《道德真經集註雜說》

During the Song Dynasty, Peng Si of Helin compiled the Collected Commentaries and Miscellaneous Sayings on the True Scripture of Dao and De, which recorded the deeds of several eminent Daoist masters.

When Emperor Taizu of Song (Zhao Kuangyin) was campaigning against Taiyuan and stationed at Zhenyang, he heard of a Daoist named Su Chengyin who had repeatedly declined summons during the Five Dynasties period. The emperor summoned this eighty-year-old master to his temporary palace and inquired about methods for nurturing life. Su Chengyin replied: "My method of nurturing life is simply to concentrate the spirit (Shen) and refine the primordial Qi. But for an emperor, nurturing life is different. Laozi said, 'When I practice Wuwei (non-action), the people transform themselves; when I remain desireless, the people become simple.' Maintaining a mind of Wuwei and desirelessness, gathering the spirit in the state of supreme harmony—this is how the Yellow Emperor and Emperor Yao ruled the world enduringly." Emperor Taizu greatly appreciated his insight.

Another eminent master, Zhang Wumeng, whose Daoist name was Hongmengzi and courtesy name Lingyin, revered purity and emptiness, deeply studied the Zhouyi (Book of Changes), and lived in seclusion on Mount Hua. He formed friendships beyond worldly concerns with Liu Haichan and Zhong Fang, and became a disciple of Chen Tuan (Master Xiyi), from whom he received the profound essentials of Daoist teachings. Later, while living in seclusion on Mount Tiantai, Emperor Zhenzong summoned him to inquire about the way of longevity. Zhang Wumeng said: "I am but a man of the mountains—I merely recite the Laozi and Zhouyi in my daily practice, knowing no other arts of immortality." When the court offered him the position of Assistant Editor in the Imperial Library, he firmly declined and returned to the mountains, refusing even the gold, silver, and silk bestowed upon him.

There was also Bixuzi (Master of Azure Emptiness) Chen Jingyuan, who became Zhang Wumeng's disciple. He composed the Compendium of Subtleties from the Treasury Chamber on the Scripture of Dao and De, which distilled essential commentaries from various schools through the ages while incorporating secret teachings transmitted by his master. During the Xining era of Emperor Shenzong's reign, he was summoned to the palace to present this work and received imperial commendation. He also annotated the Nanhua Jing (i.e., the Zhuangzi), producing over twenty scrolls of Phonetic Glosses and Exegesis on the Nanhua Jing. These works were later included in the Daoist Canon (Daozang).

According to the bibliographic records of Dong You of Guangchuan, after Emperor Xuanzong of Tang (also known as Emperor Yuanzong of Tang) annotated the Laozi, he was the first to reorganize this classic into the Daode Jing (Scripture of the Way and Virtue). He grouped the sections discussing the "Dao" (the Way) into the first volume and those discussing "De" (Virtue/Power) into the second volume, then had this version inscribed on stone steles at the Laozi Temple in Wokou.

The Tang dynasty Daoist Zhang Daoxiang once compiled a seven-volume Collected Commentaries on the Daode Jing, gathering annotations from thirty scholars. Among those still verifiable today are: the abridged commentary by Heshang Gong (a Han dynasty recluse), Yan Zun (a Western Han Daoist scholar), Wang Bi (a Wei-Jin period metaphysician), He Yan, Guo Xiang, Zhong Hui, Sun Deng, Yang Hu, Kumārajīva (a renowned monk from the Western Regions), Lu Jingyu, Liu Renhui, Gu Huan, Tao Hongjing (a Southern Dynasties Daoist master), Song Ling, Pei Chusi, Du Bi, Zhang Ping, Zhang Sicang, Xuanjing, Meng Anqi, Meng Zhizhou, Dou Lüe, Song Wenming, Chu Rou, Liu Jinxi, Cai Zihuang, Cheng Xuanying (a prominent Tang dynasty Daoist), Che Huibi, and others.

Consulting the "Bibliographical Records" of both the Old and New Tang Histories, we also find mention of forty additional commentators, including Muqiu Wangzhi, Xiang (surname lost), Cheng Shao, Wang Shang, Shu Cai, Yuan Zhen, the monks Huiyan and Huilin, Yi Ying, Liang Kuang, Shu Zhongshan, Fu Yi, Yang Shangshan, Li Yunyuan, Chen Sigu, Ren Zhenzi, Feng Guo, Master Xuanjing, Yang Shangqi, Han Du, Emperor Wu of Liang, Emperor Jianwen of Liang, Jia Dayin, Pili Renxu, Liu Zhongrong, Wang Su, Dai Shen, Emperor Xuanzong, Lu Zangyong, Xing Nanhe, Feng Chaoyin, Bai Lüzhong, Li Bo, Yin Zhizhang, Lu Deming, Chen Tingyu, Lu Xisheng, Wu Shanjing, Sun Simiao (the Tang dynasty "King of Medicine"), Li Hanguang, and others.

It is worth noting that Zhang Daoxiang's original compilation was likely in four volumes, while the seven-volume version seen by Dong You may have been expanded by later scholars. By the Chongning era (1102–1106) of the Northern Song dynasty, when the Daoist Canon was being revised, this collected commentary had already been lost. Only the annotations by Emperor Xuanzong and Heshang Gong survive to this day.

This passage primarily discusses the annotations and studies of the Daode Jing (Classic of the Way and Virtue) by several Tang dynasty scholars.

It first mentions the four commentaries by Yan Zun and Lu Xisheng, as well as the ancient version of the Daode Jing transmitted by Fu Yi. Additionally, it notes the individual annotations by Li Yue, Li Rong, Jia Qingyi, and others. Wang Gu and his team were commissioned by Emperor Xuanzong of Tang to compile authoritative commentaries, which Du Guangting later expanded with more detailed explanations—all these being Tang dynasty works. Unfortunately, most of these texts are now lost, with only titles surviving while the content has perished in eight or nine cases out of ten.

The passage then highlights Daode Jing Zhuan (Commentary on the Daode Jing) by the Tang chancellor Lu Xisheng. He regarded Laozi's teachings as rooted in the "Dao" (the Way) and applied through "names," advocating wuwei (non-action) that accomplishes all things, ultimately reaching the highest state. He criticized six scholars—Yang Zhu, Zhuangzi, Shen Buhai, Han Fei, Wang Bi, and He Yan—arguing they either strayed too far from Laozi's teachings or interpreted them too extremely, thus becoming "transgressors" against Laozi.

Lu Xisheng also paralleled Laozi with Fuxi, King Wen of Zhou, and Confucius: Fuxi's drawing of the bagua (Eight Trigrams) explored the nature of all things, while Laozi investigated the origin of Dao and De (Virtue), sharing the same source; King Wen emphasized the dynamic yang principles in the Yijing (Book of Changes), whereas Laozi focused on the receptive yin and stillness, complementing each other; Confucius taught the people through benevolence and righteousness, while Laozi transformed the world through Dao and De—different paths converging on the same goal. He considered these three as supreme sages, with Laozi synthesizing their insights and probing the profound, thus deserving the title of "ultimate divinity."

Lastly, the passage mentions Daode Jing Zhu (Annotations on the Daode Jing) by Li Yue (son of Li Mian), a Tang dynasty Minister of War. He argued that interpreting the Daode Jing as mere mystical discourse on immortality was a misunderstanding—in reality, the Confucian Six Classics were but branches of Huang-Lao thought. This view diverged sharply from mainstream opinions of his time.

Emperor Taizong of Tang once asked Fu Yi: "Buddhism is profound and sublime, why do you alone not believe in it?" Fu Yi replied: "Buddhism was originally created by cunning men among the western barbarians. After being transmitted to the Central Plains, it merely appropriated the profound teachings of Laozi and Zhuangzi as embellishment. It brings no benefit to the people and is harmful to the state." The emperor deeply agreed, and on his deathbed admonished his son: "You must study Laozi's Dao De Jing (Classic of the Way and Virtue) along with the Six Classics of the Duke of Zhou and Confucius—these represent the true path. The heretical teachings of barbarians delude the world—you must never emulate them."

Emperor Xianzong of Tang asked his chancellor Li Fan whether he believed in immortals. Li Fan responded: "Tales of immortals originate from Daoism, which takes Laozi's five-thousand-character Dao De Jing as its foundation. Laozi's original intent aligns with the classical teachings, but later opportunists fabricated immortal legends under Laozi's name. Both Emperor Qin Shi Huang and Emperor Wu of Han were deceived by these yet gained nothing." The emperor greatly approved of this perspective.

The recluse Zhongchang Ziguang (courtesy name Buyao) lived in seclusion by the river isles during the final years of the Sui dynasty's Kaihuang era. When local officials visited, he feigned muteness. When asked about Daoist teachings, he would simply write the two characters "Lao Yi" (referring to Laozi and the Book of Changes). The scholar Wenzhongzi compared him to ancient worthies like Yu Zhong and Yi Yi.

The recluse Wang Ji (sobriquet Donggaozi) was the younger brother of Wang Tong, a great Confucian scholar of the late Sui dynasty. Wang Ji owned farmland by the river isles and, admiring Zhongchang Ziguang's authentic nature, deliberately relocated his dwelling nearby. He often kept the Zhouyi (Book of Changes), Laozi and Zhuangzi by his bedside, seldom reading other texts.

The recluse Lu Hongyi (courtesy name Haoran) lived in seclusion on Mount Song. In the sixth year of Emperor Xuanzong's Kaiyuan era (718 CE), he was summoned to Luoyang but refused to perform the ceremonial kowtow. When the chancellor sent someone to inquire why, he answered: "Laozi said 'rites are the expression of thinning loyalty and trustworthiness'—they cannot be relied upon. I, Lu Hongyi, wish to meet the Son of Heaven with a heart of loyalty and trust."

The Daoist priest Sima Chengzhen (honorary title Master Zhenyi, courtesy name Ziwei) remained in seclusion on Mount Tiantai. Emperor Ruizong dispatched his elder brother Sima Chenghui to invite him to court. When asked about cultivation methods in the palace, he replied: "To cultivate the Dao (Way), one must daily diminish desires—diminish and diminish again, until reaching the state of wuwei (non-action)."

This passage discusses how several historical figures understood and applied the Dao De Jing (Classic of the Way and Virtue). It notes that human consciousness and sensory perception constantly deplete one's Jing (essence), let alone engaging with heterodox theories that further burden the mind. An emperor once asked: "If self-cultivation works this way, how should one govern a state?" The reply was: "Governing a state is like cultivating the self—maintain a serene mind, harmonize Qi (vital energy) with nature, follow the inherent nature of all things without selfish intent, and the world will naturally achieve great order." The emperor marveled that this was the wisdom of Guangchengzi, a legendary immortal.

During the Kaiyuan era of Emperor Xuanzong of Tang, practitioners were summoned to the capital, and a Daoist temple was built for them on Mount Wangwu. The emperor ordered the Laozi (another name for the Dao De Jing) to be transcribed in three scripts, standardizing the text (the New Book of Tang records 5,380 characters as the authoritative version). Master Wu Yun, originally a Confucian scholar from Shandong, later pursued Daoist cultivation at Mount Song and traveled to Mount Tiantai. When Emperor Xuanzong inquired about Daoist teachings, Wu replied that the most profound doctrine was the Laozi's five thousand words, while other texts were merely verbose distractions. Asked about Neidan (internal alchemy) and immortality practices, he stated these were pursuits for hermits, not rulers.

Ban Gu's records mention commentaries on Laozi's teachings by scholars like Lin, Fu, Xu, and Liu Xiang, though these works are now lost. Current editions of the Dao De Jing vary—some divide it into two parts, others into 81 chapters (e.g., the Heshang Gong version: 37 chapters in the upper section mirroring odd-numbered celestial patterns, 44 in the lower reflecting even-numbered earthly ones), or 72 chapters (e.g., Yan Zun's version: 40 upper, 32 lower). With divergent source texts and interpretations, the original form is now difficult to reconstruct.

Huan Tan of the Han Dynasty once remarked that Laozi (Lao Dan) originally composed two essays on "emptiness and nothingness," which later admirers considered superior even to the Confucian Five Classics (the Book of Songs, Book of Documents, Book of Rites, Book of Changes, and Spring and Autumn Annals). From Emperor Wen and Emperor Jing of Han to Sima Qian, this view was widely held (as recorded in the Biography of Yang Xiong).

Ruan Ji wrote in his Discourse on Penetrating Laozi: The Dao (the Way) is that which follows nature to transform and nurture all things. If rulers can abide by this principle, all things will naturally flourish. The Book of Changes refers to it as "Taiji (Supreme Ultimate)," the Spring and Autumn Annals calls it the "Origin," while Laozi names it the "Dao" (as cited in the Taiping Yulan).

When Wang Bi annotated the Daodejing, he expressed doubts about the chapters "Fine weapons are instruments of misfortune" and "When the people are hungry," suspecting they might not have been written by Laozi himself.

He Yan had not yet completed his annotations on the Laozi when he encountered Wang Bi’s interpretations. Realizing his own understanding fell short in many places, he abandoned his annotations and instead composed the Discourse on Dao and De. Another account states: He Yan (styled Pingshu) had just finished annotating the Laozi when he visited Wang Bi (styled Fusi). Upon seeing the extraordinary depth of Wang Bi’s commentary, he sighed in admiration, saying, "Only someone like this is fit to discuss the relationship between heaven’s principles and human affairs!" He then revised his own annotations into the Two Discourses on Dao and De. The Records of Literary Works notes: At the time, Confucian scholars dismissed Laozi as no sage and advocated abandoning ritual teachings. He Yan, however, argued that Laozi’s thought aligned with Confucius’s and composed treatises to propagate this view (as recorded in A New Account of the Tales of the World and its commentaries).

Ruan Xian’s son, Ruan Zhan, once visited Minister Wang Rong, who asked him, "Confucianism emphasizes ritual teachings, while Laozi and Zhuangzi advocate following nature. Are their fundamental principles the same or different?" Ruan Zhan replied, "I suspect they are the same." Wang Rong pondered this at length and promptly recruited him for office. Contemporaries dubbed him the "Three-Word Clerk" (as recorded in Ruan Zhan’s biography in the Book of Jin, though A New Account of the Tales of the World attributes this exchange to Ruan Xiu).

Lu Deming (styled Yuanlang) was appointed as a Grand Academy erudite. When Emperor Gaozu of Tang conducted the Shidian ceremony, he summoned Erudite Xu Wenyuan to lecture on the Classic of Filial Piety, the monk Hui Cheng to expound the Prajnaparamita Sutra, and the Daoist priest Liu Jinxi to explain the Laozi. Lu Deming posed challenging questions to all three, refuting each according to the tenets of their respective traditions and leaving the audience convinced. The emperor, greatly pleased, remarked, "These three are indeed skilled debaters, yet Deming alone rendered them speechless—truly a man of talent!" (as recorded in the Confucian scholars’ biographies of the New Book of Tang and Old Book of Tang).

In the early Kaiyuan era of Emperor Xuanzong of Tang, an edict commanded Chief Minister Zhang Yue to recommend scholars well-versed in the Book of Changes, Laozi, and Zhuangzi. Hou Xingguo, an academician of the Jixian Institute, recommended Kang Ziyuan of Kuaiji and Jing Huizhen of Pingyang to Zhang Yue. Upon their recommendation, both were appointed as imperial lecturers and soon assumed additional duties.

The Academician of the Jixian Academy began lecturing in the imperial palace alongside the Daoist priest Guo Huizhen and Feng Chaoyin of Changle. Feng excelled in expounding the profound principles within the works of Laozi and Zhuangzi, while Guo Huizhen was also well-versed in Laozi's teachings. Before each lecture, they would reverently burn incense and purify themselves through ritual bathing (as recorded in the "New Book of Tang: Biographies of Confucian Scholars").

In his youth, Zhang Jianming studied Confucianism while traveling north of the Yellow River before becoming a Daoist priest, mastering the thought of Laozi and Zhuang Zhou. When summoned by Emperor Gaozu of Later Jin, he was asked: "Can Daoist teachings be used to govern a state?" He replied: "The so-called 'Dao' describes the supreme truth underlying all things. Those who truly comprehend its ultimate expression can govern all under heaven while remaining at home." The emperor admired this response, inviting him to the inner palace to expound the "Daode Jing" and honoring him as a teacher with the title "Master of Profound Understanding." He later disappeared without trace (recorded in the "History of the Five Dynasties: Biographies of Exceptional Individuals").

Emperor Taizong of Song, upon hearing that some canal transport soldiers were engaged in private trade, told his ministers: "Corruption is like rat holes—how can they all be stopped? Just eliminate the most egregious cases. These boatmen occasionally engage in small trade—if it doesn't hinder official duties, don't investigate too deeply. Just ensure no loss to government supplies." Lü Mengzheng added: "Water too clear breeds no fish; people too discerning find few followers. Are gentlemen unaware of petty men's deceit? Tolerance achieves all things. Recall how Cao Can left prisons and markets undisturbed precisely because they contain both good and evil. Overzealous prosecution leaves no room for villainy—better to follow natural patterns." The emperor sighed: "These words capture the essence of Huang-Lao thought." (Recorded in "Facts of Our Dynasty")

Master Liaozhai (posthumously titled Loyal and Reverent) Chen Guan composed over twenty essays collectively titled "Illuminating Sayings." In the preface, he noted that Wang Zeng, the Jade Clarity Illuminated Response Palace supervisor tasked with collating Daoist scriptures from the Three Institutes, advised the emperor that none matched the purity and simplicity of Laozi's five-thousand-character "Daode Jing." Upon hearing this, Zhang Zhibai told the emperor: "Your Majesty's attention to these ideas shows understanding of governing through wuwei (non-action). When studying ancestral instructions, I observed that Emperors Wen and Jing of Han and Taizong of Tang exemplified Confucius's praise: 'I find no fault with them.'" Examining their governance, Chen found Han Wendi's policies rooted in Laozi's teachings, while Song Renzong's edicts closely resembled Wendi's. He thus compiled over ten relevant discourses into this work.

When Emperor Wen of Han first ascended the throne, he first rewarded Zhou Bo and Chen Ping for quelling the Lü clan rebellion, and only afterwards rewarded Song Chang who had supported his accession. This demonstrated putting those who served the state first and those who personally benefited him second—embodying Laozi's teaching that "by placing oneself last, one actually comes to the fore."

Whenever Emperor Wen held court and encountered palace attendants presenting memorials, he would invariably halt his carriage to listen. Suggestions deemed impractical were set aside while viable ones were adopted, yet he praised the speaker in either case. This exemplified Laozi's wisdom: "To the good I am good, and to the not-good I am also good—thus all attain goodness."

During an inspection of the tiger enclosure in Shanglin Park, the minor official in charge answered so fluently that the emperor considered promoting him exceptionally. However, Chief Commandant Zhang Shizhi remonstrated: "Ministers like Zhou Bo and Zhang Xiangru, whom Your Majesty praises as virtuous elders, report matters with simple speech. The Qin dynasty collapsed precisely because it promoted glib clerks, causing officials to compete in empty rhetoric until governance became superficial and corrupt. If we reward mere eloquence, the whole empire might emulate this hollow practice." The enlightened emperor canceled the promotion, validating Laozi's teachings: "The wise don't speak much; the verbose lack true wisdom," "The disputatious aren't virtuous; the virtuous don't dispute," and "Excessive words exhaust reason—moderation is best."

Emperor Wen also decreed: "The 'slander posts' (wooden pillars for public petitions) were established to encourage frank counsel. Yet current laws punish so-called 'slander' and 'heresy,' making ministers afraid to speak freely and rulers deaf to their faults." He abolished these charges. When Jia Yi later memorialized using the imperial ancestors' tabooed names unflinchingly, the emperor not only forgave but commended him. Such openness created prosperity, confirming Laozi's observation: "The more taboos and prohibitions in the world, the poorer the people become."

Emperor Wen of Han, in order to pacify Zhao Tuo (also known as Wei Tuo), the King of Nanyue, took special measures to protect Zhao Tuo's ancestral tombs in Zhending (present-day Zhengding, Hebei). He appointed dedicated tomb guardians and conducted annual rituals at the site. The emperor also summoned Zhao Tuo's brothers, bestowing upon them high-ranking positions and generous stipends as gestures of favor. In response, Zhao Tuo ordered the entire Nanyue kingdom to comply with Han decrees, relinquishing his imperial title and refraining from claiming emperorship. This exemplifies the principle from the Laozi: "If you want to contract it, you must first expand it; if you want to weaken it, you must first strengthen it."

When Liu Bi, the King of Wu, feigned illness to avoid court attendance, Emperor Wen instead presented him with a ceremonial staff and seat (honorary gifts for elders). Officials like Zhang Wu who had accepted bribes were not punished but rather rewarded, making them feel ashamed. When Yuan Ang advised against letting Empress Shen share the emperor's elevated seat, Emperor Wen transformed his initial anger into delight and richly rewarded Yuan Ang. These actions embody the Laozi's teachings: "Not presuming to know brings clarity" and "He who conquers himself is truly strong." Thus, Emperor Wen's virtue (De) shone brightly, and the state prospered.

By adopting Jia Yi's admonitions to govern ministers through ritual propriety rather than humiliation, Emperor Wen enhanced imperial dignity while solidifying his rule's foundation. The Book of Changes states, "The noble who humbles himself wins the people," resonating with the Laozi's "The noble takes the humble as root, the high takes the low as foundation." Among post-Three Dynasties rulers, none surpassed Emperor Wen in statecraft rooted in Laozi's philosophy. Though Laozi and Confucius differed in form, they shared fundamental principles; though the Han fell short of Zhou perfection, its merits remain noteworthy.

In the fourth year of the Huangyou era (1052), Emperor Renzong of Song remarked to his ministers: "Since my accession, I've appointed many privy councilors, but only Cai Qi, Lu Zongdao, and Xue Kui proved truly loyal and worthy of record. Chancellors Wang Zeng and Zhang Zhibai were both prudent and conscientious—minor flaws notwithstanding. Li Di was honest but overly blunt." Pang Ji responded, "Talent has always been rare." The emperor added, "I remember great virtues, not petty faults." Wang Zeng and Zhang Zhibai earned Renzong's esteem precisely because they governed through the Daoist principle of Wuwei (non-action), realizing Laozi's ideal of "governing through non-interference."

This passage records several instances of Song Dynasty emperors applying Daoist principles in state governance. During Emperor Renzong's reign, the Judicial Review Court handled cases with remarkable efficiency. Pleased, Renzong remarked: "Though our empire is vast, cases are resolved so swiftly—this shows litigation is rare and officials aren't procrastinating." He then issued edicts rewarding judges and ordered historians to document this achievement.

The text describes how during the Yuanfeng era, the Kaifeng prefectural prison stood completely empty, delighting Emperor Shenzong so much that he promoted Prefect Wang Anli to Right Executive and rewarded even minor clerks. Subsequently, officials at all levels took pride in maintaining empty prisons. While Renzong rewarded judges for reducing litigation, Shenzong promoted officials for empty prisons—both approaches embodied the Confucian-Daoist ideal of benevolent governance.

The author then quotes Laozi: "If people do not fear death, what use is threatening them with execution? But if they value life, when we execute those who disrupt order, who would dare rebel?" The Song ancestors' refusal to govern through punitive deterrence demonstrates their profound understanding of Laozi's wisdom.

When discussing the Book of Songs' metaphor "Who can cook fish well?", Emperor Renzong observed: "Laozi's saying 'Governing a great state is like cooking small fish' conveys similar wisdom." Court lecturer Ding Du added: "Over-stirring fish breaks the flesh; over-governing people fractures their hearts." The author marvels that only those deeply versed in sagely learning could grasp such ancient governance principles.

The passage concludes by noting how ancient sage-kings inevitably toiled when founding dynasties or reforming institutions. Yet Renzong maintained the empire for forty-two years through Wuwei (non-action), consistently applying the "cooking small fish" approach. His governance resembled Emperor Wen of Han's Daoist-inspired methods—so much so that Shenzong praised Han Wen's rule as "beyond reproach." This illustrates the continuity of Daoist statecraft across dynasties.

The final anecdote mentions Han Jiang receiving a critical memorial from Lin Xianke's son, demonstrating how Daoist concepts like "governing through non-action" and "handling state affairs like cooking delicate fish" were practically applied in Song politics. Through concrete examples, the text reveals the living tradition of Daoist political philosophy during China's medieval golden age.

When a high official committed an error but I dared not report it, the emperor said, "I have no wish to pursue this matter," fearing it might encourage a culture of denunciation. "You may take it back and burn it." This reminds me of Laozi's words: The people of the world are all sharp and calculating, while I alone appear dull and confused; the world is clear and discerning, while I alone seem muddled and ignorant. Laozi also said: When governance is lenient, the people remain simple; when governance is strict, the people become cunning. Han Jiang once presented a memorial to the emperor, laying out right and wrong too explicitly. Emperor Renzong, concerned it might provoke mutual accusations, refused to accept it. The foresight of sages is truly profound—what seems like muddled confusion is in fact great wisdom disguised as foolishness. This is why they are sages, and why the people can preserve their simple nature.

Sima Guang, the assistant prefect of Bingzhou, submitted a memorial proposing the selection of an heir from the imperial clan. After the mid-Tang period, emperors avoided discussing succession, considering it inauspicious. Thus, scholar-officials dared not speak frankly on matters vital to the nation's stability. Yet Sima Guang, as a distant official, spoke without reservation. Emperor Renzong, though advanced in years, did not shy away from such words. Laozi said, "To bear the misfortunes of the state is to be the ruler of the world"—this, Renzong achieved. He also said, "Honest words are harsh to the ear"—this, Sima Guang achieved.

Chen Zhongsu (Chen Guan) commented: Laozi said, "The world is a sacred vessel; it cannot be forcibly altered, for those who try will fail." He also said, "Governing a great state is like cooking a small fish"—one should not stir it excessively but simply regulate the heat. Was not Emperor Shun's practice of Wuwei (non-action) governance precisely this principle? Emperor Wu of Han abolished the Huang-Lao teachings in favor of Confucianism, ostensibly promoting benevolence and righteousness, yet the results were scarcely different from those of Qin Shi Huang. In those days, the world knew not a single day of peace, and people longed for the governance of Emperors Wen and Jing, though it could not be regained. From this perspective, what fault lay with the Huang-Lao teachings for the world? Shu Guang said to his nephew Shu Shou, "He who knows contentment avoids disgrace; he who knows when to stop avoids danger." Having reached high office, they should retreat at the height of their success—so uncle and nephew both resigned on grounds of illness. Later generations praised their wisdom, but this understanding of moderation and restraint originated in Laozi's thought.

(Recorded in the Liaozhai Ji)

Ouyang Xiu (posthumously titled Duke Wenzhong) observed: The principles of things following one another and lengths being measured comparatively, when extended, reveal universal patterns governing all phenomena. Though Laozi's writings may appear to discuss abstract and elusive truths, they contain profound wisdom for governing the people.

He further remarked: The Daoist school fundamentally emphasizes clarity, stillness, and emptiness (qingjing xuwu), eliminating forced striving and covetous desires while maintaining simple self-restraint. Hence Laozi states, "When I practice Wuwei (non-action), the people transform themselves; when I love stillness, the people rectify themselves" — even the sage-kings employing the most orthodox southern-facing governance (the traditional imperial method) could not alter this principle.

Su Zhe (styled Yingbin, posthumously titled Wending) recorded while compiling his father's manuscripts: Upon receiving the handwritten drafts compiled by nephews Su Mai and others, I found this note: "Yesterday I received Ziyou's [Su Zhe's courtesy name] newly annotated edition of the Laozi. I couldn't put it down while reading and couldn't help exclaiming: Had such interpretations existed during the Warring States period, Confucian and Daoist teachings could have been unified; had such insights appeared during the Jin-Song era, Buddhism and Daoism wouldn't have diverged. Never imagined I'd encounter such exquisite commentary in my later years — now I understand this work perfectly matches Zizhan's [Su Shi's courtesy name] intentions."

Su Zhe elaborated: Confucius governed the world through benevolence, righteousness, rites, and music, while Laozi advocated completely abandoning these. Some consider them diametrically opposed, but the Yijing states, "What is above form is called Dao (the Way); what is within form is called qi (vessel)." Confucius, with profound foresight, displayed concrete "vessels" (ritual systems) to the world while concealing the profound "Dao," allowing those of average intelligence to maintain practical norms without being confused by metaphysical principles — at least becoming gentlemen; those above average would naturally comprehend higher truths through these. Laozi differed — his aim was clarifying the Great Dao and urgently awakening human minds, thus directly revealing the "Dao" while de-emphasizing concrete "vessels," believing scholars who rigidly clung to forms would obscure the Great Dao. Hence the need to "abolish benevolence and discard righteousness" to manifest the Great Dao — both sages acted out of necessity, emphasizing one aspect inevitably meant neglecting the other.

Su Zhe also noted: Though Han Fei expounded Laozi's thought, he advised feudal lords using punishment, names, and statecraft; Li Si studied under Xun Qing (Xunzi)...

This passage compiles discussions by multiple scholars on Laozi's teachings, focusing on three key perspectives:

First, the author observes that while the Qin dynasty's notorious book burnings and scholar burials ostensibly venerated the wisdom of sages, their actions were more brutal than what even common villagers would commit. This wasn't a flaw in the sages' teachings themselves, but rather stemmed from misinterpretations that led to grave distortions. Just as neither Laozi's nor Xunzi's doctrines—despite their imperfections—would cause societal collapse, the real problem lay in later scholars' one-sided interpretations.

Lu Taoshan (also known as Nongshi), a Song dynasty scholar, lamented that since the Qin era, genuine inquiry into life's essence had gradually vanished, with the Dao-De (Virtue/Power) system remaining fragmented for too long. Many scholars unfortunately became trapped by narrow commentaries, losing the capacity to explore life's fundamental nature and forgetting the essence of ancient wisdom. He believed the dialogue between Guan Yinzi and Laozi in the Daode Jing contained profound subtleties capable of dispelling such obscurations. For this purpose, he specifically composed a commentary on the Daode Jing to recover its original meaning.

Mr. Yanping (Luo Congyan, styled Zhongsu) noted that Confucius neither praised nor criticized Laozi's works. Excessive praise might lead people to become engrossed in the notion of "harmonizing the light and merging with the dust" (blending with worldly conventions) and lose restraint, yet Laozi's assertion that "clarity and stillness set the standard for the world" was indeed commendable. Therefore, Confucius cautiously remarked that he "privately compared myself to our Lao Peng."

Finally, someone inquired of Mr. Guishan (Yang Shi, posthumously titled Wenjing) about the interpretation of "Lao Peng." At the time, there were two scholarly views: one held that "Lao Peng" referred to two individuals—Laozi and Pengzu—while the other maintained it denoted only Pengzu. This discussion reflects the meticulous textual analysis Song dynasty scholars applied to the transmission of Laozi's teachings.

Laozi (the founder of Daoism) took the natural Dao as his fundamental principle, so it's understandable that he didn't deliberately compose works. Master Guishan (Yang Shi of the Song Dynasty) once said: Only by completely eliminating selfish thoughts can one truly respond to worldly affairs. Laozi also stated: Only through impartiality can one become a true king.

Lü Gong of Rongyang (Lü Xizhe) inscribed the maxim "In governing people and serving Heaven, nothing surpasses frugality" in large characters as his personal motto. While practitioners regard this as an essential technique for nurturing life (yangsheng), its significance extends far beyond—maintaining prudence, moderation, and reserve is fundamental whether for self-cultivation, household management, or state governance.

Wang Zishao (styled Shengmei) remarked: Zhuangzi's attainment didn't reach Liezi's level, nor did Liezi attain Laozi's height. Lü Xizhe responded: If even Zhuangzi couldn't comprehend Liezi, then who could? If Liezi couldn't understand Laozi, then who possibly could? Therefore, Zhuangzi remains Liezi's truest interpreter, just as Liezi is Laozi's most authentic expositor.

Sima Guang (Duke Wen) wrote in his letter to Wang Anshi (Jiefu): When we associated in earlier years, I observed your extensive learning with particular admiration for Mencius and Laozi's teachings. Now that you implement new policies from high office, you should prioritize practicing their essential wisdom. Mencius emphasized "discuss only benevolence and righteousness—why mention profit?" while condemning those rulers who "as parents of the people, yet make them labor year-round without means to support their parents, even forcing them into debt—how can this be called parental governance?" Your current administration's primary measures...

This passage primarily critiques the economic policies of Wang Anshi's reforms during the Northern Song Dynasty, while invoking Laozi's and Sima Guang's perspectives to elucidate the Daoist political philosophy of "governing through non-action (Wuwei)."

The imperial court established a Bureau of Regulations to study fiscal policies and taxation, dispatching Xue Xiang to implement the "Equal Transportation System" (a government monopoly on commodity trade) in the Jianghuai region, attempting to completely strip merchants of their profits. Officials were also sent nationwide to distribute "Green Sprouts Loans" (government credit) and collect interest, plunging commoners into hardship and tearing families apart. The author questions: Is this the benevolent governance Mencius advocated?

Laozi stated: "The world is a sacred vessel that cannot be manipulated. Those who act upon it will fail; those who grasp it will lose." He further said: "When rulers refrain from unnecessary action, the people naturally transform; when rulers cherish tranquility, the people naturally correct themselves; when rulers avoid disturbance, the people naturally prosper; when rulers lack greed, the people naturally return to simplicity." Governing a great state is like cooking small fish (one shouldn't stir constantly). Yet Wang Anshi's administration completely overturned ancestral laws, creating chaos where priorities were reversed and hierarchies disordered, keeping the entire nation in constant upheaval where no one could live normally. Is this what Laozi intended?

Sima Guang (styled "Old Recluse") discussed Laozi's and Buddhist thought extensively in his Writings of a Recluse. He considered Buddhism's valuable insight to be "emptiness," while Daoism's was "non-action and naturalness (Wuwei Ziran)." Some believed practicing Huang-Lao techniques required making one's heart like dead ashes and body like withered wood to achieve non-action—a view Sima Guang rejected. He maintained that true natural non-action means: cultivating the mind with uprightness, maintaining the body with serenity, acting with proper timing, accepting gain and loss as destiny, upholding the Dao (Way) through personal commitment, and leaving success to heaven's will.

The passage concludes by mentioning Li Deyu (Duke of Wei) of the Tang Dynasty, who advised Emperor Jingzong against excessive searches for Daoist adepts, arguing that true masters of the Dao should transcend worldly affairs like Guangchengzi (the legendary immortal from Emperor Huangdi's era).

Among sages like Laozi (the Mysterious Origin) and Confucius, none surpasses the Yellow Emperor (Xuanyuan Huangdi). When the Yellow Emperor sought advice from Guangchengzi (a legendary immortal) on cultivating body and mind, Guangchengzi told him: Do not overuse your eyes to see or your ears to listen. Keep your spirit (Shen) inwardly guarded and your mind tranquil, and your body will naturally become upright while your heart-mind grows clear. Do not exhaust your body with labor, nor disturb your essence (Jing), vital energy (Qi), and spirit (Shen)—only then can you attain longevity. He further said: Those who comprehend my Dao can become sage rulers above and virtuous kings below. Laozi once told Confucius: You must rid yourself of arrogance, excessive desires, attachment to sensual pleasures, and overly ambitious aspirations—these are harmful and bring no benefit. This is the wisdom I impart to you. Thus, the Yellow Emperor later sighed, "The Dao of Heaven is unfathomable," while Confucius marveled, "Laozi is as profound as a dragon." Did the ancient sages not reach the pinnacle in their understanding of the great Dao? If Guangchengzi and Laozi were to appear before Your Majesty to expound the Dao, I believe their teachings would not go beyond these principles.

Bai Juyi (the Lay Buddhist of Fragrant Mountain) remarked: To foster simplicity in customs and social harmony, the best approach lies in practicing the Daoist teachings of the Yellow Emperor and Laozi. At its core, this philosophy emphasizes tolerance, frugality, and preserving one’s innate simplicity—eschewing displays of cleverness and avoiding excessive cunning. Those skilled in applying these principles, whether governing a county, a province, or the entire realm, can achieve the effects of effortless action (Wuwei). In the past, Mizijian (a disciple of Confucius) grasped this truth and transformed the people of Shanfu County without leaving his hall; Ji An (a renowned Han minister) mastered this essence and brought peace to Donghai Commandery without stepping beyond his gate; Cao Can (a Han chancellor) applied this method, refraining from interfering in lawsuits and markets, yet secured stability in Qi; Emperor Wen of Han adhered to this principle, governing the realm without harsh punishments yet achieving great order. There is no other reason for this—it is all the result of serene non-action (Wuwei).

When Su Shi was commissioned by the emperor to compose the "Stele Inscription for the Shangqing Chuxiang Palace," he noted: The Daoist school traces its origins to the Yellow Emperor (Huangdi) and Laozi. Their core philosophy takes serenity and non-action (Wuwei) as its fundamental tenet, embraces open-mindedness and harmony with all things as its practice, and upholds compassion, frugality, and non-contention as guiding principles. These ideas resonate with the Yi Jing's concept of "no excessive thought or worry" and the Analects' description of "the benevolent being tranquil and long-lived."

From the Qin and Han dynasties onward, the teachings of fangshi (esoteric practitioners) gradually became incorporated into Daoism, giving rise to techniques for celestial ascension, shape-shifting, and cultivation methods recorded in scriptures like the Huangting Jing and Dadong Jing. Deities such as the Most High Lord Lao (Taishang Laojun), the Wood Lord (Dongwanggong, King Father of the East), and the Metal Mother (Xiwangmu, Queen Mother of the West) emerged, along with worship of celestial rulers like Tianhuang, Taiyi, Ziwei, and Beiji. Later, even alchemical practices (Waidan) and minor talismanic arts (Fulu) were absorbed into the Daoist tradition.

Su Shi maintained that Huangdi and Laozi's teachings represented Daoism's essence, while fangshi techniques were merely peripheral branches. In his "Record of Master Gai's Hall," he further recounted: When Chancellor Cao Can governed the Qi state during the Han dynasty, he adopted the Huang-Lao statecraft taught by Master Gai of Jiaoxi, bringing great prosperity to Qi. Later applying the same methods to govern the empire, Cao achieved remarkable success. While serving in Jiaoxi, Su Shi searched in vain for Master Gai's tomb and descendants, lamenting how this sage—worthy of being Cao Can's teacher—left no recorded fate in histories, perhaps being a perfected one who attained the Dao and transcended death.

Tang Geng (style name Zixi), a scholar from Meishan, countered skeptics of Laozi's westward journey: Laozi advocated compassion, frugality, and not presuming precedence over all under heaven. Wandering the world with this great Dao (Daode), what place could reject him? The notion that Laozi made selective choices is mistaken. Precisely because he could dwell anywhere without obstruction—even among barbarian lands—reflects Laozi's true realm.

Zhang Lei observed in his "Exposition on Laozi's Meaning": Were human life not harmed by bedridden illnesses, dietary toxins, or medical errors, one could naturally live to a hundred years.

This passage conveys two main ideas: contemplation on the deterrent effect of punishment, and essential Daoist cultivation techniques for self-refinement.

First, regarding punishment. The text observes that even when capital punishment is used against thieves, more than half of people still commit crimes, demonstrating that humans don't truly fear death. Rulers who attempt to intimidate people with death are fundamentally misguided. If people genuinely feared death, executing the ringleaders would deter others from wrongdoing. Yet in reality, despite persistent enforcement of punishments, troublemakers never cease, proving death cannot truly restrain human behavior. The text offers an analogy: all things must eventually perish—this is the natural order (the "executioner" refers to natural law). When rulers forcibly usurp nature's role in executing life, it's like an amateur trying to replace a master carpenter—they'll likely injure their own hand.

The second part discusses self-cultivation. Zhang Jian, the mountain hermit of Gushi, taught this essential principle: The great Dao (the Way) is profoundly simple—the key lies in maintaining one's fundamental mind. The method for this is focused concentration on unity (referring to single-minded focus on the Dao's origin). When stillness reaches its ultimate state, one becomes interconnected with heaven and earth, and genuine primordial Qi (vital energy) naturally descends. This cannot be understood through intellectual reasoning or fully expressed in words—only those who personally experience it can truly know. When authentic Qi arrives, all ailments vanish, and longevity follows naturally. Laozi said, "Empty the mind, fill the abdomen; weaken the will, strengthen the bones," meaning to maintain mental clarity, replenish the Dantian (energy center), cultivate flexible determination, and fortify physical vitality. Wise men who comprehend this principle practice "cessation and contemplation" (a Buddhist meditation method), while Sima Zian (a Tang dynasty Daoist) practiced "sitting in forgetfulness" (the Daoist meditation technique of self-oblivion)—yet both approaches embody the same truth. These were the essential self-cultivation methods of ancient perfected beings. Sadly, modern people neglect these principles, needlessly tormenting their bodies while vainly fantasizing about immortality.

This passage explains that those who cultivate the Dao should follow the principles of nature, rather than deliberately pursuing strange practices or ingesting mineral-based elixirs (referring to Daoist Waidan external alchemy), as such actions would only distance them from the true Dao.

Wang Wujiu (style name Buzhi) once commented on Chapter 4 of the Laozi, noting: The sage handles affairs with an attitude of Wuwei (non-action) and teaches through "wordless instruction." They neither act deliberately nor preach intentionally, but simply follow the natural patterns inherent in all things. When all beings arise, the sage arises with them without refusal; when all beings grow, the sage grows with them without possession; when all beings act, the sage acts with them without self-importance; when all beings achieve, the sage achieves with them without claiming merit. For all this occurs by conforming to natural laws, unfolding spontaneously with the development of circumstances and changes in timing—none of it is forced. Why then should the sage refuse, possess, assert, or claim merit? As the Laozi states: "All things arise together without refusal, grow without possession, act without self-importance, and achieve without claiming merit"—this precisely captures the principle.

The commentary then explains why Laozi particularly opposes excessive speech: because what Laozi elucidates is the Dao, and the Dao itself is wordless. The reason speech is used at all is out of necessity. Precisely because the Dao is fundamentally silent, those who speak less remain closer to it, while those who speak more drift further away.

Finally, it cites Qin Guan (literary name Huaihai): Ban Gu, in the Book of Han, criticized Sima Qian, saying his judgments of right and wrong contradicted those of the sages, and that when discussing the great Dao, he placed the teachings of the Yellow Emperor and Laozi before the Six Classics.

This passage examines the relationship between several historical figures and Daoist thought. While Sima Qian (Qian) possessed vast erudition, the author argues his assessments were never arbitrary but always substantiated. Mencius stated "Humaneness is humanity; combined they constitute the Dao," while Yang Zhu (Yangzi) maintained that the Dao guides, De (Virtue) is attained, humaneness treats others, righteousness suits circumstances, and ritual manifests form—all being expressions of heavenly Dao. United, they form the complete Dao; divided, they dissipate. The Dao and De encompass the totality of humaneness, righteousness and ritual, whereas these latter represent only partial aspects of Dao-De.

The Huang-Lao school (teachings of the Yellow Emperor and Laozi) valued holistic unity over fragmentation, thus taking the Dao as fundamental. The Six Classics (Book of Songs, Documents, Rites, Music, Changes, and Spring and Autumn Annals) provided terse instruction about wholeness but detailed explanations about parts, hence prioritizing humaneness, righteousness and ritual as practical applications. When Sima Qian discussed the Great Dao, placing Huang-Lao before the Six Classics, he precisely recognized this distinction.

The author then evaluates Cui Hao, whom historical records claim compared himself to Zhang Liang (styled Zifang). The author contends Cui Hao couldn't match even Xunzi or Jia Yi, let alone Zhang Liang. Zhang Liang mastered self-cultivation, governing the world with surplus energy before withdrawing after accomplishing his task—clearly belonging to the Daoist lineage. He observed celestial phenomena and discerned temporal shifts to assist human affairs, understanding manifestations without grasping their roots—characteristics of the Yin-Yang school. Zhang Liang initially wandered in Xiapi, received military texts from the old man on the bridge, and ultimately declared his intention to abandon worldly affairs to follow the immortal Chisongzi—all demonstrating his learning derived from Daoism.

Cui Hao excelled in divination techniques (shushu), discussing portents like Mars entering Qin or comets extinguishing Jin, along with strange occurrences such as hares appearing in the imperial harem or Yao Xing presenting women. Yet later he disparaged Zhuangzi and Laozi as purveyors of empty talk, revealing his knowledge stemmed solely from the Yin-Yang tradition—completely unlike Zhang Liang.

Finally, citing Tian Xi's "Preface to the Ruler of Dragons Praise," the passage notes: A dragon's ascent requires wood for leverage; a ruler's rise needs talent as his stepping-stone. The world still harbors sages without position and worthies concealing their abilities—they corroborate each other through reputation and deeds, supporting one another with their talents. Was not Zuo Qiuming's (Qiuming) literary brilliance Confucius's (Zhongni) "measuring ruler"? Thus he could elucidate the Spring and Autumn Annals to propagate teachings. Was not Yin Xi (the border official who encountered Laozi) Lao Dan's "measuring ruler"? Thus he could explore Dao-De to transmit them to posterity.

Fan Zhongyan (posthumously titled Loyal and Cultured) wrote in the Collected Works of Duke Shu that Laozi's two-part Dao De Jing (Classic of the Way and Virtue) elucidates the mystery of Yin-Yang interaction before the formation of the cosmos. Though concise in wording, its principles are complete.

Chao Buzhi (posthumously titled Literary Origin) observed that since ancient times, many sages have delighted in studying the works of Laozi and Zhuangzi because their philosophy of "governing through Wuwei (non-action)" contains the highest form of beauty and joy. He particularly referenced Laozi's teaching that "the five colors blind the eyes, the five tones deafen the ears, and the five flavors dull the palate," noting that while the sage's words may seem extreme, their intention to guide people toward goodness is profoundly earnest. If one can avoid indulgence in sensual pleasures and gluttony, even without seeking reward, they will naturally avoid transgressions (from New Compilation of Illustrious Virtue).

Chao further explained Laozi's statement that "understanding the eternal law is enlightenment." Ordinary people only recognize the alternation of day and night as constant, while cultivators view life and death as day and night, understanding both as natural manifestations of the Dao. Thus they maintain serene minds, facing mortality without fear (from Wisdom in Advanced Age).

Li Gou (courtesy name Taibo) cited Han Yu's remark: "Daoists claim Confucius was our master's disciple, and Buddhists say the same. Yet students of Confucianism, credulously accepting these claims, disparage their own patriarch." Setting aside Buddhism, while the Records of the Grand Historian mentions Zengzi learning rituals from Laozi, historical accounts aren't infallible. As for the Book of Rites being canonical—can we assume it contains no errors? (from Drafts from Retirement).

Chao Yuezhi (sobriquet Jingyusheng) argued that after Fuxi, King Wen, and the Duke of Zhou interpreted the Yi Jing (Classic of Changes), only Laozi truly grasped its essence of adaptability, appreciating the value of softness and the importance of emptiness and stillness. He painstakingly recorded these principles in writing, and fortunately, this classic survived. Chao particularly praised Wang Bi's Commentary on Laozi's Dao De Jing as genuinely comprehending Laozi's thought, belonging to the interpretive lineage of Yan Junping's Laozi's Purpose. Its discussions on how benevolence, righteousness, and ritual cannot stand alone but must be applied through the Dao, along with its vision of all things finding their proper place in heaven and earth, contribute not only to understanding Laozi but enlighten all scholars.

This passage compiles various scholars' commentaries and discussions on the Daode Jing. It first mentions Wang Bi (a renowned Neo-Daoist scholar of the Wei-Jin period) interpreting the phrase "arms are instruments of ill omen" to mean that victorious warfare should be treated with funeral rites. However, the author points out this isn't Laozi's original wording but derives from the commentary by Heshang Gong (a Han dynasty recluse who annotated Laozi), as ancient versions of the text lack this phrase—a distinction preserved thanks to Tang scholar Fu Yi's textual discernment.

Li Zhaoqi (a Song dynasty scholar) observes that while works by Guiguzi and Han Feizi probe the origins of Dao (the Way) and De (Virtue/Power), approaching profound mysteries, these thinkers didn't truly grasp Laozi's thought. Their insights merely stumbled upon partial truths by coincidence.

Bi Zhongyou (a Song official) cites Laozi's view: "When Dao (the Way) is lost, there is De (Virtue); when De is lost, there is humaneness; when humaneness is lost, there is ritual." He argues ritual constitutes the superficial ornamentation of morality, becoming instead a source of chaos. Though ritual ranks below humaneness and righteousness, it remains subordinate to Dao and De. Later generations, failing to govern through ritual, resorted to laws—an even lower tier beneath the hierarchy of humaneness and righteousness. This discussion traces Laozi's depiction of moral degeneration: the gradual decline from the primal purity of Dao to the need for external regulations (rituals and laws) to constrain human nature.

Su You of Meishan, grandson of Duke Wending (Su Zhe), recorded his grandfather's final teachings. Su Zhe once explained several chapters of the Laozi (Daode Jing) to Su You, remarking: "Laozi's philosophical vision surpasses Mencius by two or three levels." He further stated: "Among all writings expounding the supreme truth, none surpass these five thousand characters of the Daode Jing (Classic of the Way and Virtue)." In his later years, he composed a self-reflective poem: "Recently completed commentaries on all eighty-one chapters, now counted among Lao Dan's disciples." This reveals how his late-life comprehension of the Daode Jing had attained such profundity that ordinary minds could scarcely fathom it.

In the second month of 666 CE (Qianfeng 1st year of Emperor Gaozong's reign), the Tang emperor visited the Laozi Temple in Bozhou, posthumously honoring Laozi as "Supreme Mysterious Primordial Emperor." In the first month of 743 CE (Tianbao 2nd year of Emperor Xuanzong), the title was elevated to "Great Sagely Ancestor Mysterious Primordial Emperor," with his father honored as "Precelestial Supreme Emperor" and mother Yishou Shi as "Precelestial Empress." In the tenth month of 755 CE (Tianbao 14th year), Emperor Xuanzong promulgated his personal commentary and sub-commentary on the Laozi throughout the empire. During the Tianbao era, the Daode Jing was additionally honored as "Mystically Penetrating Classic of the Way and Virtue," though this designation saw little subsequent usage.

In the eighth month of 1013 CE (Dazhong Xiangfu 6th year of Emperor Zhenzong's reign), an imperial decree honored Laozi as "Supreme Lao Jun Hunyuan Shangde Emperor." The following first month, Emperor Zhenzong journeyed from the Eastern Capital to personally visit the Taiqing Palace in Zhenyuan County, commanding Chancellor Wang Dan to present ceremonial tablets and treasures during the grand court audience ritual.

In the second month of 1005 CE (Jingde 2nd year), Sun Shi, Lecturer of the National University, memorialized: Among the Hundred Schools of Thought, the works of Laozi and Zhuangzi hold paramount importance. Their teachings advocate cultivating the self through clarity and stillness (qingjing) and emptiness (xu), maintaining one's nature through humility and pliancy, while benefiting the world through carefree non-action (wuwei) — all essential methods for imperial governance. Thus throughout history Confucian scholars have studied them alongside the Confucian classics. When Lu Deming of the Tang Dynasty compiled the thirty-volume Jingdian Shiwen (Exegesis of Classics), three volumes were devoted to Laozi Shiwen. Presently, commentaries on all classics including the Laozi Shiwen totaling twenty-seven volumes have been carved and promulgated, with only the three volumes of Zhuangzi Shiwen remaining unpublished.

This passage records two historical anecdotes, both illustrating the governing principles found in the Daode Jing (Classic of the Way and Virtue):

The first incident occurred in the third year of the Tianxi era (1019 CE) during the Song dynasty, when officials reported discovering "celestial writings" on Qianyou Mountain. Sun Shi, the prefect of Yanzhou, submitted a memorial of remonstrance citing Emperor Xuanzong of Tang as an example: the Tang emperor had obtained what were claimed to be the Lingbao Shangqing Huguo Jing (Numinous Treasure Supreme Clarity Scripture for Protecting the State) and precious talismans, which were actually forgeries by Wang Hong, Tian Tongxiu, and others. Sun Shi pointed out that if Lord Lao (Taishang Laojun, the supreme Daoist deity) had truly descended to deliver a message, it would never be false. Yet later, the An Lushan Rebellion broke out, both capitals fell—where was the promised "great peace under heaven"? Though Emperor Xuanzong eventually returned to Chang'an, he was forced by Li Fuguo to relocate palaces and ultimately starved to death—how could this be called "boundless sacred longevity and eternal vision"? This demonstrated how the emperor's superstition in heterodox practices led to political chaos, loss of popular support, and sudden calamity. Sun Shi urged the ruler to learn from Emperor Xuanzong's mistakes.

The second incident occurred during Fang La's rebellion in western Zhejiang, which shook the capital. Secretariat Drafter Cheng Zhen told Chancellor Wang Fu they should seize this opportunity to address government abuses and implement reforms to align with popular sentiment. Wang Fu took offense. As Cheng Zhen concurrently served as tutor to the crown prince, the heir apparent asked for his view. Cheng Zhen cited a classical reference: when the Duke of Zhou wrote the "Owl" poem, Confucius recognized it as embodying governance principles—the verses simply advised repairing doors and windows before the rain came. Laozi similarly said, "Deal with things before they arise; bring order before confusion begins." This showed the shared governing philosophy between Laozi and Confucius. To focus on immediate gains while neglecting foundational consolidation during peacetime, he argued, betrayed the sages' true intent.

Both stories exemplify the Daoist political wisdom of "preventing trouble before it arises," emphasizing the need for precautionary measures during times of stability rather than makeshift remedies after chaos erupts.

Li Gang (posthumously titled Duke Zhongding), while serving as Vice Director of the Bureau of Evaluation during Emperor Huizong's Zhenghe era (1116), submitted a memorial requesting imperial permission to annotate the Book of Changes (Yijing). In his petition, he wrote: "Your Majesty, endowed with celestial wisdom and diligently cultivating sagely learning, profoundly comprehends the mysteries of heaven and earth. Amidst managing myriad state affairs, you personally annotated the Laozi and Zhuangzi, using sublime language to elucidate their subtle principles, thereby illuminating the doctrines of Dao (the Way), De (Virtue), and the nature of life. The Book of Changes advocates thoughtless non-action (Wuwei) and tranquil resonance - this fundamentally aligns with Lao-Zhuang philosophy. Humbly beseeching Your Majesty to continue expounding these classics to reveal heaven and earth's profound secrets."

Li Gang also composed a poem for Li Gonglin's (courtesy name Boshi) painting "Laozi Departing the Pass": "The state of 'constant nothingness' (referring to Dao's formless nature) Laozi described is the mysterious gate - why did Guardian Yin (Yin Xi of Hangu Pass) so earnestly invite him? We only see the blue ox vanishing westward into desert sands, while purple vapors (auspicious qi) arrive from the east. The Dao's marvelous function resembles thirty spokes converging in a wheel's hub (metaphor for Dao's formless yet infinite efficacy), its ultimate truth fully contained in the Five Thousand Character Classic (Daodejing). Alas, people fail to understand compassion and frugality as fundamental, vainly dreaming of treading clouds to attain immortality."

Neo-Confucian scholar Cheng Yi (known as Master Yichuan) remarked: "Daoist teachings offer little to criticize, unlike Buddhism's overly complex and misleading theories. Zhuangzi's descriptions of Dao's essence are exquisitely phrased, while Laozi's chapter on 'the valley spirit never dying' (Chapter 6 concerning the eternal feminine) represents the Daodejing's finest passage."

Scholar Hu Anguo (posthumously titled Wending) observed: "The Daodejing's assertions - 'I practice non-action and the people transform themselves,' 'clarity and stillness rectify the world,' and 'I possess three treasures (compassion, frugality, and not daring to lead the world)' - all represent supremely enlightened insights."

Xie Yi wrote in his "Record of Longevity Pavilion": "Confucius spoke of benevolent persons attaining longevity, Laozi taught that while the physical body perishes, the indestructible spirit constitutes true longevity, and Buddhists speak of immeasurable lifespan - though the three sages' expressions differ, their essence coincides. For benevolent persons who fully realize their innate nature, the spirit becomes eternally deathless. Ordinary people see hair returning to earth, bodily fluids becoming water, warmth dispersing as fire, and breath transforming into wind (Buddhism's four elements theory), mistakenly believing in actual death - yet the true nature remains perpetually serene and enduring."

Zou Hao (Daoist Master Zou Zhonggong) explains that the "Gate of the Mysterious Feminine" corresponds to the nose in the human body. The nose serves as the passage for breath, where Qi (vital energy) enters and exits. The phrase "continuous as if existing, used without exhaustion" refers to a state of deep, prolonged breathing—like that of Sun Shu'ao, who breathed with natural ease. Zhuangzi once remarked: those who have attained the Dao breathe all the way to their heels, while ordinary people breathe only as far as their throats. Those enslaved by desires emit discordant sounds in their throats when speaking; the deeper their desires, the shallower their innate spiritual clarity. The Suwen also states: without breathing, there is no growth of life; without the rise and fall of Qi, there is no life activity. These four movements—rising, falling, entering, and exiting—are present in all living beings. Only by understanding this principle can one grasp the mystery of "the valley spirit never dying." It further says: when the mind is empty and tranquil, the Dantian (energy center) naturally becomes full; when the will is pliant, the bones and muscles naturally grow strong.

Shao Yong (Master Kangjie) believed that the historical periods of the Three Sovereigns and Five Emperors, as well as the Three Kings and Five Hegemons, reflect different manifestations of the Book of Changes. Although the Three Sovereigns shared the same governance philosophy, their methods of teaching differed. To teach the people with the Dao is to receive the Dao in return—this is what it means to revere nature. Nature here does not mean doing nothing, but rather not forcing anything; it does not mean possessing nothing, but rather not clinging to anything. The era of the Three Sovereigns achieved this expansive and inclusive state. Thus, the Daodejing says: "I practice Wuwei (non-action), and the people transform themselves; I remain free of desires, and the people become simple of their own accord."

Shao Bowen records that Master Kangjie regarded Laozi as deeply versed in the essence of the Book of Changes, while Mencius excelled in its practical application. He also remarked that Wang Tong (Master Wenzhong) was not exaggerating when he called the Buddha a sage of the West.

Su Shi wrote in his Stele of the Shangqing Palace: Daoist thought originates from the Yellow Emperor and Laozi, and its core teaching lies in clarity, stillness, and Wuwei (non-action).

Laozi believed the key to cultivating the Dao (the Way) lies in responding to the external world with a mind as clear and still as empty space (xuming yingwu), while upholding compassion, frugality, and non-contention as behavioral principles. This resonates with the state of "no excessive deliberation" (hesi helv) described in the Zhouyi (Book of Changes) and aligns with the Confucian Analects' teaching that "the benevolent remain tranquil"—a path to self-cultivation and longevity. Xie Xiandao once heard Cheng Yi (Cheng Yichuan) recite these very words, considering them the most profound interpretation of "benevolence" across all ages.

Zheng Xia (Master Xitang) understood Laozi's wisdom this way: "Knowing contentment prevents disgrace; understanding limits avoids danger" (zhi zu bu ru, zhi zhi bu dai). The Yijing (Book of Changes) similarly warns that excessive pursuit of high status leads to regret. Ordinary people often know only advancement, not retreat, focusing solely on gain without considering loss. Only sages maintain the balance between advancing and withdrawing, surviving and perishing, while steadfastly upholding the true path. These principles share the same essence—when following the great Dao, one neither becomes arrogant in success nor struggles in retreat; neither exults in survival nor grieves over demise. All actions flow with natural law, moving when appropriate and stopping when necessary.

Laozi also described three levels of awakening to the Dao: Those of superior capacity practice diligently upon hearing it; those of middling capacity waver between belief and doubt; while those of inferior capacity mock it—yet if the Dao weren't mocked, it wouldn't be the true Dao. For the vastness of the Dao often appears incompatible with worldly norms (si bu xiao). People habitually pursue trivialities, mistaking superficiality for normality while dismissing the true Dao as unconventional. Paradoxically, genuine cultivation requires transcending worldly perspectives—when others deem you "unconventional," you may be nearing the Dao. People bustle about yet remain insignificant because they're shackled by material concerns. The true Dao is supremely good and boundless, reaching ultimate greatness without self-importance, thus fundamentally differing from worldly standards. When everyone declares my cultivated path "too vast to resemble anything," it precisely signifies my transcendence beyond petty calculations. This very "unconventionality" forms the foundation of boundless achievement—attaining such a state naturally liberates one from worldly constraints.

This passage uses the properties of water as a metaphor for human nature, expounding the Daoist idea of returning to one’s original authenticity. Water is originally clear and pure, but when stirred up by mud it becomes turbid; human innate spiritual nature is originally clear and bright, but when deluded by external things it falls into confusion. Yet turbid water, if left still, will become clear again, and a disturbed mind, through cultivation, can also restore its brightness.

The key is that turbidity and confusion often come from external interference, while clarity and brightness already exist within our nature. Just as heaven and earth naturally send down rain and dew to nourish the myriad things, human spiritual awareness (innate wisdom) also inherently possesses the capacity for self-regulation.

Reviewing history, the author points out that before the Three Dynasties of Xia, Shang, and Zhou, although there were no teachings from sages such as Confucius, Mencius, Laozi, and Zhuangzi, people could still accord with the Heavenly Dao. Only when the Zhou declined did the doctrines of the Hundred Schools of Thought arise; in fact, their founders established these teachings to save people because they saw the world sunk in delusion and lostness. Finally, the author mentions that although he himself takes Confucius’s Confucian teachings as his foundation, through the thought of the Daoist Laozi he has come to understand more clearly the true meaning of life.

(Note: In the text, the term rendered “to stir up” means to confuse or disturb; “stirring the mud” means agitating silt; “illuminating the sun and moon” describes the brightness of mind-nature that can illuminate all things; and “Great Celebration Layman” (Daqing Jushi) is the author’s self-chosen sobriquet.)

Ye Mengde, a Song dynasty scholar, observed in his discussion of classical transmission: The Book of Documents begins with Yao and Shun, while the Book of Changes traces back to the earlier eras of Fuxi, Shennong, and the Yellow Emperor. This indicates the existence of sages even more ancient than Yao. Although the Six Classics preserve these records, they lack detailed discussion. Through careful contemplation, we realize the state described in the Book of Changes as "no thought, no action, perfectly still yet capable of comprehending all under heaven" could only be achieved by those who attained supreme spiritual clarity. Thus we understand that from Fuxi to Yao and Shun, the core teachings of sage-kings never departed from the Book of Changes.

Examining Laozi's thought reveals minimal divergence from the Book of Changes. The Analects record Confucius comparing himself to "Lao-Peng" (referring to Laozi and Pengzu). Later, Mencius, while uncompromising in Confucian doctrine—vehemently criticizing Yang Zhu and Mohism, condemning Zhang Yi and Qin policies as worse than Jie and Zhou—never criticized Laozi. When Mencius spoke of "exhausting the heart-mind to know human nature and thus comprehend destiny," he was precisely addressing what Laozi particularly emphasized. This shows Laozi's teachings were actually assimilated by Confucius and Mencius, albeit implicitly.

Where Laozi's writings differ from Confucius, these are mostly corrective statements addressing contemporary ills; where they converge, both align with the Book of Changes' essence. Buddhism, emerging centuries after Laozi, presented even more abstruse theories, yet its fundamental principles formed complementary counterparts with Laozi's thought.

Regarding discussions of Qi (vital energy): Laozi advocates "concentrating Qi to become soft like an infant," while Mencius emphasizes "the supremely great and supremely strong, nourished directly without harm, filling heaven and earth." Superficially opposite, these views actually complement each other. When human Qi scatters chaotically, it clashes with external forces appearing strong; when concentrated internally, it returns to its source appearing soft. Strength cannot overcome strength—only softness conquers strength through concentrated Qi cultivation. Mencius' "direct nourishment without harm" resembles Zengzi's discipline of "holding one's will without dissipating Qi." At its ultimate refinement, directly nourished Qi transforms into softness. Thus those truly enlightened understand the supreme truth fundamentally transcends duality.

In his "Discourse on Laozi," Cheng Ju of Beishan proposed: The principles that can be articulated in words serve to guide action; the things that can be clearly named serve to establish discourse. As for the eternal Dao (Changdao) that transcends speech and the ultimate truth (Changming) that defies naming, even sages dare not casually reveal them. This is not because sages deliberately conceal secrets, but because this supreme truth fundamentally eludes verbal transmission.

The Western sage (referring to the Buddha) transmitted teachings through the Three Vehicles (Sravakayana, Pratyekabuddhayana, Bodhisattvayana) and the twelve divisions of Buddhist scriptures, all belonging to the category of teachable doctrines. What lies beyond these doctrines is precisely that ineffable, nameless truth. The Chinese sages (Confucian sages) modeled themselves after Yao and Shun (Tangyu), followed the examples of King Wen and King Wu of Zhou, and compiled classics like the Book of Songs, Book of Documents, Book of Rites, and Book of Music—all belonging to the realm of transmissible wisdom. Yet the true spirit behind these classical texts, like footprints that cannot fully capture the act of walking itself, similarly belongs to the ineffable realm.

When Laozi composed the five-thousand-character Dao De Jing, his original intent was to enlighten people and guide posterity, not to withdraw into mysterious doctrines for personal cultivation. He states at the outset: the principles expressible in language and nameable phenomena are all contained within these five thousand characters; while the ultimate truth that sages throughout history could not transmit lies beyond the reach of words.

Heaven, earth, and humanity share the same origin: why heaven is heaven, why earth is earth, and why humans are human—their essence is identical. Yet why can heaven and earth endure eternally while humans struggle to do so? Because heaven does not deliberately strive to be heaven, nor does earth cling to being earth. Once humans acquire physical form, however, they become attached to the identity of "human," pursuing useless objects to satisfy insatiable material desires, and while cherishing their bodies, they become entangled in fame and profit. Excessive pursuit of nurturing life ironically harms vitality; overprotection of the body damages health—for such people, avoiding premature death would be fortunate indeed. This encapsulates Laozi's essential teaching. Unfortunately, those who fail to contemplate deeply often mistakenly assume that practitioners of the Huang-Lao school (a Daoist tradition) are all passive recluses.

To seek immortality after death—isn't this the height of delusion? If one loses the very root of "life," how can the Dao sustain it? Yet people forfeit their vital essence precisely because they treat life itself as a burden. Laozi long ago warned profoundly that possessing life is inherently a form of entanglement—how much more so for those who abandon the Dao in their pursuit of longevity? This is truly a failure to understand.

Moreover, among all the transformations in the world, none is greater than life and death. If a cultivator can transcend the boundaries of life and death, there is nothing left to cling to. Does life truly arrive? Does death truly depart? If we regard birth as real existence, then we should be able to pinpoint where we came from—was it the south or the north? The east or the west? Or perhaps heaven above or earth below? Since we cannot say for certain, how can we call it real existence? If we regard death as a real departure, then we ought to know where we are going—do we become consciousness? Return to matter? Reincarnate as humans? Merge back into the Dao? Again, since this cannot be clarified, how can we call it a real departure?

From this perspective, our lives neither have a discernible beginning nor a definite end. They span past and present in eternal continuity, their essence pure and unchanging. Understanding this, we realize we were never truly born and will never truly die—so where is there any "land of death" to go to?

Furthermore, the mistakes of ordinary people are easy to correct, but the flaws of sages are difficult to eradicate. Desires harm our innate nature; gains and losses disturb the spirit (Shen)—these are the errors of ordinary people. Their faults are obvious and traceable, making them easy to amend. But the flaws of sages are subtle and hard to detect, making them stubborn. The faults of concrete things are visible, while the faults of principles are hidden. Attachment to external objects is a visible ailment; attachment to doctrines is a concealed ailment. Can such clinging to principles and rigid adherence to teachings ever be fully eliminated? This is what "cleansing the mysterious mirror" (dichu xuanlan) refers to. The "mysterious mirror" is the unique insight of sages—yet if one attains this profound vision without relinquishing attachments, it merely becomes another shackle. True cleansing of the mysterious mirror means not even retaining the thought of "cleansing"—only then is it flawless. If after cleansing, one still holds the notion that "I am cleansing," this becomes a new obstruction.

Finally, it is not only that sages refrain from harming the people—they also ensure that ghosts and spirits do no harm. Why is this? Because the relationship between humans and the Dao is like that of fish and water: the fish is in the water, the water is in the fish—where is there any separation between life and death?

This passage discusses Daoist thought from two perspectives: first, elucidating the essential characteristics of the Dao (the Way), and second, reflecting on the historical successes and failures of Daoism's development.

The text begins by explaining the nature of the Dao: When the world is governed by the Dao, people's lives become naturally simple and genuine. They live with serene contentment and die in peaceful stillness. Since death is so tranquil, how could ghosts possibly manifest to cause disturbances? Birth and death are natural processes—what supernatural calamities could there be? True goodness (referring to the Dao's nature) can save all people without abandoning anyone, cherishing all things without discarding anything. This selfless virtue (De) can only be achieved by giving without deliberate accumulation or attachment to appearances—the more one gives to others, the more one's own abundance grows. Using such Dao to aid the world and deliver all beings, why should we distinguish between the sectarian boundaries of Confucianism, Buddhism, and Daoism?

The latter part, through the research of Deng Su from Binlü (a place name), reviews Daoism's historical origins: Daoism traces back to the Yellow Emperor's era and reached its zenith during Laozi's (Lao Dan) time. However, it later split into thirty-seven schools with 993 texts, some of which became bizarre and frightening. Historically, three emperors were particularly devoted to Daoism: Qin Shi Huang, Emperor Wu of Han, and Emperor Xuanzong of Tang. These ambitious rulers, in their pursuit of immortality, became obsessed with alchemical practices (Waidan and Neidan), talismans (Fulu), and delusions of flying like immortals. Far from achieving their goals, they brought disaster to their nations and people. In contrast, Emperor Gaozu of Han conquered the empire through the strategies of Zhang Liang (who mastered Huang-Lao techniques) and governed it with Cao Can's policies (implementing Daoist Wuwei, or non-action governance)—this was the true Dao.

The passage particularly emphasizes: The pursuit of immortality and ascension through esoteric arts ultimately harms both state and self, while genuine success in statecraft lies in applying the Daoist wisdom of clarity, stillness, and Wuwei.

This passage primarily discusses the essence and evolution of Daoist thought. The true meaning of Daoism as represented by legendary immortals like Chisongzi and Huang-Lao scholars like Gaigong from the early Han Dynasty lies in the governing philosophy of clarity, stillness, and wuwei (non-action), allowing the people to rest and recuperate. Emperor Gaozu of Han's employment of Cao Shen and Zhang Liang exemplified grasping the root of Daoism, whereas Emperor Qin Shi Huang, Emperor Wu of Han, and Emperor Xuanzong of Tang's pursuit of surface-level practices like longevity led to the proliferation of supernatural phenomena—a fundamental departure from the original intent of the Yellow Emperor and Laozi.

Yan'gu Mountain Hermit Jiang Mao (a Song Dynasty scholar) proposed that the true Dao is ineffable, and what is now called "Dao" has deviated from its essence. While the Five Classics discuss it briefly, Laozi, Liezi, and Zhuangzi elaborate in detail, yet all illuminate the root of the Dao. When asked whether the Daode Jing was truly written by Laozi himself, Jiang Mao mentioned having seen ancient versions that largely matched modern editions in content but differed in sequence, leading him to suspect later alterations.

He believed the Dao encompasses all things, and the five thousand characters of the Daode Jing record only what can be expressed. While separating "Dao" from "De" (Virtue/Power) may not be entirely appropriate, using different terms to describe the same essence is permissible. Classical texts distinguish between greater and lesser, prior and subsequent discussions of Dao and De—these cannot be treated uniformly. Zhuangzi criticized later scholars for fragmenting the holistic nature of heaven, earth, and all things, tracing this error to the forced separation of Dao and De. The true Dao is omnipresent; what individuals comprehend of it is called De. Just as rivers may divide but ultimately return to the sea, Dao and De are ultimately two aspects of one unity.

This passage employs the metaphor of water to explain the relationship between the Dao (the Way) and De (Virtue/Power): The Dao is like water that exists everywhere, yet takes different forms in various containers. The water accumulated in lakes and oceans differs in volume from that in small puddles under eaves, though both are water; the rushing currents of rivers differ in momentum from the turbulent flows in ditches, yet both remain water.

Those who cultivate the Dao must use their heart to experience it and their spirit (Shen) to contemplate it, gradually absorbing and enriching themselves until their De is fully developed. When one's cultivation of De reaches harmony with the Dao, they return to the original source. The Dao is not more abundant than De—when the Dao manifests dispersedly, it becomes De; nor is De deficient compared to the Dao—when De is fully cultivated, the Dao is concealed within it. Thus, sages can fully grasp the mysteries of the Dao, while noble persons comprehend its principles and perfect their De.

The Dao itself is mysterious and formless, while De has concrete manifestations. De may be complete or lacking, and these states can be clearly perceived in human consciousness. When in harmony with the Dao, one transcends the conceptual distinctions of De; viewed from the perspective of De, distinctions and names become apparent. Hence it is said that "the Dao has no fixed name," while De has definite expressions.

Laozi lived during an era of transformation in Daoist practice, and his teachings aimed to elucidate the most fundamental truths. Though his expressions varied, they are like things having both heads and tails—when traced to their source, no distinctions remain. The thoughts arising from the mind are endless, manifesting in the body through ceaseless cycles of life and death. Laozi speaks of "emerging into life and entering death," where three-tenths pertain to life, three-tenths to death, and three-tenths exist between life and death. These three sets of three make nine, leaving the remaining one-tenth as the state transcending life and death—this "one" refers to those who can return to their original authenticity. Scholars who resolve to cultivate the Dao seek precisely this state beyond life and death.

This scripture discusses various ancient sages' differing understandings of the "body." Laozi (Lao Dan), Liezi (Lie Yukou), Zhuangzi (Zhuang Zhou), and Mencius (Meng Ke) were all enlightened individuals who attained the Dao, yet their perspectives on the body appear contradictory at first glance.

Laozi said, "My greatest affliction is having this body." Liezi believed, "Through inner observation (neiguan) practice, one can attain true knowledge from the body." Zhuangzi declared, "This body does not truly belong to me." Yet Mencius asserted, "All things are complete within me. Turning inward to reflect on oneself and achieving sincerity is the greatest joy."

In truth, these statements are not contradictory but simply approach the subject from different angles. The body can be understood on two levels: first, as a material form (limbs, bones, and internal organs), and second, as a vessel for spiritual nature (seeing, hearing, speaking, moving, thought, and disposition). Laozi and Zhuangzi spoke from the perspective of the physical form, recognizing that the tangible body brings suffering. Liezi and Mencius, however, approached it from the perspective of intrinsic nature, teaching that through inner observation, one can realize the truth that all things are complete within oneself.

The scripture clarifies that, from the perspective of form, the physical body indeed brings troubles—hence Laozi's advice to be "without a body" (wushen). This does not mean destroying the body but rather acting without attachment to physical form. From the perspective of intrinsic nature, human perception, speech, and movement all embody the principles of heaven (tianli). Through inner cultivation, one can realize that heaven, earth, and all things are fully present within one's own nature.

The teachings of Laozi and Zhuangzi (Zhuang Zhou) hold that the human body should naturally follow the Dao (the Way) without being constrained by external forces. The theories of Lie Yukou (Liezi) and Mencius similarly emphasize that the body must adhere to the laws of nature.

Someone once asked what true "breath regulation" (tiaoxi) entails. The answer is: it must align with the movement of Yin-Yang energies, adjusting respiration according to the cyclical changes of the day and night. This circulation of Qi (vital energy) is like an endlessly turning wheel or an infinite loop, connecting with the primordial Qi of heaven and earth, ceaselessly flowing day and night. This is what Laozi and Lie Yukou referred to as "chongqi" (the harmonious interplay of Yin and Yang energies). Understanding how to regulate the breath leads to grasping the essentials of nurturing Qi; grasping the essentials of nurturing Qi leads to comprehending the methods of entering the Dao; and comprehending the methods of entering the Dao leads to attaining the state of "embracing oneness in meditation" (holding fast to unity in stillness). Laozi said, "Soft and gentle, as if barely there, yet inexhaustible in its use." With mindful practice, one can attain this realization.

Zhuangzi mentioned those who focus solely on physical cultivation, using breath regulation for health—this is merely the most superficial practice. To truly reach the state where both form and Shen (spirit) are perfected, the key lies in mastering the "mother of Qi" (the source of primordial energy). Laozi’s "mysterious gate of the feminine" refers to the root of heaven and earth, the origin of the path to immortality.

Confucius said, "Do not cling to fixed views." Laozi said, "When I have no attachment to the body, what troubles can I have?" The Buddha (Gautama) said, "Transcend the constraints of the senses and the mind." In life, we have external forms and internal consciousness—why then seek the state of "nothingness"? Because "nothingness" is the destination of all goodness and the source of all principles. If one can let go of external entanglements and return the mind to emptiness, they will unite with the Dao. Whether through Daoist practices like "sitting in forgetfulness" (meditative absorption) and "regulating the breath," or Buddhist methods like "facing the wall" (deep meditation), all ultimately lead to the same destination.

Yan Gu Shanren (a self-styled name), originally named Mao, styled Zhongchang, was from Sanqu. He lived in seclusion in the mountains, teaching the classics for a living. During the Shaoxing era of the Southern Song Dynasty, a high-ranking official recommended him for a government position, but he firmly declined and returned to his rural retreat, earning the admiration of scholars of his time. (This account is recorded in the Yan Gu Collection.)

During the Shaoxing era of the Southern Song Dynasty, when Lord Yang Wen'an (Yang Chun) served as the imperial lecturer, he once explained the essence of the Laozi to the emperor. He interpreted Laozi's "Three Treasures": first is compassion, second is frugality, and third is daring not to be at the forefront of the world.

The intrinsic connection among these three lies in this: a heart filled with compassion paradoxically gives rise to true courage; maintaining frugality unexpectedly enables great achievements; and refraining from vying for precedence ultimately makes one a leader among people. Lord Yang pointed out that relying solely on intelligence and talent to seek the Dao (the Way) only exhausts the mind and drives one further from it. Conversely, letting go of cleverness and returning to everyday life allows the Dao to manifest in simple, ordinary moments.

Those who exhaust their spirit (Shen) pursuing shallow cleverness often struggle to handle worldly affairs. Deliberately chasing the "Three Treasures" can lead to their opposites: forced compassion becomes indulgence, rigid frugality turns into miserliness, and feigned humility appears as cowardice. True Dao attainers differ—they naturally understand these principles and respond to things without artifice. Without jealousy, compassion arises spontaneously; without greed, frugality comes effortlessly; without contention, humility emerges naturally. This unforced state in daily life cannot be achieved through mere intelligence.

Finally, the Yijing (Book of Changes) is cited for corroboration: the Qian hexagram states, "Embracing benevolence (De) suffices to lead others," and the Kun hexagram says, "The softest things, when in motion, become strong"—illustrating that only the benevolent possess true courage. The Jie hexagram explains, "Regulating with measures prevents waste and harm to the people," clarifying how frugality brings abundance. The Qian hexagram (modesty) declares, "The humble, though exalted, still shine; though lowly, remain unassailable," showing how yielding unexpectedly yields manifold benefits.

The text unfolds its discussion from two perspectives: first, by demonstrating the value of Daoist thought through historical figures, and second, by clarifying the fundamental differences between Daoism and Buddhism.

The first part cites several emperors who embodied core Daoist principles: Emperor Gaozu of Han (Liu Bang) educated the people with benevolent De (Virtue), Emperor Wen of Han (Liu Heng) governed through frugality and gentle strategies, while Emperor Guangwu (Liu Xiu) exemplified the humble attitude of "daring not be first in the world." The author argues that these rulers achieved greatness precisely because they upheld the Daoist virtues of compassion, frugality, and humility. True statecraft lies in harmonizing seemingly contradictory yet complementary qualities—kindness with courage, thrift with generosity, yielding with initiative.

The second part traces Daoism's origins to the Yellow Emperor, transmitted through Laozi and further developed during the Warring States period by Liezi and Zhuangzi. With "emptiness and naturalness" (xuwu ziran) as its fundamental tenet, Daoism advocates clarity, stillness, and Wuwei (non-action), applicable to both personal cultivation and state governance. The author emphasizes that Daoist thought runs parallel to Confucian sagehood without conflict, yet differs entirely from later-introduced Buddhism. Originating from the Western Regions and introduced during the Han dynasty (as referenced by Huo Qubing's captured golden ritual objects and Emperor Ming's dream of a golden figure), Buddhism diverges from Daoism in both foundational principles and developmental paths.

Concluding with an exhortation to study the Daode Jing seriously, the author notes this scripture's precise language, profound meaning, and concise style containing vast implications—complementing rather than opposing the Confucian Six Classics. The author expresses bewilderment and opposition toward later generations' conflation of Buddhist and Daoist teachings.

When Emperor Guangzong of Song was still crown prince, his minister Cheng Dachang (posthumously titled Wenzian) served as an official in the Eastern Palace. The prince once requested Cheng's work Connecting the Yi and Lao, to which Cheng submitted a memorial explaining its essence:

The value of Laozi's philosophy lies in grasping fundamental principles (the pivot), enabling the Dao (the Way) to govern all things—this is its strength. While it exalts "non-being" (wu) over "being" (you) and seldom discusses concrete affairs, this is not necessarily a flaw. The true exemplar of successfully applying Laozi's teachings was Emperor Wen of Han, whose governance emphasized purifying the mind and reducing desires, nurturing the realm through deep stillness and unadorned simplicity—not through inaction (wuwei). Precisely because he grasped the essence and utilized its strengths, the Han dynasty achieved great order and stable foundations.

In contrast, the Western Jin dynasty also proclaimed "governing through non-action," yet fundamentally misunderstood true wuwei. They mistakenly believed that merely relaxing laws and folding their hands would bring peace, resulting in collapsed discipline and widespread chaos. Thus Wang Tong remarked: "The Jin's decline came from indulging in abstract discussions—this was not Laozi's fault, but later generations' failure to grasp the essence and misapply its strengths." I beseech Your Highness to absorb Laozi's wisdom of grasping fundamentals, taking the Western Han as model and the Western Jin as warning, thereby truly mastering Laozi's essence.

Cheng Dachang further recorded in Chronicles of Virtuous Conduct in the Princely Domain: During past lectures on the great Dao (the Way), I often cited the Book of Changes: "What is above form is called Dao; what is within form is called vessel," combining it with Confucius' teaching "study the lower to comprehend the higher." This resembles fire emerging from burning wood—the formless Dao must rely on tangible vessels to manifest, just as studying concrete things ("lower learning") leads to comprehending heavenly principles ("higher attainment"). Like coarse wood containing fiery essence, seemingly crude classics like the Six Scriptures, Analects, and Mencius are precisely the concrete vessels bearing the great Dao.

(Note: "Pivot" refers to fundamental principles; "study the lower to comprehend the higher" comes from the Analects, meaning progressing from basic learning to profound understanding; "Dao and vessel" are key philosophical concepts in the Book of Changes—Dao signifies abstract laws while vessel denotes concrete phenomena.)

This passage discusses the relationship between Lao-Zhuang thought and Confucian classics, along with common misunderstandings of Daoist philosophy in later periods:

The works of Laozi and Zhuangzi primarily explore the concept of "non-being" (wu), while the Confucian Six Classics (The Book of Songs, Documents, Rites, Music, Changes, and Spring and Autumn Annals) focus on "being" (you), resembling a pile of gathered firewood. Confucian scholars might seek the Dao through these classics alone, seemingly without needing Lao-Zhuang teachings. Yet Laozi and Zhuangzi's writings contain refined language and profound implications, uniquely revealing the Dao's mysteries. When studied broadly, they greatly assist in comprehending the Great Dao. However, one shouldn't imitate Jin dynasty scholars who indulged in empty metaphysical discussions, foolishly believing society could govern itself by abandoning rituals, music, and laws—like expecting fire without kindling.

Contemporary Daoist practitioners who follow Laozi's teachings often neglect the fundamental Dao, instead obsessing over techniques, elixirs, and ritual blessings—completely distorting Laozi's original intent. As Tang poet Bai Juyi clearly stated: The 5,000-character Dao De Jing by the Yellow Emperor and Laozi never mentions drugs, immortals, or celestial ascension. Though Daoism venerates Laozi as its founder, beyond advocating purity and desirelessness, his eighty-one chapters contain nothing about these later inventions. How could posterity fabricate drugs, immortals, and ritual magic from thin air?

People either elevate Laozi above the Six Classics or dismiss his philosophy as impractical—both views misunderstand him. Laozi's brilliance lies in his mastery of the Dao's profundity: when discussing "non-being," he exhausts its subtleties; when applying concrete things, he remains unconstrained by "being." The Six Classics mainly record historical events without deeply exploring principles, whereas the Dao De Jing elucidates them thoroughly. Thus, the philosophical points explained in the Analects and Mencius appear more detailed in the Dao De Jing, earning it equal standing with the Confucian classics.

The passage concludes with Shen Zhuangzhong consulting Zhu Xi (Master Huian) about the line "Constantly having desires, one observes their manifestations," demonstrating how Song dynasty Confucian scholars seriously engaged with Laozi's thought.

This passage records a dialogue between Zhu Xi (Wengong) and his disciples on the Daodejing, centering on several core concepts.

On the explanation of “jiao,” Zhu Xi said that the character means boundary, referring to the critical point where things meet and connect. He suggested that “constant non-being” and “constant being” are better interpreted as “constant freedom from desire” and “constant having of desire.”

In explaining “The Dao that can be spoken is not the constant Dao,” Zhu Xi stressed that a Dao that can be expressed in words is not the eternal Dao, and a name that can be defined is not the eternal name. As for the word “xuan,” he explained it as a profound and obscure state, holding that this is precisely where the mystery of all things lies.

When his disciple Zhang Yidao asked about the meaning of “carrying the Hun and Po and embracing the One,” Zhu Xi explained it through Yin-Yang and the Five Phases: the Po belongs to Water and is one; the Hun belongs to Fire and is two. This is using the dynamic quality of Fire to guard the stillness of Water, embodying the principle that Yin and Yang guard each other.

Turning to the strategy “when one wishes to take, one must first give,” Zhu Xi pointed out that ideas of this kind were already recorded in Zhou dynasty texts. Laozi, as the Zhou court’s Keeper of the Archives—in effect, director of the state library—would naturally have been familiar with these documents; Confucius too had gone specially to Zhou to inquire about ritual institutions.

On the difference between Laozi and Zhuangzi, Zhu Xi held that although Zhuangzi took Laozi as his master, Laozi’s learning laid greater stress on practical statecraft and benefiting the world, whereas Zhuangzi’s theories were more expansive and metaphysical, departing from Laozi’s original intent. He gave the example of Yuan Rang, a figure of Confucius’s time, whose conduct seemed to imitate Laozi but in fact did not.

Finally, regarding the effects of historical figures who applied Laozi’s thought, Zhu Xi believed that Emperor Wen of Han and Cao Shen truly grasped Laozi’s wisdom of accommodation and following along in handling affairs, whereas the Eastern Jin worthies Wang Dao and Xie An and others did not truly comprehend the essence of Laozi’s thought. He pointed out that Laozi’s true meaning lies in an attitude of according with nature and being inclusive and magnanimous.

Guo Deyuan once questioned Laozi about the concept of "ritual propriety" (li): Laozi had stated that ritual propriety was a sign of fading loyalty and sincerity, the beginning of chaos, yet Confucius specifically sought Laozi's advice on ritual systems—this seemed contradictory. Zhu Xi (Master Wen) explained: Laozi was actually deeply versed in the intricate procedures of ritual systems. Having served as the Zhou dynasty's Pillar Historian (a position overseeing archival records), he was thoroughly familiar with ritual propriety, which allowed him to engage Confucius in such profound discussions. However, Laozi believed ritual systems were unnecessary, much like how the sages' promotion of rituals seemed excessive. Passages such as "schemes arise from this, armed conflicts begin from this" in the Book of Rites (Liji), chapter "The Conveyance of Rites" (Liyun), reflect this perspective.

Zhu Xi further analyzed Laozi's teachings: Laozi's philosophy emphasized emptiness, stillness, frugality, and restraint, discouraging the wasteful expenditure of spirit (shen). Initially, Laozi spoke only of clarity, stillness, and non-action (wuwei), but gradually his focus shifted toward theories of immortality, eventually devolving into the practices of shamans (wuzhu)—rituals for averting disasters and seeking blessings. This represented two major transformations. He cited examples: the demeanor of Boyi (a recluse from the late Shang dynasty) somewhat resembled Laozi's; Zhang Liang (styled Zifang) grasped the essence of Laozi's teachings, while Cao Shen (a Han dynasty chancellor) only understood its superficial form. Among figures after Mencius, only Zhang Liang and Zhuge Liang truly inherited Laozi's doctrine.

Regarding later interpretations of Laozi and Zhuangzi's teachings, Zhu Xi noted: Yang Xiong's (styled Ziyun) Classic of Supreme Mystery (Taixuan Jing) was clearly influenced by Zhuangzi and Laozi; Wang Tong's (styled Zhongyan) theories, though meticulous, were less aligned with Laozi's original intent compared to Zhang Liang's understanding. During the Jin and Liu-Song dynasties, many discussed Zhuangzi and Laozi, but in truth, they merely used their names to justify abandoning ritual norms. These individuals, with their turbid and disordered minds, were utterly incapable of grasping the true essence of Lao-Zhuang thought.

Zhu Xi (Master Wen) remarked that Shao Yong (Kangjie) once claimed Laozi grasped the ontological aspect of the "Book of Changes" while Mencius developed its functional application—a view Zhu Xi considered incorrect. Laozi had his own complete system of ontology and function, just as Mencius possessed his distinct framework. For instance, Laozi's principle that "to receive, one must first give" exemplifies the unity of his ontological and functional thought. Conversely, Mencius advocated "preserving the original mind, cultivating inherent nature, and expanding the four moral sprouts of benevolence, righteousness, propriety, and wisdom," which manifests his unique system.

Zhu Xi further commented that Shao Yong's scholarship resembled Laozi's in its pursuit of personal transcendence and unshakable inner freedom—a state impervious to external disturbances. Zhang Liang (Zifang) similarly maintained this detached composure amidst worldly conflicts. When student Wan Renjie questioned whether Shao Yong's preface to the "Jirang Collection," with phrases like "observing the Dao through the Dao," was appropriate, Zhu Xi replied: It would be inaccurate to deem it entirely correct or wholly flawed—it simply reflected Shao Yong's distinctive mode of thought, much like how "observing the world through the world" originated from Laozi.

Student Chen Qizhi inquired: Mencius spoke of the morning's pure Qi (vital energy) as being exceedingly faint—how can one nurture it to completion? Zhu Xi explained: The inability to preserve the "night Qi" (the mental clarity cultivated at night) stems from its dissipation by daytime activities. As Mencius noted, humanity's innate goodness is inherently scarce. He illustrated this with Laozi's teaching: "In governing human affairs and serving the Dao of Heaven, nothing surpasses moderation"—this restraint means returning promptly to one's authentic nature and accumulating De (Virtue) continuously until all obstacles are overcome. While this aligns with Mencian thought, Laozi emphasized spiritual cultivation, where the morning's Qi forms the foundation for daytime practice, requiring constant mindfulness in daily life.

When Li Jingzi questioned the validity of Daoist immortal lore, Zhu Xi responded: Who dares claim it nonexistent? There is truth to it, though such cultivation demands extraordinary effort—achievable only by renouncing all worldly concerns for dedicated practice.

Cai Yuanding (Jitong) observed that while Daoist priests revered Zhuangzi and Laozi, they seldom studied their teachings seriously. Zhu Xi retorted: Contemporary scholars read extensively yet fail to comprehend even their own principles—how could they spare energy for Zhuang-Lao studies? Cai praised Liezi as commendable, but Zhu Xi countered: Liezi is indeed admirable, yet his thought appears passive and yielding, lacking Zhuangzi's profundity. When asked about Laozi, he affirmed: Laozi's philosophy runs deeper and weightier.

Zhu Xi (Master Wen) observed that early Buddhists initially borrowed theories from Laozi and Zhuangzi to propagate their teachings. Works like those of Master Huiyuan and Sengzhao’s Zhao Lun extensively adopted Lao-Zhuang philosophy in whole passages. However, they remained at the level of abstract discussion. It was only after Bodhidharma came to the East that people were taught to personally practice cultivation, giving rise to what later became Chan (Zen) Buddhism (from Zhuzi Yulei).

Lu Jiuyang (Master Xiangshan) offered a different perspective: Confucius first introduced the concept of "heterodoxy" (yiduan), yet people today hastily single out Buddhism and Daoism as such. In Confucius’s time, Central Plains culture had not yet encountered Buddhism, and while Laozi’s teachings existed, their influence was minimal. The Analects and Mencius record Confucius’s disdain for hypocrites (xiangyuan), but never show him rejecting Laozi’s philosophy. This clearly demonstrates that so-called "heterodoxy" was never meant to refer to Buddhism or Daoism (from Xiangshan Ji).

Liu Yizhi (styled Mingxi) argued: All affairs under heaven must align with human hearts, celestial will, and the Dao (the Way), with the core principle being "impartiality" (gong). Laozi said that only through inclusiveness can one achieve impartiality, only through impartiality can one become a true ruler, and the kingly way (wangdao) aligns with the heavenly way (tiandao), which is itself the Dao. These realms form an inseparable unity—without an inclusive mind, impartiality is impossible. The title "Duke-King" (wanggong) refers to one who is both inclusive and impartial. The character wang (king) originally means "greatness"; a king is called such precisely because of his impartiality and magnanimity. Thus, impartiality must share virtue (de) with the kingly way, and the kingly way must share its origin with the heavenly way—this is the most fundamental principle governing all under heaven (from Mingxi Ji).

Zheng Boxiong (courtesy name Jingwang) illustrated with historical examples: When Cao Shen governed Qi by applying the Huang-Lao methods (the governing principles of the Yellow Emperor and Laozi), it brought great order, yet Confucian scholars often criticized Huang-Lao teachings. He shared his personal experience: having once secluded himself in quiet sitting, moderating speech, action, and diet, he attained a state of serene equilibrium free from illness. By regulating to prevent problems and channeling to resolve stagnation—neither excessively grasping nor over-worrying—both young and old could find contentment in simple living. He believed this principle, when expanded, applied equally to statecraft. Why then did it only prove effective in Qi? The ways of Confucius and Mencius fundamentally did not conflict with Huang-Lao. Yet contemporary Daoists speak of purity while straying from this root, veering into absurdity (from Zheng Xiansheng Gangyu).

Liu Qingyuan pointed out: Laozi expounded his teachings on the Dao (the Way) and De (Virtue/Power) in response to the request of the Guardian of the Pass, Yin Xi (referring to the origin story of the Daode Jing).

The original Dao De Jing was not explicitly divided into 81 chapters. Later scholars segmented it into two volumes to correspond with the profound principles of Yin-Yang (the fundamental cosmic duality), using the number nine (the ultimate Yang number) to structure the text. Dividing it into 81 chapters symbolizes the supreme numerical expression of the Great Yang (ultimate Yang).

Huang Maocai observed that while "Dao" and "De" (Virtue/Power) differ in name, they are inseparable in essence, functioning as two sides of the same reality. Some modern scholars mistakenly treat the first volume as solely about the Dao and the second as solely about De, which fundamentally misrepresents the text's intent. Just as the I Ching (Book of Changes) uses 64 hexagrams based on the numerical pattern of "eight times eight," the Dao De Jing employs 81 chapters structured around "nine times nine," revealing their underlying unity. This inspired later thinkers like Yang Xiong (styled Ziyun), who modeled his Taixuan Jing (Canon of Supreme Mystery) on the I Ching, also adopting 81 sections.

Lin Dong argued that Confucius (the Master) and Laozi (the Old Master) actually complement each other in their teachings. Confucius employed benevolence, righteousness, rites, and music as tools for governance, while Laozi emphasized emptiness, stillness, and Wuwei (non-action) to illuminate the Dao's origin. Yet these Confucian virtues themselves stem from the Dao, just as Wuwei represents the Dao's fundamental principle. Later misinterpretations arose when some adherents of Laozi's thought pursued emptiness and inaction to extremes, neglecting practical affairs and thereby tarnishing his legacy.

Confucianism's emphasis on the "subtlety of the Dao-mind" and "governing through non-action" actually incorporates Laozi's "Three Treasures": first compassion, second frugality, and third "daring not be ahead of the world." Laozi also advised that "those who assist rulers with the Dao do not dominate by force," showing his alignment with certain Confucian ideals. Thus, Confucianism and Daoism share the same essential Dao—they simply emphasize different aspects while sharing the same goal of benefiting humanity. When Laozi speaks of "cutting off benevolence and discarding righteousness" or calls rites "the beginning of disorder," this isn't opposition to Confucius but a call to return to the Dao's root. While benevolence and rites can govern, the highest ideal is to teach people to embody the Dao spontaneously.

Liu Shili (styled Zhenjingzi, active during the Shaoxi era of the Southern Song) originally composed Jie Jie Dao De Jing in sixteen sections, of which five are selected here for commentary.

This passage elucidates the fundamental laws governing all phenomena in the universe. The phrase "mystery upon mystery" refers to the primordial Qi (vital energy) that constitutes the basic substance of all things—the source of all wonders. It first discusses the Dao (the fundamental principle of the cosmos), then the movements of heaven and earth, and finally the cultivation of the human mind, thoroughly expounding these principles for learners to silently contemplate and comprehend.

"Xuan" represents yang energy, while "pin" symbolizes yin energy. The "gate" denotes the passageway where yin and yang energies interact and transform each other. As mentioned earlier about the "gateway to all mysteries," or as the common saying goes, "Who can enter or exit without passing through a door?"—all phenomena follow this universal pattern. However, one should not narrowly interpret the "gate of xuan-pin" as mere nasal breathing, claiming this to be the root of heaven and earth. Such limited understanding diminishes Laozi's teaching—the true origin of heaven and earth lies in the primordial Qi that existed before their formation.

When things reach their extreme, they reverse: fullness leads to emptiness, hence one must guard against complacency; excessive sharpness turns to dullness, thus rashness should be avoided; gold and treasures become burdens, so greed must be relinquished; wealth and status breed indulgence, requiring the abandonment of arrogance; the pinnacle of success is most perilous, teaching the wisdom of knowing when to stop. Laozi's teachings aim to save humanity—it's not that one must retreat to mountain forests to cultivate the Dao. Even amidst wealth and fame, these principles can and should be practiced.

What opens must close; what is strong must weaken; what flourishes must decline; giving simultaneously means being taken from. These are natural laws of development—subtle yet evident, clearly observable. Some interpret these principles through strategies of power, but the nature of heavenly Dao (natural law) benefits all things without harm. While Confucius advocated "repaying injustice with justice," Laozi's teaching to "repay injury with virtue" may seem contradictory. In truth, Laozi guides people to maintain a gentle posture, aligning with heavenly Dao without contention, thereby avoiding natural and human calamities. Responding to hatred with confrontation perpetuates endless cycles of resentment. Confucius spoke within specific historical contexts, yet ultimately, dissolving enmity through virtue proves superior.

The Song Dynasty Daoist master Xie Shouhao noted in his commentary: When Fu Yi collated the Daode Jing during the Tang Dynasty, he consulted multiple versions including the manuscript excavated from the tomb of Xiang Yu's concubine (a copy discovered in 206 BCE from the burial site of the Chu warlord's attendant) and Anqiu Wangzhi's edition for textual verification.

During the Taihe era of the Northern Wei Dynasty, a Daoist priest named Kou Qianzhi obtained a version of the Dao De Jing (Classic of the Way and Virtue) that was said to have been transmitted by the River Sage (Heshang Zhangren), a Han Dynasty recluse traditionally credited with annotating the text. This particular edition had been preserved by the Qi State hermit Qiu Yue. At that time, three major versions of the Dao De Jing were circulating: one containing 5,722 characters, cross-referenced with the "Yu Lao" chapter of Han Feizi's writings; an official copy stored in Luoyang with 5,635 characters; and the version annotated by Wang Bi (a Wei-Jin era Neo-Daoist scholar) which had either 5,683 or 5,610 characters.

The River Sage's transmitted edition also showed discrepancies in character count—some records listed it as 5,355 characters, others as 5,590. The variations among annotated editions were substantial, as over time, adherents grew partial to their own transmitted versions, sometimes blending content from other editions, resulting in textual inconsistencies. Sima Qian noted in the Records of the Grand Historian that Laozi's work on the essentials of Dao and De comprised "over five thousand characters," meaning more than five thousand but fewer than six thousand. Today, Daoists often refer to the Dao De Jing as the "Five Thousand Character Classic," rounding off the count for convenience. (This account appears in the True Record of Lord Lao.)

(Here concludes the Miscellaneous Notes on the Collected Commentaries of the Supreme Daoist's True Classic of the Way and Virtue.)