劇才誠堪 之然性不公平恐不可專任不如留向朗朗情僞差少裔隨從
Interpretation

This passage records the deeds of Yang Hong (courtesy name Jixiu), a renowned minister of the Shu Han kingdom during the Three Kingdoms period. A native of Wuyang in Qianwei, when Liu Bei urgently needed troop deployments during the Hanzhong campaign, military advisor Zhuge Liang sought his counsel. Yang Hong analyzed: "Hanzhong is the strategic throat of Yizhou, vital to Shu Han's survival. Given the critical situation, all able-bodied men must fight while women handle logistics—we must dispatch reinforcements immediately." As Shu Commandery Administrator Fa Zheng was accompanying Liu Bei's northern expedition, Zhuge Liang petitioned to appoint Yang Hong as acting administrator.

Proving highly competent, Yang Hong was soon confirmed as Shu Commandery Administrator and later promoted to Yizhou Assistant Inspector. During Liu Bei's retreat to Yong'an after the disastrous Wu campaign, Huang Yuan—the rebellious Hanjia Administrator who opposed Zhuge Liang—seized the moment to revolt, setting fire to Linqiong City. With Zhuge Liang away visiting the critically ill Liu Bei and Chengdu left defenseless, Yang Hong decisively advised Crown Prince Liu Shan to dispatch imperial guards for suppression. While others feared Huang Yuan might besiege Chengdu or occupy Nanzhong, Yang Hong discerned the rebel's brutal nature and lack of popular support, predicting he would flee downstream. He thus ordered Chen Hu and Zheng Chuo to ambush at Nan'an Gorge, where Huang Yuan was captured alive.

In the first year of Jianxing (223 CE), Yang Hong was enfeoffed as Marquis Within the Passes while retaining his posts as Shu Commandery Administrator and Loyalty General, later becoming Commandant of Yue Cavalry still governing Shu Commandery. By 227 CE, when Zhuge Liang planned the Northern Expedition and considered appointing the brilliant but temperamental Zhang Yi as Chief Secretary of the Headquarters, Yang Hong frankly advised that despite Zhang's competence, his partiality made him unsuitable, recommending the more equitable Revenue Clerk Xiang Lang instead. These accounts demonstrate Yang Hong's military acumen and discernment of character as a key Shu Han statesman.

目下效其器能於事兩善初裔少與洪親善裔流放在吳洪臨 裔郡裔子郁給郡吏微過受罰不特原假裔後還聞之深以爲 恨與洪情好有損及洪見亮出至裔許具說所言裔答洪曰公 留我了矣明府不能止時人或疑洪意自欲作長史或疑洪知 裔自嫌不願裔處要職典後事也後裔與司鹽校尉岑述不和 至於忿恨亮與裔書曰君昔在桓下營懷吾之用心食不知味 後流迸南海相爲悲歎寢不安席及其來還委付大任同奬王 室自以爲與君古之石交也石交之道舉讐以相益割骨肉以 相明猶不相謝也况吾但委噫於元儉而君不能忍邪論者由 是明洪無私洪少不好學問而忠淸欵亮憂公如家事繼母至 孝六年卒官始洪爲李嚴功曹嚴未至犍爲而洪已爲蜀郡洪 迎門下書佐何祗有才䇿功幹舉郡吏數年爲廣漢太守時洪 亦尙在蜀郡是以西土咸服諸葛亮能盡時人之器用也  何祗字君肅少寒貧爲人寛厚通濟體甚壯大又能飲食好  聲色不持節儉故時人少貴之者初往郡後爲督軍從事時  諸葛亮用法峻密陰聞祗游戲放縱不勤所職當奄往錄獄  眾人咸爲祗懼衹密聞之夜張火見囚讀諸解狀諸葛晨往  祗悉已闇誦答對解釋無所凝滯亮甚異之出補成都令時  郫縣令缺以祗兼二縣戸口猥多切近都治饒諸奸穢每比
Interpretation

This passage recounts the deeds of Shu Han officials Yang Hong and He Zhi during the Three Kingdoms period, illustrating Zhuge Liang's philosophy of employing talent.

Yang Hong initially enjoyed a close relationship with Zhuge Liang. However, when Yang's son Yang Yu was punished for a minor offense and Yang Hong failed to intercede on his behalf, a rift developed between them. Later, Yang Hong suspected Zhuge Liang of intentionally sidelining him, but Zhuge Liang clarified in a letter: he had always regarded Yang as a sworn friend (shijiao), likening their bond to ancient sages who recommended former rivals to spur mutual growth, or severed familial ties to demonstrate integrity. This explanation made it clear Yang Hong hadn't acted from personal motives. Though not deeply learned, Yang was loyal, incorruptible, and exceptionally filial toward his stepmother, eventually passing away while in office.

He Zhi came from humble origins—forthright and pleasure-loving, with little regard for frugality, which initially hindered his advancement. As a military supervisor, he was accused of negligence. When Zhuge Liang planned surprise inspections of his cases, He Zhi memorized all case files overnight. His flawless recitation the next day astonished Zhuge Liang, who promptly promoted him to concurrently govern Chengdu and Pi counties. These strategically important counties near the capital had complex affairs, all of which He Zhi managed superbly.

Through these concrete examples, the text reveals Zhuge Liang's talent for recognizing and appointing capable individuals: he disregarded personal grievances, valued practical ability, and employed even flawed men if they demonstrated genuine competence. It also reflects the administrative ethos of Shu Han officials.

 人常眠睡値其覺寤輒得奸詐眾咸畏祇之發摘或以爲有  術無敢欺者使人投算祗聽其讀而心計之不差升合其精  如此 費詩字公舉犍爲南安人也建興三年隨諸葛亮南行歸至漢 陽縣降人李鴻來詣亮亮見鴻時蔣琬與詩在坐鴻曰閒過孟 達許適見王冲從南來言往者達之去就明公切齒欲誅達妻 子賴先主不聽耳達曰諸葛公見顧有本末終不爾也盡不信 冲言委仰明公無復已已亮謂琬詩曰還都當有書與子度相 聞詩進曰孟達小子昔事振威不忠後又背叛先主反覆之人 何足與書邪亮默然不答亮欲誘達以爲外援竟與達書曰往 年南征𡻕未及還適與李鴻會於漢陽承知消息慨然永嘆以 存足下平素之心豈徒空託名榮貴爲華離乎鳴呼孟子斯實 劉封侵陵足下以傷先主待士之義又鴻道王冲造作虛語云 足下量度吾心不受冲說尋表明之言追平生之好依依東望 故遣有書達得亮書數相交通辭欲叛魏魏遣司馬宣王征之 卽斬滅達亮亦以達無欵誠之心故不救助也蔣琬秉政以詩 爲諫議大夫卒於家杜微字國輔梓潼涪人也少受學於廣漢 任安劉璋辟爲從事以疾去官及先主定蜀微常稱聾閉門不 出建興二年丞相亮領益州牧選迎皆妙簡舊德以秦宓爲别 駕王梁爲功曹微爲主簿微固辭轝而致之旣至亮引見微微
Interpretation

This passage records interactions between Zhuge Liang (styled Kongming, posthumously titled Marquis Zhongwu), the chancellor of Shu Han during the Three Kingdoms period, and several subordinates, illustrating his principles of employing talent.

There was a man named He Zhi who possessed remarkable abilities—while others slept, he remained alert, always uncovering deceitful acts, making everyone fear his exposés. He also had a special skill: when others reported accounts, he could mentally calculate the results after hearing them just once, without the slightest error, demonstrating extraordinary meticulousness.

Fei Shi (styled Gongju) hailed from Nan'an County in Qianwei Commandery. In the third year of Jianxing era, he accompanied Zhuge Liang on the southern expedition. Upon returning to Hanyang County, the surrendered Wei general Li Hong came to see Zhuge Liang, with both Jiang Wan and Fei Shi present. Li Hong mentioned: "Recently I met Meng Da, who told me that when Wang Chong returned from the south, he said that when Meng Da defected, you were so furious you wanted to execute his entire family, but fortunately Liu Bei disagreed. Yet Meng Da claimed Chancellor Zhuge treated people consistently and wouldn't act so harshly." After hearing this, Zhuge Liang told Jiang Wan and Fei Shi: "When we return to Chengdu, we should write Meng Da a letter." Fei Shi bluntly objected: "A petty man like Meng Da—first disloyal to Liu Zhang, then betraying our late lord—such a fickle turncoat isn't worth corresponding with." Zhuge Liang remained silent. In truth, Zhuge Liang wanted to recruit Meng Da as an external ally and eventually wrote the letter, reminiscing about old ties and expressing understanding of Meng Da's situation. After receiving it, Meng Da repeatedly contacted Zhuge Liang about defecting from Wei, but Sima Yi swiftly crushed his rebellion. Recognizing Meng Da's insincerity, Zhuge Liang withheld reinforcements.

When Jiang Wan assumed governance, he appointed Fei Shi as Remonstrance Counselor. Fei Shi eventually passed away at home. Du Wei (styled Guofu) from Fu County in Zitong studied under Ren An of Guanghan in his youth. Though Liu Zhang summoned him to office, he declined citing illness. After Liu Bei pacified Shu, Du Wei feigned deafness and lived in seclusion. In the second year of Jianxing, when Zhuge Liang concurrently served as Governor of Yizhou and sought worthy talents, he specially had Du Wei brought by sedan chair, appointing Qin Mi as Assistant Inspector (a deputy position), Wang Liang as Merit Officer (in charge of personnel), while persistently offering Du Wei the post of Registrar (document officer). Despite Du Wei's repeated refusals, Zhuge Liang insisted on personally receiving him.

自陳謝亮以微不聞人語於坐上與書曰服聞德行饑渴厯時 清濁異流無緣咨覯王元泰李伯仁王文儀楊季休丁君幹李 永南兄弟文仲寶等每歎高志未見如舊猥以空虛統領貴州 德薄任重慘慘憂慮朝廷主公今年始十八天姿仁敏愛德下 士天下之人思慕漢室欲與君因天順民輔此明主以隆季興 之功著勳於竹帛也以爲賢愚不相爲謀故自割絕守勞而已 不圖自屈也微自乞老病求歸亮又與書答曰曹丕篡弑自立 爲帝是猶土龍芻狗之有名也欲與羣賢因其邪僞以正道滅 之怪君未有相誨便欲求還於山野丕又大興勞役以向吳楚 今因丕多務且以閉境勤農育養民物竝治甲兵以待其挫然 後伐之可使兵不戰民不勞而天下定也君但當以德輔時耳 不責君軍事何爲汲汲欲求去乎其敬微如此拜爲諫議大夫 以從其志 周羣字仲直巴西閬中人也父舒字叔布少學術於廣漢楊厚 名亞董扶任安羣少受學於舒專心候業所言多中先主定蜀 署儒林校尉先主欲與曹公爭漢中問羣羣對曰當得其地不 得其民也若出徧軍必不利當戒愼之時州後部司馬蜀張裕 亦曉占候而天才過羣裕字南和諫先主曰不可爭漢中軍必 不利先主竟不用裕言果得地而不得民也遣將軍吳蘭雷同 等入武都皆没不還悉如羣言於是舉羣茂才裕又私言人曰
Interpretation

This passage records the correspondence between Zhuge Liang of the Three Kingdoms period and a hermit named Wei, along with the story of diviner Zhou Qun.

Zhuge Liang wrote to Master Wei expressing his admiration: "I have long heard of your virtuous character, yet never had the opportunity to seek your counsel in person. Worthy men like Wang Yuantai often praise you, but regrettably we've never met. Though my abilities are meager, I hold an important position, which fills me with apprehension. Our sovereign (referring to Liu Shan) is but eighteen years of age—benevolent, wise, and virtuous—while all under heaven yearn for the restoration of the Han dynasty. I hope you might align with heaven's will and the people's hearts to assist this enlightened ruler in achieving great deeds." Master Wei declined, citing old age and illness. Zhuge Liang wrote again analyzing the situation: "Cao Pi's usurpation and self-proclamation as emperor is but an empty title held by a puppet. We are conserving our strength, awaiting the opportune moment to launch a punitive expedition. Your virtuous guidance in governance would suffice—no need for military involvement—why rush into reclusion?" Ultimately, the court respected Wei's wishes and appointed him as Grand Master of Remonstrance.

Another section recounts the story of diviner Zhou Qun (courtesy name Zhongzhi). From youth, he studied the art of celestial divination (ancient practice of interpreting heavenly phenomena to predict fortune) under his father Zhou Shu, with remarkably accurate predictions. After Liu Bei conquered Shu, he appointed Zhou as Commandant of the Confucian Scholars. When Liu Bei planned to seize Hanzhong, Zhou prophesied: "You may gain the territory but not the people's hearts; if you dispatch a contingent force, it will surely meet defeat." His colleague Zhang Yu (courtesy name Nanhe) likewise advised against the campaign, but Liu Bei disregarded them. Though Liu Bei secured Hanzhong, his generals Wu Lan and Lei Tong suffered total annihilation, fulfilling Zhou's prophecy. Later, Zhou Qun was recommended as a Maocai (a Han dynasty talent selection category).

𡻕在庚子天下當易代劉氏祚盡矣主公得益州九年之後寅 夘之間當失之人密白其言初先主與劉璋會涪時裕爲璋從 事侍坐其人饒鬚先主嘲之曰昔吾居涿縣特多毛姓東西南 北皆諸毛也涿令稱曰諸毛繞涿居乎裕卽答曰昔有作上黨 潞長遷爲涿令涿令者去官還家時人與書欲署潞則失涿欲 署涿則失潞乃署曰潞涿君先主無鬚故裕以此及之先主常 銜其不遜加忿其漏言乃顯裕諫爭漢中不驗下獄將誅之諸 葛亮表請其罪先主答曰芳蘭生門不得不鉏裕遂棄市後魏 氏之立先主之薨皆如裕所刻又曉相術每舉鏡視面自知刑 死未嘗不撲之於地也羣卒子臣頗傳其術 來敏字敬達義陽新野人來歙之後也後主踐阼爲虎賁中郎 將丞相亮住漢中請爲軍祭酒輔軍將軍坐事去職  亮集有教曰將軍來敏對上官顯言新人有何功德而奪我  榮資與之邪諸人共憎我何故如是敏年老狂悖生此怨言  昔成都初定議者以爲來敏亂羣先帝以新定之際故遂含  容無所禮用後劉子初選以爲太子家令先帝不悅而不忍  拒也後主卽位吾闇於知人遂復擢爲將軍祭酒違議者之  審見背先帝所疎外自謂能以敦厲薄俗帥之以義今旣不  能表退職使閉門思愆 尹默字思潛梓潼涪人也益部多貴今文而不崇章句默知其
Interpretation

This passage records the deeds of several figures from the Shu Han kingdom during the Three Kingdoms period, focusing on two main characters:

First is Zhang Yu (courtesy name Nanhe), who was skilled in divination and prophecy. In the Gengzi year (220 CE), he predicted that "the Liu dynasty's vital energy (Qi) is nearing its end—our lord (Liu Bei) will lose Yizhou nine years after gaining it, during the Yin-Mao years." Later, when Liu Bei met with Liu Zhang at Fucheng, Zhang Yu attended as Liu Zhang's subordinate. Noticing Liu Bei's beardless face, Zhang Yu mockingly cited an典故 about an official who couldn't decide whether to write "Lu" or "Zhuo" for his new post title, eventually combining them as "Luzhuo Jun" (a pun meaning "bare and smooth," mocking hairlessness). Liu Bei harbored resentment and later imprisoned Zhang Yu under the pretext that "his Hanzhong prophecies were inaccurate." Though Zhuge Liang petitioned for clemency, Liu Bei justified the execution by saying "even fragrant orchids must be uprooted if they grow by the gate." Yet subsequent events—Cao Wei's imperial proclamation and Liu Bei's death—proved Zhang Yu's predictions correct. Zhang Yu also practiced physiognomy; he often studied his own face in mirrors, foreseeing his violent death, which frustrated him to the point of smashing the mirrors.

Next is Lai Min (courtesy name Jingda), a descendant of the Eastern Han general Lai Xi. After Liu Shan ascended the throne, Lai served as Tiger Guard Commandant. When Zhuge Liang garrisoned Hanzhong, he appointed Lai as Army Sacrificial Wine (military advisor). However, Lai presumptuously flaunted his seniority, openly complaining that newcomers undeservedly took his positions. Zhuge Liang publicly reprimanded him for aged arrogance, recalling how after Chengdu's pacification, some had warned that Lai would disrupt military morale—the Late Emperor (Liu Bei) had tolerated him only due to the nascent state's circumstances. Since he failed to lead by example, Zhuge Liang dismissed Lai from office, ordering him to reflect at home.

The passage briefly mentions Yin Mo (courtesy name Siqian) from Zitong's Fu County. While Yizhou scholars then favored modern-script Confucian classics over detailed exegesis, Yin Mo had mastered their essential teachings.

不博乃遠游荆州從司馬德操宋仲子等受古學皆通諸經史 又專精於左氏春秋自劉歆條例鄭眾賈逵父子陳元方服䖍 注說咸畧誦述不復按本先主定益州領牧以爲勸學從事及 立太子默爲僕射以左氏傳授後主後主踐阼拜諫議大夫丞 相亮住漢中請爲軍祭酒亮卒還成都拜大中大夫卒子宗傳 其業爲博士 譙周字允南巴西西充國人也父[山并]字榮始治尙書兼通諸經 及圖緯州郡辟請皆不應州就假師友從事周幼孤與母兄同 居旣長耽古篤學家貧未嘗問産業誦讀典籍欣然獨笑以忘 寢食研精六經尤善書札頗曉天文而不以留意諸子文章非 心所存不悉徧視也身長八尺體貌素朴性推誠不飾無造次 辯論之才然潛識内敏建興中丞相亮領益州牧命周爲勸學 從事  蜀記曰周初見亮左右皆笑旣出有司請推笑者亮曰孤尙  不能忍况左右乎 亮卒於敵庭周在家聞問卽便奔赴尋有詔書禁斷惟周以速 行得達 黃權字公衡巴西閬中人也先主東伐吳以權爲鎭北將軍督 江北軍以防魏師南軍敗績先主引退而道隔絕權不得還故 率將所領降于魏有司執法白收權妻子先主曰孤負黃權權 不負孤也待之如初  臣松之以爲漢武用虛罔之言滅李陵之家劉主拒憲司所  執宥黃權之室二主得失縣邈遠矣詩云樂只君子保艾爾
Interpretation

In his youth, Zhuge Liang traveled far to Jing Province to study ancient classics under scholars like Sima Decao (Sima Hui) and Song Zhongzi, becoming thoroughly versed in various Confucian and historical texts. He particularly specialized in the Zuo Zhuan commentary, memorizing the annotations of earlier scholars like Liu Xin, Zheng Zhong, Jia Kui and his son, Chen Yuanfang, and Fu Qian to the point where he could recite them without consulting the original texts. After Liu Bei pacified Yi Province, he appointed Zhuge Liang as Quanxue Congshi (Director of Education). When designating Liu Shan as crown prince, Liu Bei further appointed him as Taizi Puye (Crown Prince's Tutor), responsible for teaching Liu Shan the Zuo Zhuan. After Liu Shan ascended the throne, Zhuge Liang was appointed Jianyi Dafu (Grand Master of Remonstrance). Later, while stationed in Hanzhong, he was made Military Jijiu (Military Advisor). Following Zhuge Liang's death, he returned to Chengdu and was granted the title of Dazhong Dafu (Grand Master of the Palace). His son, Zhuge Zong, inherited the family's scholarly tradition and became a Boshi (Erudite Scholar).

Qiao Zhou, styled Yunnan, hailed from Xichong County in Baxi Commandery. His father, Qiao [Shanbing], styled Rongshi, was well-versed in the Book of Documents, various Confucian classics, and esoteric prognostication texts, yet declined appointments from provincial authorities. Orphaned in childhood, Qiao Zhou lived with his mother and elder brother. As he grew, he became deeply engrossed in ancient texts, studying diligently. Despite his family's poverty, he never sought to acquire property, often reading to the point of laughing joyfully to himself and forgetting to eat or sleep. He excelled particularly in the Six Classics, was skilled in calligraphy, and knowledgeable in astronomy, though he paid little attention to the writings of the Hundred Schools of Thought. Standing eight chi tall, Qiao Zhou was simple and sincere in character—unskilled in debate but profound in insight. During the Jianxing era (223-237), when Zhuge Liang served concurrently as Governor of Yi Province, he appointed Qiao Zhou as Quanxue Congshi. The Records of Shu notes: When Qiao Zhou first met Zhuge Liang, the attendants laughed at him. Afterwards, officials requested an investigation, but Zhuge Liang said, "Even I couldn’t help wanting to laugh—how much more so for them?" Upon hearing of Zhuge Liang’s death at the front, Qiao Zhou immediately rushed to mourn. Though the court had prohibited officials from leaving their posts without authorization, only he managed to arrive swiftly before the edict took full effect.

Huang Quan, styled Gongheng, was a native of Langzhong in Baxi Commandery. When Liu Bei launched his eastern campaign against Wu, he appointed Huang as General Who Guards the North to command the northern river forces against Wei. After Liu Bei’s defeat and retreat, with his return route cut off, Huang Quan found himself unable to return to Shu and had no choice but to surrender to Wei with his troops. Judicial officers requested the arrest of Huang’s family, but Liu Bei declared, "It is I who failed Huang Quan, not he who failed me," and continued treating Huang’s family as before. Pei Songzhi (the historian who annotated the Records of the Three Kingdoms) commented: Emperor Wu of Han executed Li Ling’s entire family upon hearing slander, while Liu Bei rejected legal officials’ proposal to punish Huang Quan’s family—the difference in magnanimity between these two rulers was truly vast. As the Book of Songs states, "Happy and courteous is the noble man, who protects and nurtures his descendants"—this praises precisely such benevolent rulers.

 後其劉主之所謂也 魏文帝謂權曰君捨逆効順欲追蹤陳韓邪權對曰臣過受劉 主殊還降吳不可還蜀無路是以歸命且敗軍之眾免死爲幸 何古人之可慕也文帝善之蜀降人或云誅權妻子權知其虛 言未便發喪  漢魏春秋曰文帝詔令發喪權答曰臣與劉葛推誠相信明  臣本志疑惑未實請湏後問 後得審問果如所言及先主薨問至魏羣臣咸賀而權獨否司 馬宣王深器之問權曰蜀中有卿輩幾人權笑而答曰不圖明 公見顧之重也宣王與諸葛亮書曰黃公衡快士也每坐起歎 述足下不去口實卒諡曰景侯子邕嗣邕無子絕權留蜀子崇 爲尙書郞隨衛將軍諸葛瞻拒鄧艾到涪縣瞻盤桓未進崇屢 勸瞻宜速行據險無令敵得入平地瞻猶豫未納崇至於流涕 會艾長驅而前瞻𨚫戰至綿竹崇帥厲軍士期於必死臨陣自 殺 李恢字德昂建甯俞元人也章武元年庲降都督鄧方卒先主 問恢誰可代者恢對曰人之才能各有長短故孔子曰其使人 也器之且夫明主在上則臣下盡情是以先零之役趙充國曰 莫若老臣臣竊不自揆惟陛下察之先主笑曰孤之本意亦已 在卿矣遂以恢爲庲降都督使持節領交州剌史住平蠻縣  臣松之訉之蜀人云庲降地名去蜀二千餘里時未有甯州  號爲南中立此職以總攝之晉泰始中分爲甯州
Interpretation

This historical account chronicles the diplomatic maneuvers and personal stories between the states of Shu Han, Eastern Wu, and Cao Wei during the Three Kingdoms period.

When questioned by Emperor Wen of Wei (Cao Pi), Sun Quan (Quan) candidly explained his decision to submit to Eastern Wu rather than Shu Han: he had originally received generous treatment from Liu Bei (the Liu sovereign), but after suffering defeat, he had no path back to Shu Han and could only seek refuge in Eastern Wu to preserve his life. Emperor Wen of Wei praised his honesty. Later, rumors spread that Sun Quan had killed Liu Bei’s wife and children, but knowing these were false, Sun Quan did not immediately issue a public denial.

When news of Liu Bei’s death reached Wei, the court officials all offered congratulations—except for Sun Quan. Sima Yi (Sima Xuanwang) admired this restraint and wrote to Zhuge Liang praising Huang Quan (styled Gongheng) as a forthright man. Huang Quan was posthumously honored as "Marquis Jing," and his son Huang Yong inherited the title but left no heirs. Another son, Huang Chong, who remained in Shu, served as a Secretary-Lang and followed Zhuge Zhan in resisting Deng Ai. When Zhuge Zhan hesitated in battle, Huang Chong tearfully urged decisive action, ultimately dying heroically in the Battle of Mianzhu.

Another passage recounts how Li Hui (styled De’ang) was appointed by Liu Bei as the Commander of Laixiang. Li Hui, a native of Yuyuan in Jianning, volunteered to succeed Deng Fang after the latter’s death in this critical role overseeing the southern regions. Quoting Confucius’ principle of "assigning duties according to ability" and the Han general Zhao Chongguo’s declaration that "an old minister can still be of use," he persuaded Liu Bei. The sovereign laughed, admitting this had been his very intention, and appointed Li Hui to administer Jiaozhou affairs, stationing him in Pingman County. Pei Songzhi’s commentary notes that "Laixiang" referred to a southern territory over two thousand li from Shu, where the Ning Province had not yet been established. This office was created specifically to govern the region, and it was only during the Taishi era of the Western Jin dynasty that Ning Province was formally partitioned.

先主薨高定恣雎於越嶲雍闓䟦扈於建甯朱襃反叛於牂牁 丞相亮南征先由越嶲而恢案道向建甯諸縣大相糾合圍恢 軍於昆明時恢眾少敵倍又未得亮聲息紿謂南人曰官軍糧 盡欲規退還吾中間久斥鄕里乃今得旋不能復北欲還與汝 等同計謀故以誠相告南人信之故圍守怠緩於是恢出擊大 破之追犇逐北南至槃江東接牂牁與亮聲勢相連南土平定 恢軍功居多封漢興亭侯加安漢將軍後軍還南蠻復叛殺害 守將恢身往撲討鉏盡惡類徙其豪帥于成都賦出叟濮耕牛 戰馬金銀犀革充繼軍資于時費用不乏建興七年以交州屬 吳解恢刺史更領建甯太守以還居本郡徙居漢中九年卒子 遺嗣恢弟子球羽林右部督隨諸葛瞻拒鄧艾臨陣授命死于 緜竹 吕凱字季平永昌不韋人也  孫盛蜀世譜曰初秦徙吕不韋子弟宗族於蜀漢漢武帝時  開西南蠻置郡縣徙吕氏以充之因曰不韋縣 仕郡五官掾功曹時雍闓等聞先主薨於永安驕黠滋甚都護 李嚴與闓書六紙解喻利害闓但答一紙曰蓋聞天無二日土 無二王今天下鼎立正朔有三是以遠人惶惑不知所歸也其 桀慢如此闓爲永昌太守永昌旣在益州郡之西道路雍塞與 蜀隔絕而郡太守改易凱與府丞蜀郡王伉帥厲吏民閉境拒 闓闓數移檄永昌稱說云云凱答檄曰天降喪亂奸雄乘釁天
Interpretation

This passage records historical events during the Three Kingdoms period, including Zhuge Liang's southern expedition and Lü Kai's defense of Yongchang.

After Liu Bei's death, powerful local leaders in the Nanzhong region (present-day Yunnan) rebelled: Gao Ding acted arrogantly in Yuexi Commandery (modern-day Xichang, Sichuan), Yong Kai dominated Jianning Commandery (today's Qujing, Yunnan), and Zhu Bao raised troops in Zangke Commandery (within present-day Guizhou).

Zhuge Liang led his army southward, first dispatching Li Hui (courtesy name De'ang) to advance from Yuexi while he himself took the route through Jianning. Rebel forces from various counties jointly surrounded Li Hui's troops. At the time, Li Hui was outnumbered and had not received any updates from Zhuge Liang, so he feigned surrender to the Nanzhong locals, saying: "The imperial army has exhausted its supplies and is preparing to withdraw. I have been away from my homeland for too long and wish to return—I have no desire to march north again. I want to collaborate with you." The Nanzhong people believed him and relaxed their encirclement. Seizing the opportunity, Li Hui launched a surprise attack and crushed the rebels, pursuing them all the way to the Pan River, where he reunited with Zhuge Liang's forces. For his outstanding military achievements, Li Hui was enfeoffed as Marquis of Hanxing and promoted to General Who Pacifies Han. Later, when the southern tribes rebelled again and killed the defending officers, Li Hui personally led the punitive campaign, relocating the rebel leaders to Chengdu and requisitioning local resources to replenish military supplies.

Lü Kai (courtesy name Jiping) was a native of Buwei County in Yongchang Commandery (now Baoshan, Yunnan). At the time, Yong Kai and others, hearing of Liu Bei's death, grew even more insolent. Protector Li Yan sent a letter urging them to reconsider, but Yong Kai arrogantly replied, "Now that the realm is divided into three, we do not know whom to submit to." Yong Kai sought to become the governor of Yongchang, but the commandery was remote and isolated from Shu. Lü Kai and the assistant magistrate Wang Kang led the local troops and civilians in defending the border, refusing Yong Kai entry. Lü Kai wrote back refuting Yong Kai and declaring his loyalty to Shu-Han.

Through these specific examples, the text illustrates the complex challenges Zhuge Liang faced during his southern expedition, as well as the loyalty and strategic acumen of commanders like Li Hui and Lü Kai. The place names and official titles mentioned reflect the administrative divisions and military deployments in the Nanzhong region at the time.

下切齒萬國悲悼臣妾大小莫不思竭筋力肝腦塗地以除國 難伏惟將軍世受漢恩以爲當躬聚黨眾率先啟行上以報國 家下不負先人書功竹帛遺名千載何期臣僕吳越背本就末 乎昔舜勤民事隕于蒼梧書籍嘉之流聲無窮崩于江浦何足 可悲文武受命成王乃平先帝龍興海内望風宰臣聰睿自天 降康而將軍不覩盛衰之紀成敗之符譬如野火在原蹈履河 氷火滅氷泮將何所依附曩者將軍先君雍侯造怨而封竇融 知興歸志世祖皆流名後葉世歌其美今諸葛丞相英才挺出 深覩未萌受遺託孤翊贊季興與眾無忌錄功忘瑕將軍若能 翻然改圖易跡更步古人不難追鄙土何足宰哉蓋聞楚國不 恭齊桓是責夫差僭號晉人不長况臣於非主誰肯歸之邪竊 惟古義臣無越境之交是以前後有來無往重承吿示發憤忘 食故畧陳所懷惟將軍察焉凱恩威内著爲郡中所信故能全 其節及丞相南征討闓旣發在道而闓已爲高定部曲所殺亮 至南上表曰永昌郡吏吕凱府丞王伉等執忠絕域十有餘年 雍闓高定偪其東北而凱等守義不與交通臣不意永昌風俗 敦直乃爾以凱爲雲南太守封陽遷亭侯會爲叛蠻所害子祥 嗣而王伉亦封亭侯爲永昌太守 王平字子均巴西岩渠人也建興六年屬參軍馬謖先鋒謖舍
Interpretation

This passage records the correspondence between Zhuge Liang (Marquis Zhongwu), the chancellor of Shu Han during the Three Kingdoms period, and military commanders of the Nanzhong region (present-day Yunnan), along with related historical events. The core content concerns Zhuge Liang's admonitions urging local commanders to recognize the political situation and pledge loyalty to Shu Han.

Zhuge Liang begins with heartfelt anguish: "All under heaven mourn the decline of the Han dynasty. As ministers, we should exhaust our strength and sacrifice even our lives to rescue the nation from peril. Your family has received generations of imperial favor from the Han court. You ought to rally your troops and take the lead in action—above repaying the state, below honoring your ancestors—so your achievements may be recorded in history for eternity. How can you imitate those disloyal ministers of Wu and Yue who abandoned their roots?"

He cites historical exemplars: the sage-king Shun, who labored for the people until his death at Cangwu (modern Yongzhou, Hunan), earning eternal praise in historical records. He references Kings Wen and Wu of Zhou who established their dynasty, King Cheng who stabilized the realm, and the late Emperor Liu Bei (founder of Shu Han) who rose in accordance with heaven's will. Yet the commander fails to perceive the cyclical patterns of historical rise and fall—like wildfire across plains or ice upon rivers, what remains when flames die and ice melts?

Employing historical analogies, he continues: "Your ancestor Marquis Yong (referring to the Nanzhong warlord Yong Kai) received enfeoffment despite past grievances. Dou Rong, the northwestern warlord of Eastern Han, recognized the times and submitted to Emperor Guangwu, leaving an admirable legacy. Now I, Zhuge Liang, bear the heavy responsibility of the late emperor's dying entrustment, assisting the young sovereign to restore the Han dynasty, holding no grudges against any. If you, commander, can reform and follow ancient exemplars, it would not be difficult."

He concludes sternly: "When Chu showed disrespect to the Zhou Son of Heaven, Duke Huan of Qi launched a punitive expedition. When King Fuchai of Wu arrogantly sought hegemony, Jin prevented his lasting dominance. How much less should a minister serve illegitimate rulers—who would genuinely submit? By ancient rites, ministers must not engage in private cross-border communications, hence my previous silence toward your letters. Now I explicitly clarify the stakes—may you consider carefully."

The text also records deeds of Lü Kai and Wang Kang, officials of Yongchang Commandery (modern Baoshan, Yunnan). For over a decade in Nanzhong, they held firm against threats from Yong Kai and Gao Ding's rebel forces. During Zhuge Liang's southern campaign, he memorialized praising their loyalty, appointing Lü Kai as Governor of Yunnan (enfeoffed as Marquis of Yangqian) and Wang Kang as Governor of Yongchang (enfeoffed as Village Marquis). Tragically, Lü Kai was later killed by rebellious tribal forces, with his son Lü Xiang inheriting the title.

水上山舉錯煩擾平連規諫謖謖不能用大敗於街亭眾盡星 散惟平所領千人鳴鼓自持魏將張郃疑其伏兵不往偪也於 是平徐徐收合諸營遺迸率將士而還丞相亮旣誅馬謖及將 軍張休李盛奪將軍王襲等兵平特見崇顯加拜參軍統五部 兼當營事進位討㓂將軍封亭侯九年亮圍祈山平别守南圍 魏大將軍司馬宣王攻亮張郃攻平平堅守不動郃不能克十 二年亮卒於武功軍退還魏延作亂一戰而敗平之功也遷後 典軍安漢將軍副車騎將軍吳壹住漢中又領漢中太守十五 年進封安漢侯代壹督漢中 蔣琬字公琰零陵湘鄉人也弱冠與外弟泉陵劉敏俱知名琬 以州書佐隨先主入蜀除廣都長先主嘗因游觀奄至廣都見 琬眾事不理時又沈醉先主大怒將加罪戮軍師將軍諸葛亮 請曰蔣琬社稷之器非百里之才也其爲政以安民爲本不以 修飾爲先願主公重加察之先主雅敬亮乃不加罪倉卒但免 官而已建興元年丞相亮開府辟琬爲東曹椽舉茂才琬固讓 劉邕陰化龎延廖淳亮教答曰思惟背親捨德以殄百姓眾人 旣不隱於心實又使遠近不解其義是以君宜顯其功舉以明 此選之淸重也遷爲參軍五年亮住漢中琬與長史張裔統留 府事八年代裔爲長史加撫軍將軍亮數外出琬常足食足兵
Interpretation

This passage records the deeds of two important officials from Shu Han during the Three Kingdoms period: Wang Ping and Jiang Wan.

Wang Ping distinguished himself in the Battle of Jieting. At that time, Ma Su ignored advice and suffered a crushing defeat, but only Wang Ping's thousand-man unit maintained formation. By beating war drums to create a false impression of strength, he deterred the Wei general Zhang He from pursuing, ultimately managing to regroup the scattered troops and retreat successfully. After Zhuge Liang executed Ma Su, Wang Ping was promoted to the position of Army Advisor (Canjun), commanding five military divisions and receiving the titles of General Who Subdues Bandits (Taokou Jiangjun) and Marquis of a Village (Tinghou). Later, during the Battle of Qishan, he successfully repelled Zhang He's attack. After Zhuge Liang's death, he quelled Wei Yan's rebellion and was promoted to General Who Pacifies Han (Anhan Jiangjun), eventually becoming the Military Governor of Hanzhong (Hanzhong Dudu).

Jiang Wan was equally renowned as his cousin Liu Min in his youth. When he first served as magistrate of Guangdu County, he nearly faced severe punishment from Liu Bei for neglecting administrative duties while intoxicated, but was spared thanks to Zhuge Liang's intercession. Zhuge Liang recognized Jiang Wan as a talent for statecraft who should not be overlooked. In the first year of Jianxing (223 CE), when Zhuge Liang established his administrative office, he recruited Jiang Wan as the East Section Officer (Dong Cao Yuan) and later promoted him to Army Advisor (Canjun). During Zhuge Liang's Northern Expeditions, Jiang Wan and Zhang Yi jointly managed rear-area logistics, ensuring steady supplies of provisions and reinforcements, demonstrating exceptional administrative ability. In the eighth year of Jianxing (230 CE), Jiang Wan succeeded Zhang Yi as Chief Clerk of the Chancellor's Office (Chengxiang Zhangshi) and was additionally granted the title of General Who Pacifies the Army (Fujun Jiangjun).

以相供給亮每言公琰託志忠雅當與吾共贊王業者也密表 後主曰臣若不幸後事宜以付琬亮卒以琬爲尙書令俄而加 行都護假節領益州剌史遷大將軍錄尙書事封安陽亭侯時 新喪元帥遠近危悚琬出類㧞萃處羣僚之右旣無戚容又無 喜色神守舉止有如平日由是眾望漸服子斌嗣爲綏武將軍 漢城護軍魏大將軍鍾會至漢城與斌書曰巴蜀賢智文武之 士多矣至於足下諸葛思遠譬諸草木吾氣類也桑梓之敬古 今所敦西到欲奉瞻尊太君公侯墓當灑掃墳塋奉祠致敬願 告其所在斌答書曰知惟臭味意眷之隆雅託通流未拒來謂 也亡考昔遭疾疚亡於涪縣卜云其吉遂安厝之知君西邁乃 欲屈駕修敬墳墓視予猶父顔子之仁也聞命感愴以增情思 會得斌書報嘉歎意義及至涪如其書云 費褘字文偉江夏鄳人也少孤依族父伯仁伯仁姑益州牧劉 璋之母也璋遣使迎仁仁將褘遊學入蜀會先主定蜀褘遂留 益土與汝南許叔龍南郡董允齊名時許靖喪子允與褘欲共 會其葬所允白父和請車和遣開後鹿車給之允有難載之色 褘便從前先上及至喪所諸葛亮及諸貴人悉集車乘甚鮮允 猶神色未泰而褘晏然自若持車人還和問之知其如此乃謂 允曰吾常疑汝於文偉優劣未别也而今而後吾意了矣先主
Interpretation

This passage recounts the deeds of Zhuge Liang, the Chancellor of Shu Han during the Three Kingdoms period, and his successors Jiang Wan and Fei Yi.

During his lifetime, Zhuge Liang often praised Jiang Wan (courtesy name Gongyan) for his loyalty and integrity, considering him a capable individual who could jointly uphold the Shu Han dynasty. In a confidential memorial to Emperor Liu Shan, Zhuge Liang recommended that, should anything happen to him, state affairs be entrusted to Jiang Wan. After Zhuge Liang’s death, Jiang Wan was indeed appointed as the Imperial Secretary (Shangshu Ling) and later granted additional titles such as Acting Protector-General (Xing Duhu) and Imperial Commissioner (Jia Jie, wielding authority on behalf of the emperor). He also served as the Inspector of Yi Province (Yizhou Cishi), rose to the rank of Grand General (Da Jiangjun), and was put in charge of the Imperial Secretariat (Lu Shangshu Shi), eventually being enfeoffed as the Marquis of Anyang Ting. At the time, Shu Han had just lost its paramount leader, and both the court and the populace were unsettled. Yet Jiang Wan remained composed, behaving as usual—neither excessively grieving nor appearing overly pleased—gradually earning the trust and respect of all.

Jiang Wan’s son, Jiang Bin, inherited his father’s noble title and served as the General Who Pacifies Martial Might (Suiwu Jiangjun) and Protector of Hancheng (Hancheng Hujun). When the Wei general Zhong Hui (courtesy name Shiji) led his troops to Hancheng, he wrote to Jiang Bin expressing his admiration, stating that although Shu had many talented individuals, he held Jiang Bin in the highest esteem. Zhong Hui also requested permission to pay respects at Zhuge Liang’s tomb. Jiang Bin replied, informing him that his father was buried in Fu County. When Zhong Hui arrived there, he indeed performed the rites according to proper ceremony.

Fei Yi (courtesy name Wenwei) was a native of Meng County in Jiangxia. Orphaned at a young age, he lived under the care of his uncle Fei Boren. Fei Boren’s aunt was the mother of Liu Zhang, the Governor of Yi Province (Yizhou Mu). When Liu Zhang sent envoys to welcome Fei Boren, Fei Yi accompanied him to Shu to pursue his studies. After Liu Bei conquered Yi Province, Fei Yi remained in Shu and became renowned alongside Xu Shulong and Dong Yun. On one occasion, when Xu Jing lost his son, Dong Yun and Fei Yi went together to offer condolences. Dong Yun appeared uneasy when asking his father for a carriage, while Fei Yi remained calm and composed. This incident led Dong Yun’s father to recognize Fei Yi’s superior bearing. Later, when Liu Bei established his heir apparent, Fei Yi and Dong Yun both served as Palace Attendants (Taizi Sheren).

立太子褘與允俱爲舍人遷庶子後主踐位爲黃門侍郞丞相 亮南征還羣寮於數十里逢迎年位多在褘右而亮特命褘同 載由是眾人莫不易觀亮以初從南歸以褘爲昭信校尉使吳 孫權性旣滑稽嘲啁無方諸葛恪羊道等才博果辯論難鋒至 褘辭順義篤據理以答終不能屈  褘别傳曰孫權每别酌好酒以飲褘視其已醉然後問以國  事并論當世之務辭難累至褘輒辭以醉退而撰次所問事  事條答無所遺失 權甚器之謂褘曰君天下淑德必當股肱蜀朝恐不能數來也  褘别傳曰權乃以手中常所執寶刀贈之褘答曰臣以不才  何以堪明命然刀所以討不庭禁暴亂者也但願大王勉建  功業同奬漢室臣雖闇弱終不負東顧 還遷爲侍中亮北住漢中請褘爲參軍以奉使稱旨頻頻至吳 建興八年轉爲中護軍後又爲司馬值軍師魏延與長史楊儀 相憎惡每至竝坐爭論延或舉刃挺儀儀泣涕橫集褘常入其 坐間諫喻分别終亮之世各盡延儀之用者褘匡救之力也亮 卒褘爲後軍師頃之代蔣琬爲尙書令  褘别傳曰于時軍國多事公務煩猥褘識悟過人每省讀書  記目暫視已究其意旨其速數倍於人終亦不忘常以朝晡  聽事其間接納賓客飲食嬉戲加之博奕每盡人之歡事亦  不廢董允代禕爲尙書令欲斆禕之所行旬日之中事多愆
Interpretation

This passage recounts the life and deeds of Fei Yi, a high-ranking official of the Shu Han kingdom. Initially serving alongside Dong Yun as an attendant to the crown prince, Fei Yi was later promoted to the position of household tutor. After Liu Shan ascended the throne, he became a palace attendant. When Zhuge Liang returned from his southern campaign, numerous officials traveled great distances to welcome him back. Though Fei Yi was neither particularly senior in age nor high in rank at the time, Zhuge Liang notably invited him to share his carriage—a gesture that immediately elevated Fei Yi's standing in the eyes of his peers.

Zhuge Liang dispatched Fei Yi as an envoy to Eastern Wu, where he faced the quick-witted Sun Quan and eloquent Wu officials like Zhuge Ke and Yang Dao. Yet Fei Yi consistently held his own in debates, responding with principled arguments. Sun Quan took pleasure in questioning him about state affairs while he was inebriated, and though Fei Yi would initially defer due to drunkenness, he later provided meticulously reasoned answers that deeply impressed the Wu ruler, who even gifted him a treasured personal dagger.

Promoted to palace attendant, Fei Yi was appointed as an army advisor during Zhuge Liang's northern campaigns. His diplomatic missions to Wu were invariably successful. In the eighth year of the Jianxing era, he rose to the rank of Central Protector of the Army and later became an army marshal. At the time, tensions between Wei Yan and Yang Yi often escalated to drawn swords, but Fei Yi repeatedly mediated their conflicts, ensuring both could contribute effectively during Zhuge Liang's lifetime.

Following Zhuge Liang's death, Fei Yi served as Rear Army Advisor before succeeding Jiang Wan as Imperial Secretary. His extraordinary memory allowed him to process documents with remarkable speed while simultaneously receiving guests and attending to entertainment—all without compromising efficiency. When Dong Yun attempted to emulate his working methods upon succeeding him, the result was a cascade of errors within just ten days.

 滯允乃歎曰人才力相縣若此甚遠非吾之所及也聽事終  日猶有不暇爾 琬自漢中還涪禕遷大將軍錄尙書事延熙七年魏軍次于興 勢假禕節率眾往禦之光祿大夫來敏至禕許别求共圍棊于 時羽檄交馳人馬擐甲嚴駕已訖禕與敏留意對戲色無厭倦 敏曰向𦕬觀試君耳君信可人必能辨賊者也禕至敵遂退封 成鄉侯 姜維字伯約天水冀人也丞相亮辟爲倉曹椽加奉義將軍封 當陽亭者侯時二十七亮與留府長史張裔參軍蔣琬書曰姜 伯約忠勤時事思慮精密考其所有永南季常諸人不如也其 人凉州上士也又曰湏先教中虎步兵五六千人姜伯約甚敏 於軍事旣有膽義深解兵意此人心存漢室而才兼於人畢教 軍事當遣詣宫覲見主上亮卒維還成都維自以練西方風俗 兼負其才武欲誘諸羌胡以爲羽翼謂自隴以西可斷而有也 每欲興軍大舉費禕常裁制不從與其兵不過萬人  漢晉春秋曰費禕謂維曰吾等不如丞相亦已遠矣丞相猶  不能定中夏况吾等乎且不如保國治民敬守社稷如其功  業以俟能者無以爲希冀儌倖而決成敗於一舉若不如志  悔之無及 鄧艾前據成都維等初聞諸葛瞻破或聞後主欲固守成都或 聞欲東入吳或聞欲南入建甯於是引軍由廣漢郪道以審虛
Interpretation

This passage records stories of several key figures from the Shu Han period during the Three Kingdoms era. First is the comparison between Fei Yi (courtesy name Wenwei) and Jiang Wan (courtesy name Gongyan). Jiang Wan lamented that Fei Yi's talents far surpassed his own, as Fei could handle government affairs tirelessly throughout the day.

Later in the seventh year of Yanxi (244 CE), when Fei Yi served as Grand General, the Wei army invaded Xingshi (north of present-day Yang County, Shaanxi). Ordered to lead troops in defense, Fei Yi remained composed even when Guanglu Dafu Lai Min came to visit during the military emergency. While battle reports kept arriving and soldiers stood armored ready for action, Fei Yi calmly played a game of Go with Lai Min. Lai Min later explained this was a test of character, proving Fei Yi truly possessed the capability for great responsibilities. Fei ultimately repelled the enemy forces and was enfeoffed as Marquis of Chengxiang.

The account then shifts to Jiang Wei (courtesy name Boyue), originally from Jixian County in Tianshui (present-day Gangu, Gansu). Recruited by Zhuge Liang as a Granary Officer (in charge of grain storage) and granted the title of Righteous General, Jiang Wei earned praise in Zhuge Liang's letters to Zhang Yi and Jiang Wan. Zhuge commended Jiang's loyalty, diligence, meticulous thinking, and talents surpassing Li Shao (courtesy name Yongnan) and Ma Liang (courtesy name Jichang), calling him Liangzhou's outstanding talent. Zhuge particularly emphasized training five to six thousand elite Tiger Infantry troops first, noting Jiang Wei's military expertise, exceptional courage, mastery of strategy, and devotion to the Han cause—qualities worthy of presenting to Emperor Liu Shan.

After Zhuge Liang's death, Jiang Wei returned to Chengdu. Well-versed in western tribal customs and confident in both civil and military abilities, he sought alliances with Qiang and Hu tribes as supporting forces, believing he could capture territories west of Long Mountain. However, each time he planned major campaigns, Fei Yi restricted his troops to no more than ten thousand.

The Han-Jin Chronicles record Fei Yi telling Jiang Wei: "We are far inferior to Chancellor Zhuge Liang. Even he couldn't pacify the Central Plains—how could we? Better to first protect the state and people, preserve our foundation, and await more capable individuals. Don't gamble everything on one risky battle. If we fail, regret would be too late."

The final section describes Jiang Wei's retreat when Deng Ai approached Chengdo. Conflicting reports circulated—some claimed Zhuge Zhan (Zhuge Liang's son) was defeated, others said Emperor Liu Shan would defend Chengdu to the death, flee to Eastern Wu, or escape to Jianning in Nanzhong (present-day Yunnan). Jiang Wei thus withdrew his army via Guanghan's Qi Route (modern Santai, Sichuan), seeking to verify the actual situation first.

實尋被後主勅令乃投戈放甲詣會於涪軍前將士咸怒援刀 砍石  千寶晉記云會謂維曰來何遲也維正色流涕曰今日見此  爲速矣會甚竒之 會厚待維等皆權還其印號節蓋會與維出則同轝坐則同席 謂長史杜預曰以伯約比中土名士公休太初不能勝也  世語曰時蜀官屬皆天下英俊無出維右 會旣構鄧艾艾檻車徵因將維等詣成都自稱益州牧以叛  漢晉春秋曰會陰懷異圖維見而知其心謂可構成擾亂以  圖克復也乃詭說會曰聞君自淮南已來算無遺䇿晉道克  昌皆君之力今復定蜀威德振世民高其功主畏其謀欲以  此安歸乎夫韓信不背漢於擾攘以見疑於旣平大夫種不  從范蠡於五湖卒伏劍而妄死彼豈闇主愚臣哉利害使之  然也今君大功旣立大德已著何不法陶朱公泛舟絕迹全  功保身登峨嵋之領而從赤松游乎會曰君言遠矣我不能  行且爲今之道或未盡于此也維曰其他則君智力之所能  無煩於老夫矣由是情好歡甚 華陽國志曰維教會誅北  來諸將旣死徐欲殺會盡坑魏兵還復蜀祚密書與後主曰  願陛下忍數日之辱臣欲使社稷危而復安寰宇傾而復奠   孫盛晉陽秋曰盛以永和初從安西將軍平蜀見諸故老  言姜維旣降之後密與劉襌表疏說欲僞服事鍾會因殺之
Interpretation

This historical account records a series of events following the surrender of Shu Han general Jiang Wei to the Wei state during the Three Kingdoms period. When Jiang Wei received the surrender order from Emperor Liu Shan, he had no choice but to lay down his arms and submit to Wei general Zhong Hui at Fucheng. The Shu soldiers, filled with grief and indignation, vented their fury by slashing their swords against stones.

When Zhong Hui met Jiang Wei, he asked: "Why have you come so late?" With solemn expression and tearful eyes, Jiang Wei replied: "That I can meet you today is already remarkably swift." Zhong Hui recognized this as no ordinary man. He treated Jiang Wei and his officers favorably, temporarily returning their official seals and ceremonial regalia. The two became close companions, sharing the same carriage and sitting mat. Zhong Hui told his Chief Clerk Du Yu: "Comparing Jiang Wei (styled Boyue) with Central Plains luminaries like Zhuge Dan (styled Gongxiu) and Xiahou Xuan (styled Taichu), the latter pale in comparison." Though Shu Han's officials were all talents of their age, none surpassed Jiang Wei.

Later, Zhong Hui framed Deng Ai, sending him back to the capital under guard while taking Jiang Wei and others to Chengdu, where he proclaimed himself Governor of Yizhou and plotted rebellion. Jiang Wei, discerning Zhong Hui's treacherous intentions, saw an opportunity to create chaos and potentially restore Shu Han. He advised Zhong Hui: "Since the Huainan campaign, your strategies have never failed—Jin's prosperity owes everything to your merit. Now with Shu pacified and your might shaking the realm, while the people praise your achievements, the ruler must fear your cunning. Han Xin never betrayed Emperor Gaozu during the chaotic times, yet faced suspicion in peace; Wen Zhong ignored Fan Li's advice to retire to the lakes and ultimately took his own life. Having achieved fame and success, why not emulate Fan Li's boating retirement to preserve your life?"

Zhong Hui replied: "Your words reach too far—this I cannot do. There may be another way." Jiang Wei hinted: "As for other ways, with your wisdom, this old man need say no more." Their bond deepened further. According to the Chronicles of Huayang, Jiang Wei incited Zhong Hui to execute the northern Wei generals, planning to kill Zhong Hui after their deaths, massacre the Wei troops, and restore Shu Han's sovereignty. He secretly wrote to Emperor Liu Shan: "May Your Majesty endure temporary humiliation for a few days—your servant shall turn danger into safety and restore our rightful rule."

Jin dynasty historian Sun Sheng recorded in the Annals of Jinyang that during the Yonghe era, while accompanying General Anxi to pacify Shu, he heard local elders recount how Jiang Wei had secretly memorialized Liu Shan after his surrender, explaining his feigned submission to Zhong Hui while preparing to kill him and restore their kingdom.

 以復蜀土會事不㨗遂至遂滅蜀人于今傷之盛以爲古人  云非所困而困焉名必辱北所據而據焉身必危旣辱且危  死期將至其姜維之謂乎鄧艾之入江由士眾鮮少維進不  能奮節綿竹之下退不能總帥五將擁衛蜀主思後圖之計  而乃反覆於逆順之間希違情於難冀之會以衰弱之國而  屢觀兵於三秦巳滅之邦冀理外之竒舉不亦闇哉  臣松之以爲盛之譏維又爲不當于時鍾會大眾旣造劒閣  維與諸將列營守險會不得進巳議還計全蜀之功幾乎立  矣但鄧艾詭道傍入出於其後諸葛瞻旣敗成都自潰維若  回軍救内則會乘其背當時之勢焉得兩濟而責維不能奮  節綿竹擁衞蜀主非其理也會欲盡坑魏將以舉大事授維  重兵使爲前驅若令魏將皆死兵事在維手殺會復蜀不爲  難也夫功成理外然後爲竒不可以事有差失而抑謂不然  設使田單之計邂逅不會復可謂之愚闇哉 欲授維兵五萬人使爲前驅魏將士憤發殺會及維維妻子皆 伏誅  世語曰維死時見剖胆如斗大 郤正著論論維曰姜伯約據上將之重處羣臣之右宅舍弊薄 資財無餘側室無妾媵之䙝後庭無聲樂之娛衣服取供輿馬 取備飲食節制不奢不約官給費用隨手消盡察其所以然者 非以激貪厲濁抑情自割也直謂如是爲足不在多求凡人之
Interpretation

This passage recounts the historical circumstances and evaluations of Jiang Wei, a Shu Han general during the Three Kingdoms period.

Pei Songzhi (commentator of the Records of the Three Kingdoms) considered Chen Shou's criticism of Jiang Wei to be unjust. When Zhong Hui's army reached Jiange (present-day Jiange County, Sichuan), Jiang Wei and other generals defended the strategic position so effectively that Zhong Hui nearly withdrew. However, Deng Ai's surprise attack via the Yinping mountain path and Zhuge Zhan's subsequent defeat led to Chengdu's fall. Had Jiang Wei retreated to rescue Chengdu, Zhong Hui would have pursued him—an impossible dilemma. Blaming Jiang Wei for not making a last stand at Mianzhu (modern Deyang, Sichuan) to protect Liu Shan is unreasonable.

Later, Zhong Hui sought Jiang Wei's alliance against Wei, offering him command of elite troops as vanguard. Had this plan succeeded, Jiang Wei could have eliminated Zhong Hui and restored Shu Han. The eventual failure shouldn't invalidate the strategy's merit, just as condemning the Warring States strategist Tian Dan for occasional failures would be unfair.

When Zhong Hui was about to grant Jiang Wei 50,000 troops, Wei soldiers mutinied, killing both commanders. According to Shiyu, Jiang Wei's corpse was later dissected, revealing a "gallbladder as large as a peck measure"—symbolizing his extraordinary courage.

Xi Zheng, a Shu Han official, praised Jiang Wei: "As supreme general ranking above all ministers, he lived in modest quarters with no accumulated wealth, kept no concubines or entertainments. His clothing, food, and carriage met basic needs, and he spent his salary freely. This wasn't ostentatious asceticism, but genuine contentment." Such restraint was exceptional among contemporary elites.

談常譽成毁敗扶高抑下咸以姜維投厝無所身死宗滅以是 貶削不復料擿異乎春秋褒貶之義矣如姜維之樂學不倦清 素節約自一時之儀表也 鄧芝字伯苗義陽新野人漢司徒禹之後也漢末入蜀未見知 待時益州從事張裕善相芝往從之裕謂芝曰君年過七十位 至大將軍封侯芝聞巴西太守龐羲好士往依焉先主定益州 芝爲郫邸閣督先主出至郫與語大竒之擢爲郫令遷廣漢太 守所在清嚴有治績入爲尙書先主薨於永安先是吳王孫權 請和先主累遣宋瑋費禕等與相報答丞相諸葛亮深慮權聞 先主殂隕恐有異計未知所如芝見亮曰今主上幼弱初在位 宜遣大使重申吳好亮答之曰吾思之久矣未得其人耳今日 始得之芝問其人爲誰亮曰卽使君也乃遣芝修好於權權果 狐疑不時見芝芝乃自表請見權曰臣今來亦欲爲吳非但爲 蜀也權乃見之語芝曰孤誠願與蜀和親然恐蜀主幼弱國小 勢偪爲魏所乘不自保全以此猶豫耳芝對曰吳蜀二國四州 之地大王命世之英諸葛亮亦一時之傑也蜀有重險之固吳 有二江之阻合此二長共爲脣齒進可并兼天下退可鼎足而 立此理之自然也大王今若委質於魏魏必上望大王之入朝 下求太子之内侍若不從命則奉辭伐叛蜀必順流見可而進
Interpretation

This passage recounts the deeds of two key figures from Shu Han during the Three Kingdoms period: Jiang Wei and Deng Zhi.

Regarding Jiang Wei, the author critiques the common tendency to judge heroes by their ultimate success or failure. People often disparage Jiang Wei simply because he met defeat in battle and saw his family perish, but such criticism violates the Spring and Autumn Annals' principle of balanced praise and censure. In truth, Jiang Wei was diligent in study, lived with frugality, and stood as a model of virtue for his time.

Deng Zhi, styled Bomiaо, hailed from Xinye in Henan and was a descendant of Deng Yu, the Eastern Han Minister over the Masses. After entering Shu during the late Han period, he initially went unrecognized. When the Yizhou official Zhang Yu (renowned for physiognomy) predicted Deng Zhi would become a general-in-chief and receive a marquisate in his seventies, Deng later joined Pang Xi, Governor of Baxi. After Liu Bei pacified Yizhou, Deng Zhi supervised the granary in Pi County. During Liu Bei's inspection tour, their conversation so impressed the ruler that Deng was promoted to Pi County magistrate, then Guanghan Administrator—governing with incorruptible strictness and outstanding achievement before being transferred to the central government as a Secretary.

When Liu Bei lay dying at Yong'an, Sun Quan sought reconciliation. Though Liu Bei dispatched Song Wei and Fei Yi multiple times, Zhuge Liang feared Sun Quan might act unpredictably upon learning of Liu Bei's death. Deng Zhi proactively proposed sending an envoy to restore relations with Wu. Zhuge Liang responded: "This very concern has troubled me—now I've found the right man for the task: you yourself." Initially hesitant to receive Deng Zhi, Sun Quan relented after Deng memorialized that his mission served Wu's interests as much as Shu's. During their audience, Sun Quan frankly admitted fearing Shu's child ruler and vulnerable position might invite Wei's aggression. Deng Zhi countered that Wu-Shu collectively held four provinces, with Sun Quan as a contemporary hero and Zhuge Liang a peerless talent. Shu possessed strategic terrain while Wu controlled the Yangtze's natural defenses—allowing joint advancement to dominate the realm or secure a tripod balance through retreat. Should Wu submit to Wei, he argued, Wei would demand Sun Quan's court attendance and his heir as hostage; refusal would provoke attack while Shu could descend the Yangtze to coordinate strikes.

如此江南之地非復大王之有也權默然良久曰君言是也遂 自絕魏與蜀連和遣張温報聘於蜀蜀復令芝重往權謂芝曰 若天下太平二主分治不亦樂乎芝對曰夫天無二日土無二 王如并魏之後大王未深識天命者也君各茂其德臣各盡其 忠將提袍鼓則戰爭方始耳權大笑曰君之誠欵乃當爾邪權 與亮書曰丁厷掞張  掞音夷念反或作豔臣松之案漢書禮樂志曰長離前掞光  耀明左思蜀都賦摛藻掞天庭孫權蓋謂丁厷之言多浮豔  也 陰化不盡和合二國唯有鄧芝及亮北住漢中以芝爲中監軍 揚武將軍亮卒遷前軍師前將軍領兖州剌史封陽武亭侯頃 之爲督江州權數與芝相聞饋遺優渥延熙六年就遷爲車騎 將軍後假節十一年涪陵國人殺都尉反叛芝率軍征討卽梟 其渠帥百姓安堵  華陽國志曰芝征涪陵見玄猿緣山芝性好弩手自射猿中  之猿㧞其箭卷木葉塞其創芝曰嘻吾違物之性其將死矣  一日芝見猿抱子在樹上引弩射之中猿母其子爲拔箭以   木葉塞創芝乃歎息投弩水中自知當死 十四年卒芝爲大將軍二十餘年賞罰明斷善䘏卒伍身之衣 食資仰於官不苟素儉然終不治私産妻子不免饑寒死之日 家無餘財性剛簡不飾意氣不得士類之和於時人少所敬貴 唯器異姜維云子良襲爵景耀中爲尙書左選郞晉朝廣漢太
Interpretation

This passage documents the historical events of the Wu-Shu alliance during the Three Kingdoms period and the life of Deng Zhi.

Originally allied with Wei, Sun Quan changed his mind after being persuaded by Deng Zhi, who warned him, "The lands south of the Yangtze may no longer belong to Your Majesty." After a long silence, Sun Quan acknowledged Deng Zhi's point and severed ties with Wei, forming an alliance with Shu instead. He sent Zhang Wen as an envoy to Shu, and in return, Shu dispatched Deng Zhi once more to Wu.

Sun Quan remarked to Deng Zhi, "If peace prevails under heaven, wouldn’t it be ideal for our two states to govern separately?" Deng Zhi replied, "There cannot be two suns in the sky, nor two sovereigns on earth. After we eliminate Wei, Your Majesty may not yet recognize the Mandate of Heaven. By then, rulers will assert their virtue, ministers will pledge their loyalty, and war will only just begin." Sun Quan laughed heartily and said, "Your candor lives up to its reputation."

As an envoy, Deng Zhi facilitated the Wu-Shu alliance. When Zhuge Liang launched his Northern Expeditions, he appointed Deng Zhi as Central Supervisor of the Army and General Who Spreads Martial Might. After Zhuge Liang’s death, Deng Zhi was promoted to Vanguard Counselor, Vanguard General, and concurrently Governor of Yan Province, receiving the title of Marquis of Yangwu. Later, he was stationed in Jiangzhou, where Sun Quan frequently corresponded with him and sent generous gifts.

In the sixth year of Yanxi (243 CE), Deng Zhi was promoted to General of Chariots and Cavalry. In the eleventh year (248 CE), when the people of Fuling rebelled, he led troops to suppress the revolt, executing the rebel leaders and restoring peace for the common people. According to the Records of Huayang, during the campaign in Fuling, Deng Zhi spotted a black gibbon on the mountain. Fond of archery, he shot and wounded it. Later, he struck a mother gibbon carrying her young. Witnessing the infant gibbon trying to remove the arrow and tend to its mother, Deng Zhi lamented having violated the nature of living beings and foresaw that retribution would follow.

Deng Zhi served as a high-ranking general for over twenty years, enforcing clear rewards and punishments while caring for his soldiers. He lived simply, never amassed personal wealth, and at times, his wife and children suffered hunger and cold. At his death, his household had no surplus possessions. Stern and uncompromising in character, he lacked social grace and was not widely respected in his time, though he held Jiang Wei in high regard. His son, Deng Liang, inherited his noble title and served as Left Selection Gentleman of the Imperial Secretariat during the Jingyao era (258–263 CE). Later, under the Jin dynasty, he became Administrator of Guanghan.

守 張翼字伯恭犍爲武陽人也建興九年爲庲降都督綏南中郞 將翼性持法嚴不得殊俗之歡心耆率劉胄背叛作亂翼舉兵 討胄胄未破會被徵當還羣下咸以爲宜便馳騎卽罪翼曰不 然吾以蠻南蠢動不稱職故還耳然代人未至吾方臨戰塲當 運糧積穀爲滅賊之資豈可以黜退之故而廢公家之務乎於 是統攝不懈代到乃發馬忠因其成基以破殄胄丞相亮聞而 善之亮出武功以翼爲前軍都督領扶風太守亮卒拜前領軍 追論討劉胄功賜爵關
Interpretation

Zhang Yi, styled Bogong, was a native of Wuyang County in Jianwei Commandery. In the ninth year of the Jianxing era (231 CE), he was appointed as the Commander of Laixiang (military governor of the southern regions) and concurrently as General Who Pacifies the South. Though Zhang Yi enforced laws strictly, his rigidity alienated the local minority tribes. When the tribal leader Liu Zhou rebelled, Zhang Yi led troops to suppress the uprising.

Before the conflict was resolved, the imperial court abruptly recalled him to the capital. His subordinates urged him to return swiftly to plead his case, but Zhang Yi refused, saying: "This would not be right. I am being recalled for failing to govern the southern barbarians effectively, yet my successor has not arrived. Now that I am at the frontlines, I must continue stockpiling provisions and preparing to quell the rebellion—how can I neglect state affairs just because of my own demotion?" He remained at his post until his successor, Ma Zhong, arrived to take over. Later, Ma Zhong capitalized on the foundation Zhang Yi had laid and ultimately crushed Liu Zhou’s revolt.

When Chancellor Zhuge Liang learned of this, he greatly admired Zhang Yi’s conduct. Later, when Zhuge Liang launched a campaign in Wugong, he appointed Zhang Yi as Vanguard Commander and concurrently as Administrator of Fufeng. After Zhuge Liang’s death, the court posthumously recognized Zhang Yi’s contributions in suppressing Liu Zhou’s rebellion and granted him the title of Marquis Within the Passes.

内侯

Source text: Kanripo 漢籍リポジトリ(KR5i0078); Licence: CC BY-SA 4.0 · Report an error / feedback

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